IOANNES SLEIDANVS PATRICIVS ARGENTORATENSIS

Natus Sleidae. A. D. MDVI. Legatus in Anglia pro Pro­testantibus. A. D. MDXXXXV.

Legatus Argentorat: in Con­cilio Trident. A. D. MDLI. Obijt II Kal: Novemb: A. D. MDLVI.

Printed for Henry Bonwicke and Abel Swalle

THE General History OF THE REFORMATION OF THE CHURCH, From the Errors and Corruptions of the Church of ROME: Begun in GERMANY By Martin Luther, With the Progress thereof in all Parts of Christendom, From the Year 1517, to the Year 1556.

Written in LATIN By John Sleidan, L. L. D. And faithfully Englished.

To which is Added, A CONTINUATION To the End of the Council of Trent, in the Year 1562.

By EDMUND BOHUN, Esq

LONDON, Printed by Edw. Jones, for Abel Swall at the Ʋnicorn, and Henry Bonwicke at the Red Lion, in St. Pauls Church-Yard. MDCLXXXIX.

The Testimony of the Reverend and Learned Doctor Burnet, in the Preface of his Celebrated History of the Reformation of the Church of England, Pag. 1. wherein he gives an Honourable Character, not only of Sleidan, but also of Thuanus, and Father Paul, two of the Authors Cited below.

THe Changes that were made in Religion in the last Century have produced such Effects every where, that it is no wonder if all persons desire to see a clear Account of the several Steps in which they advanced, of the Counsels that directed them, and the Motives, both Religious and Political, that inclined Men of all Conditions to concur in them. Ger­many produced a Sleidan, France a Thuanus, and Italy a Frier Paul, who have given the World as full satisfaction in what was done beyond Sea, as they could desire. And though the two last lived and died in the Communion of the Church of Rome, yet they have deli­vered things to Posterity, with so much Candour and Evenness, that their Authority is disputed by none, but those of their own Party.

Jac. Aug. Thuanus, Historiar. Lib. xvii. pag. 542.

Sub Exitum Octobris, &c. The last day of October, in the year 1556, John Sleidan; when he had brought down his History to that time, with an Exact Faith and Diligence, died of the Plague at Strasburg, in the One and Fiftieth year of his Age. He was born at Sleidan, a Town in the Dukedom of Juliers near Duren, and from thence he took his Name; He was a Person, who for his Learning and great Expe­rience in Affairs, was much esteemed by that Age: He had spent the greatest part of his Youth in France; and being entertained in the Family of Bellay, had both Learned and done great things in the Service of Cardinal John Du Bellay; but a sharp Perse­cution arising in France against those who were suspected of Lutheranisme, he went and lived at Strasburg, and served that Free City, and being, by his own publick Em­ployments, well informed of the Carriage of Affairs, he added to what he had seen, what he had learned from Men worthy of Credit, and Wrote his Commentaries.

Joannes Bodinus Method. Ad facilem Historiar. Cognitionem, pag. 66, 67.

Sleidanus Franciscum Regem, &c. John Sleidan greatly and truely commends Francis I. King of France, the Duke of Saxony, Bellay, and Alenzon; and yet declin'd all odious Comparisons. And if he at any time was forced to set down any thing which tended to the Dishonour of any Man, he either proved it by good Arguments, or put it in the Number of the Rumors or Reports. He notwithstanding Imitated Guicciardin, Plutarch, Machiavel, Tacitus, and many others in the disclosing the Counsels and Con­ceal'd Frauds of Men; for Sleidan was Interpreter to Francis I. and was Employed in many Embassies for the City of Strasburg; after which, resolving to Write the Hi­story of Religion (as he was a Pious and Religious Man,) he has comprised in it not only a vast number of Speeches and Letters, but has also some times abridged the Books which were written on both sides; which, though it may seem very tedious to some Men, yet, on the contrary, those that are true Lovers of Antiquity, and desirous to be throughly informed concerning the great Changes which then happened in Christendom, think no­thing the less honourably of him on that Account.

Pietro Soave Polano Hist. del Concilio Tridentino, pag. 1.

Il Proponimento mio, &c. My purpose is to Write the History of the Council of Trent, for though many famous Historians of our Age have made mention in their Writings of some particular Accidents that happened therein, and John Sleidan, a most Diligent Author, hath related with Exquisite Industry the Causes that went before, yet notwithstanding, all these things put together would not suffice for an intire Narrative. This Author supposeth his Reader well Acquainted with Sleidan's History, and on that account, gives a very short and imperfect Relation of the Rise and Progress of the Controversies which necessitated the calling of that Council; so that it is scarce possible, throughly to understand that History without having first Read Sleidan's.

TO THE QUEEN.

MADAM,

THIS Work was design'd and begun when Our Church was in the Lowest degree of Danger, out of a belief that it might contri­bute something to her Preservation, in that Storm which lay so heavy upon her; the Duration of which could then be known to none but God.

I thought That a seasonable time to Imitate the Di­vine Author of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and to set before us that Cloud of Illustrious Persons who had with an Heroick Courage baffl'd the Rages of former Per­secutions by their Faith and Patience.

The Reflections I had, in private made to my self, on the many Deliverances the Holy God has, in these last Ages, so often wrought for his distressed Church, when she seem'd ready to be swallowed up by Popish Fury and Fraud, was so great a support and comfort to me, in those Melancholy days, that I passionately wished I had had some means of communicating them to others.

[Page] To that End was undertaken the Translating this Excellent History, as the best means I could think of to raise the same Thoughts in others: And as Your Majesty was ever in our Minds, I wish'd I might have some favourable opportunity of laying it at Your Feet, tho' I could then have no prospect of that Happiness.

Since then the late Wonderful Revolution has put so sudden and unexpected an End to our Sufferings and our Sorrows, and brought Your Majesty back to Eng­land, to be the Defender of our Holy Faith, and the Deliverer of our oppressed Church; I humbly beg Your Gracious acceptance of this History, which is due to Your Majesty, as the chief Patroness of the Refor­mation.

That God would, for many years, continue us un­der Your most Auspicious Government, and at last re­ward Your Piety and Virtues with a more Glorious Crown in Heaven, is, and ever shall be, one of the most fervent Prayers of

Madam,
Your Majesties most Dutiful, Loyal, Faithful and most Devoted Subject Edmund Bohun.

The Author of the Continuation to the Reader, containing an account of the Life of the Learned John Sleidan▪ and of the Reception of his History.

JOhn Sleidan, The Life of John Sleidan. the Author of this History, was born in the Year 1506. at Sleidan, or Sleiden, a small Town in the Dukedom of Juliers, seated upon the River Roer, which passing by Duren and Gulick at Ro [...]mont falls into the Maes. I have not been able to find of what quality and condition his Parents were, but it is certain he was sent to Study in the University of Paris, when he was Twenty years of Age; and that he was taken into the Service of John [...]ardinal D [...] B [...]ll [...]y, a Great, Learned, and Wise Prelate of the French Church, and one that very earnestly desired a Reformation, as the Great Thuanus tells us.

By him he was imployed in affairs of great consequence; and he having by his fidelity, industry and prudence, gain'd a great share in the Cardinals affection, he was Recom­mended to Francis I. King of France, who imployed him as his Interpreter for the German Tongue, as Bodinus saith: He himself tells us, he continued nine years in France. But in November 1534. a sharp Persecution arising in that, Kingdom against the Lutherans, which, he saith, he saw with his own Eyes; he became so far disgusted or affrighted at it, that he left France and retired to Strasburg, which was probably in the Year 1 [...]35 our Author being then about Thirty years of Age; so that by that computation he was about Twenty years of Age when he travailed into France.

The Reputation he had acquired in France, prepared the way to a good reception in that Free City; and he was entertain'd by James Sturmius, who was their principal Minister or Stateholder, with great kindness. About the Year 1540. he first took up the design of Wri­ting the History of the Reformation, at the request of this great States-man and many others, but very unwillingly. In the Year 1543. he sent the first Book to the Diet at Worms, where it was read, and so well approved, that he was sent as one of the Ambassa­dors to Henry VIII. into England, by the whole Body of the Protestants; which Embassie is mentioned by him in his Sixteenth Book.

In the Year 1551. he was again sent Ambassador, for the City of Strasburg, to the Council of Trent, where he arrived the 21 of November, as he informs us in his Twenty third Book.

He continued at Trent till the 27th of March▪ 1552. and then desired leave to return, which at first was granted, but then the next day they recall'd this permission, and forced him to stay till the 6th of April, when the News coming to Trent, that the Elector of Saxony had taken Ausburg three days before, the Fathers fell into such a Consternation, that the Council broke up in an hurry, and soon after the Emperor himself was forced to pass the Alpes, from Inspruck where he then was, by Torch-light, in the Night; which gave our Author the opportunity to return to Strasburg, at his own leisure, well satisfied that he was escaped out of that Den of wild Beasts.

The third of May, of the same year, he was sent by the City of Strasburg to Sarbruk, a Town about seven miles from that City, to the West, to the French King, who being then entred into a War against the Emperor, was come thither, in person, with an Army; he having thereupon demanded Supplies of the City of Strasburg, our Author with two others was sent as a Deputy to that Prince, as he sets forth in the Twenty fourth Book. After this I do not find he was any more imployed abroad, but fell seriously to the composing of his History, in which Work, he saith, he intirely imployed the three following years; and the 23 of April 1555. he dedicated the first Twenty five Books to the Elector of Saxo­ny. The Twenty sixth Book was Published after his Death, being found amongst his Papers.

This Work was no sooner sent into the World than our Author found cause to com­plain;The fate of this Histo­ry in the Life of the Author. for whereas he had imployed one Rihely, a Printer of Strasburg, to Publish it; there was presently Published, without the Authors knowledge or consent, a German Ver­sion very ill done; and soon after that the same person presumed to Print it in Latin too, to the great damage of Rihely, which Sleidan took very ill, and in the next Edition complained of it to the World.

The Roman Catholicks, on the contrary, presently set up a cry against this History, and imploy'd all the interest they had in the World to run down the Credit of the Author; not by making any Objection against any parts of it, but by general Slanders and mis­representations of the whole Work in a lump; to which kind of Defamations they knew it was very hard to make any Answer; but however our Author put out an Apology in his own Vindication.

[Page] The last part of our Authors Life was imployed in Writing his Twenty sixth Book,And in after times. which I believe was never finished by him, that which we now have being only his first Rough Draught, unpolished and uncorrected; Death suddenly surprizing him, the last day of October in the Year 1556. He died of a Plague or Epidemick acute Disease, in the Fifty first year of his Age begun, to the great Regret of all Learned and Pious Men, who might justly have expected great things from so Learned, so Modest, so Honest, and Candid a Pen.

The Roman Catholicks could not bury their Resentments against this noble History, in the Grave of its Author, but fell to invent and spread abroad several made Stories to defame him; amongst which none is more frequently insisted on than that Charles the V. should always call this Book his Lyar, and never ask for it by any other Name; for which we have the Faith of Suri [...], and some other of that stamp;La nais­sance de l' Heresie, l. 1. Sect. 4. p. 4. but none is so out­ragious against him as Florimond de Remond, who tells us that there was found in this Book Eleven thousand Lyes and Falsities. Not that they were so exact as to tell the mistakes, but this was a good [...], and if the Reader would but believe there was half the number, it was all he desired; but then he has quite spoil'd his own design, by telling his Reader, that the variety of the Subjects he treats of, which are imbellished with great Art, and the great quantity of Memorials which the Lutherans put into his hands, when he was set to compose [...], give so great an entertainment to the Reader, that it is not possible he should ever be weary of it, but will ever end with a good gust and a great desire to pursue the thread of this History, and see the end of it. Now this is plainly to give himself the Lye for that great quantity of Memorials which were put into his hands, the greatest part of which were from time to time Published in Print, as he tells us in his Preface, and which our Author only Transcribes, or at most Translates or Abridgeth, will not leave Room for 11000 Lyes, especially when he rarely makes any the least remark of his own; and if after all, there had been but one thousand Lyes, the Reader must have been very Ignorant, and very Dull, that should not have stumbled on [...]now of them to have disgusted him long before he had reached the end of the Book: But Florimond was a true Jesuit [...], and remembred the old Rule, Slander stoutly and something will stick.

Palavicino, Chap. 4. Sect. 1. another Jesuite, in his Apparatus to his History of the Council of Trent, lets loose at the same rate against our Author, with an Assurance which becomes that So­ciety he was of, only because the Author of the former History of that Council had commended his Fidelity and Industry: And thus he bespeaks his good Roman Catholick Reader, You must know (saith he) that Sleidan did so openly profess himself a Favourer of Hereticks, and an Enemy of the See of Rome; That he Dedicated his Book to Augustus E­lector of Saxony, and he commends that Prince too, because the Sect of the Lutherans first [...] shelter in his Country. After this he sets down the three first Lines of his History, and then tells us, that Sleidan acknowledgeth that James Sturmius furnished him with materials. Now (saith he) this Sturmius was in great esteem among the Calvinists; and then he concludes, That no body would believe Father Paul, as to those things which went before the Council, and which were the foundations of that History, but such as had some Faith for Sleidan; and that he was sure none of the good Sons of the Infallible Church would be guilty of: But however to make all sure, he tells us Surius, Fontanu [...], Possevinus and Spondanus have all charged him for a great Lyer: and since that Maimbourg and Varillas have transcribed all this over again, and by pure Number, and dint of Impudence, they are, or at least seem, well resolved to Ruin Sleidans reputation forever. But when all is done, the very Papers out of which Sleidan transcribed the main of his History, are still, for the most part, ex­tant, and prove the veracity of our Author; the consequence of which is, that all these godly Fathers are found to be meer Defamers,Sec [...]dorf and not worthy of any credit.

In the interim the Book spread at an incredible rate; and tho Rihely, the first Publish­er had it Reprinted upon him, within the first year in German and Latin, yet he Re­printed it again in 1561, and in 1566 in Octavo, and in 1572 in Folio, and in the year 1560 it was Translated into English, by one John Daws, and Dedicated to the Earl of Bedford; and I have seen very ancient Versions of it in Italian and French: so that no Book ever had a more general Reception in the World than this, nor was better appro­ved by the candid Writers of the Church of Rome it self, as will appear by the Testimo­nies by me cited in the beginning of it.

And so far has his Enviers been from convicting him of that falshood and disingenuity, which they have so falsly charged him with, that most of their Books, like Images which the Pagans Worshiped, are long since cast to the Bats and to the Moles, and the very memory of them almost perished from off the Earth: So that his Defamers have been forced to Transcribe from him the choicest of the Memorials they needed to fill up the History of those times.

[Page] Brietius a Jesuite,In Anno 1556. in his Annals, saith, He was call'd Sleidan, from the Place of his birth, because he was a Bastard, and so had no Sirname; that he had but one Eye, and was brought up by the Cardinal du Bellay; that becoming a Lutheran or a Calvinist he fled to Strasbourg, where he wrote his History: Sed ea fide humana, quam expectare debes ab eo qui divinam ejurarat; but with that humane faith which one would expect from one who had abjured the Di­vine faith. The bitterness of which confutes the Slander; the taking Names from the Place of their birth being usual then and now too in Germany: The easie Admission he found into the family of Bellay shews more probably that he was a person of good Birth, and well descended; and as for his being Blind there is no mention of it any where else.

Lewis a Seckengdorf,Praeloqui [...]. p. 8. a Privy Counsellor to the late Dukes of Saxony, in an Answer, Published this year, to Maimbourgs History of Lutheranisme, thus Apologizeth for our Author. It is certain that John Sleidan has so very well written the History of the Reforma­tion, that all impartial men ought to be satisfied with it, he having very much excell'd all the rest who have written on that Subject. And yet they of the Church of Rome charge him with falshood, pretending a Proverb of Charles the V. to that purpose; how truly cited I know not, but as I ve­rily believe, out of pure Envy and Malice. For if ever they should attempt to prove, what they so often pretend, they would certainly fall short and be able to produce nothing to that purpose, but a few light things, and silly reports, which are not worth relating. On the otherside, without the Assistance of Sleidan, very few Men have or ever will be able to Write any thing of those times worth the Reading. For how, I pray, was it possible for him to Lye, who hath spent the greatest part of his History of the Reformation in meer Transcripts, out of the Publick Re­cords word for word, to the wearying of many of his Readers who are in too much haste to see the event; and he every where appeals to Acts and Writings, which for the most part are still extant, and render the Faith of this great Man unquestionable? Nor is there any other Historian almost to be found (as I believe) who so very rarely passeth any censure upon what he Writes. Nor is it possible for Envy it self to deprive him intirely of the Honour of this Work, which, I believe, will last till the General Conflagration of the World.

The same Author informs us, in his Additions, page the 7th, That one Frederick Hor­telder, a Counseller of the Duke of Saxony Weymar, in the year 1618 Published a very large Vindication of the Veracity of Sleidans History in the German Tongue, which he Printed in the Preface of his History of the Smalcaldick War, &c. which was after Re­printed in the year 1648. and in the Conclusion of that Section, Seckendorf adds, Sleidan lived but one year after he had finished his History, in which, and all the times which have since followed, he has not (to my knowledge) been convicted of any one single falshood which hath been shewn and made good against him. And in Opposition to those few who have traduced him, there is no end of the Number of those who have approved this Work,Memoires Touchant les Ambas­sadeurs. p. 442. 8o. part. I. and amongst them John Bo­dinus and Thuanus, who ought not to be named without Honour: And they alone in my Judg­ment are worth a Thousand Maimbourgs and Varillasses. To these I may add the Judg­ment of Monsuer Wickfort, a great Man of this present Age, who saith, that Sleidans History is very Good.

It will,An account of this Version. I suppose, be expected that I should give an account of this Translation. That the Original deserved to be read in more Languages than one, is I believe unquestionable: and that favourable Reception it has already met with in the German, French and Italian Languages, besides that universal Applause with which it has been Celebrated, by the Learned in all the Countries of Europe, did bespeak such a Translation into English, as might in some measure answer the native Beauties of this noble Work; of which I shall only say, that in this all imaginable care hath been taken to keep up that truly great simplicity, which is the distinguishing character of this History; how far this hath been performed is left to the Judgment of the judicious Reader. What I have to say of my Continuation, is already set down in my Introduction before it.

To the most Illustrious Prince AUGUSTUS Elector and Duke of SAXONY, Landt-grave of THƲRINGE, Marquiss of MISNIA, and Lord High Marshal of the EMPIRE; His most Gracious Master and Lord, John Sleidan wisheth much Health and Happiness.

Illustrious Sir,

DIvers Authors have discovered to us the manifold and various Accidents which attend humane affairs, and the changes in States and Kingdoms: And God him­self has been pleased heretofore to instruct us, and with his Own voice, as it were to foretel us what should happen of this Nature, many Ages before it came to pass. And as to the first four Great Empires of the World, He has been pleased by Da­niel the Prophet to inform us, of their Order, Changes and Successions: The greatest part of whose excellent Predictions are now (by the event) exposed and made very plain to us, and af­ford us a knowledge which is both very sweet and full of Consolation. The same holy Prophet has also foretold the changes of Religion, and the contests concerning its Doctrines; and the Apostle St. Paul who followed him, has clearly also discovered before-hand many things of that Nature. And the accomplishment of these Predictions has been delivered down to us, and explain'd by va­rious Writers who have lived in the intermediate Ages. But then that change which has hapned in our times, is one of the most Illustrious Events which has come to pass.

The Prophet has foretold that the Roman Empire should be the last, and the most powerful, and that it should be divided; and accordingly it is reduced to the lowest degree of weakness, tho it was once of an immense Bulk and vast extent, so that now it only subsists within the Confines of Ger­many; and its Fortunes have been very various and unsteady, partly by reason of its Intestine Divisions, and partly on the account of Foraign Combinations against it. Yet after all, God has at last given us the most Potent Emperor that has reigned in many Ages: For in the Person of this Prince are united the Succession of many Rich and Powerful Kingdoms and Inheritances, which by reason of their Situations have afforded him the opportunity of performing great things, by Sea and Land, above any other of our Princes. And as his Power has very much exceeded all the Emperors of Germany which have Reigned since Charles the Great: So the things which have happen'd in his time, and under his Government, have rendred him the most Conspicuous and Me­morable of all our Princes.

And amongst these, the Reformation of Religion doth justly challenge the first Place, which began with his Reign. For this Controversie had not been moved above XIV months, when Maxi­milian the Emperor (his Grandfather and immediate Predecessor in the Empire) died: And when he was chosen by the VII Electors, Luther being at the self same time provoked by his Ad­versaries, entred the Lists, and maintain'd a publick Disputation against Eckius at Leipsick; by which the minds of both the contending Parties were put into a great Commotion. The Reign therefore of this great Prince is diligently to be considered, and for the better understanding of it, ought to be compared with those of the former times. For God has ever used to raise up Illustrious and great Princes, when the Ecclesiastical or Civil State were to be changed: such were Cyrus, Alexander the Macedonian, C. Julius Caesar, Constantine, Charles the Great, and the Otho's of Saxony, and now in our times at last, CHARLES the V.

That change I have here in this Story unfolded, is such that no man who does clearly under­stand it, can think of it without astonishment, and the utmost degree of Admiration and Wonder. [Page] Its beginning was small and almost contemptible; and one man alone, a while, bore the hatred and violence of the whole World: And even he too might easily, at first, have been quieted and laid to sleep, if the condition he so often offered his Adversaries, had been accepted by them. For he Promised he would hold his Peace, if they would do so too: But when they refused this, and would force him to recant, and stood stifly in this Resolution that he should do it: And he on the otherside as stoutly replied, That he could not retract what he had Advanced, till they had shewn him wherein he had err'd; The debate between them improved and grew greater, and the business was brought before the Dyet of Germany, by which means it dilated it self to that degree we now see it in.

But then upon what reasons it was done; What share the Popes of Rome, the Ʋniversities, and the Kings, Princes, and States of Christendom had in this Affair; How Luther defended his Cause before the Emperor and the Princes of Germany in the Dyet; How many men of great Learning joyned themselves with him; How this business was from time to time agitated and de­bated in the Dyets; What ways were proposed for an Accommodation; How the Popes solicited the Emperor and other Christian Princes; How they frequently promised a Reformation and a General Council; What Persecutions and Slaughters were in several Places were stir'd up against those who imbraced this Doctrine; What Conspiracies and Leagues were set on foot to the same end, not only in Germany but in other Countries, as this Religion spread it self; How some for­sook it, and others persevered constantly in it; What Tumults, Contentions and Wars were occasi­oned by it; These thing, in my judgment are so great, and so full of Variety, that I think it were a sin to suffer them to perish in silence, and not commit them to writing.

To this I may add, that I think it very reasonable to give an account what the state of the Em­pire of Germany has been during the Reign of this Prince, by the space of XXXVI years; what Wars he has mannaged; What Commotions and Disturbances have happned; And what has been the fortune of the Neighbour Kingdoms and Provinces in these times: (But then I shall shew here­after the method I have followed in this Work.) For as this Princes Dominions are of great Extent, so he has been attack'd by very Potent Adversaries. The things therefore that have hap­pen'd during his Reign, and in our Memory, are strangely great. Some years since, many men of eminent Learning and Virtue, when these things happen'd to be accidentally mention'd, began to be earnest with me that I should commit to Writing the Affairs of our times, especially what re­lated to Religion; And this they did, not out of an opinion that I was better able to do it than another, or because there were not abler men to be found for that purpose; but because they saw me particularly fancy and love these Composures; and thence they con­cluded that I being by Nature design'd to this imployment, and by her powerfully excited to it, might perhaps not altogether lose or mispend my time in the attempt. On the other side, I who knew what a large Sea of Matter I was to enter into, and that this de­sign needed a man of greater Ingenuity and Eloquence than I could pretend to, and therefore I almost despaired of ever being able to accomplish it; yet being at last over­come by the Authority of those who had made this motion to me, I resolved to make a trial of it: And accordingly beginning with the time when Luther first opposed the Venal Indul­gences, and bringing the Relation down to the Disputation appointed by George Duke of Saxony at Leipsick, I sent what I had Composed, as a kind of Specimen, to those who had solicited me to undertake it, about ten years since, to Worms; there being then a Dyet of the Empire in that City, to the end they might read and judge of it. They thereupon became more earnest with me than before, both by their Letters and Personal applications that I should go on with it: But about that time Germany was involved in a Calamitous War, which as it gave great hinderances to all the Learning and Arts of our Country, so it discomposed my design, and for some time forced me to delay it. For neither was it possible for me to go on as I desired, and besides I met frequently with stops and interruptions. But then as soon as ever this storm blew over, and especially in the three last years, I applied all my Study and Labour to this Work; nor would I give my self any rest till I had arrived at that period of time I intended.

The main and principal scope of my design is to set forth the Affairs of Religion; but then I thought it needful for Order sake to set down also the Civil Transactions. As to the nature of the Story every man that reads it will very easily see what it is.

Candor and Truth are the two most becoming Ornaments of an History; and in truth, I have taken the utmost care that neither of them might be wanting here: To that end I have taken up nothing upon surmise or light report, but I have studiously collected what I have here written from the Publick Records and Papers; the Faith of which can justly be call'd in question by no man.

Besides, I had great assistances from James Sturmius, a Person of Noble Birth and great reputation, who was imploy'd for above XXX years in the Publick and most difficult Affairs of his Country, which he at all times managed with much commendation; He having been pleased to admit me (such was his Goodness) into his Acquaintance and Friendship, like a good Governour [Page] very often shew'd me the right and even way, when I was at a loss, and doubtful which way to turn me, and at other times stuck on the Rocks and Shallows; and after all, read over, at my request, the greatest part of this Work before his last Sickness, which took him from us in the year 1553, and with great industry and care admonished me of what he thought was needful.

The Reader will meet frequent mention of Foraign affairs, especially the French and English, and in these I have pursued the same method, and I have inserted nothing but what I had good Authority for. And as to the French transactions, I saw many of them in the IX years I lived in that Kingdom. So that the greatest part of the Persecutions and Burnings, and the Royal Edicts against the Professors of the Reformed Religion, which I have mention'd; the Disputation under­taken by the Divines of Paris against some of their Ministers; the Confession of their Faith which was Published in Print soon after, and the Court Factions which then were on foot, do all of them fall within that time also. As to Military actions, and what pass'd in the Wars, I have not wholly pass'd them over, nor indeed could I, and yet I have not made them any principal part of my business, because that of Religion was my main design. And therefore when my Reader falls upon any thing of that Nature, I would have him know before-hand, he is not to expect an exact and large account: That being contrary to my undertaking, and which may easily be found in other Authors who have made those things their principal care, tho I have not.

The second Ornament which I mention'd of History, is Candor or Impartiality, which is ever to be observed to prevent the Writers being drawn from Truth by his affections, which seems the more difficult, because it is so rarely to be found in Historians. Now tho perhaps I shall not be able to perswade all my Readers that I have used more than an ordinary diligence, as far as it was possible for me, as to this: Yet I do with repeated earnestness conjure them not to load me with an un­just suspicion before-hand. This whole Work, as I said above, is extracted out of Publick Acts, Papers, or Records; collected together with great diligence, and a great part of which have been already Printed, partly in Latin, and partly in the Vulgar Tongues, viz. the German, Italian, and French. It contains many Orations, Petitions, and Answers; very many Accusations and their Answers; in all these I nakedly, simply, and with good Faith, recite all things as they were particularly acted. For here I do not add any thing of my own, nor do I make any Judgment on them; but willingly and freely leave it to my Reader. I make no Rhetorical Flourishes, nor do I write any thing out of Favour or Envy to any man. No, I only furnish the Style, and use my own words, that the tenor of my Language may be equal, and always alike; and digest every thing, and fix it in its proper place, as it happen'd to be done in order and time.

In the first years Leo the X, and Adrian the VI, Popes of Rome, wrote many things with great Bitterness against Luther. Now as I take nothing from their Words, so I add nothing to Luther's Answers; nor do I make their complaints worse than they were, or his Defences and Replies better. The two Popes that followed these, Clement VII, and Paul III, and especially the latter, when Luther's Doctrine was spread very much abroad, turning from his person, did very odiously accuse and reproach some Princes and Free-Cities: Here I go on in the same man­ner, and indeed throughout the whole Work. Therefore I beseech my Reader to lay aside all pre­judice, and that he would first consider the things proposed, and my Labour, which was very great, and then bestow his good will and favour on it. For it is certain, that if those motives which in­duced me to begin to Write, had not spurr'd me to go on, notwithstanding all the trouble, I had long since deserted, and left this very difficult undertaking, when I found by experience the varie­ty and extent of it. But my mind and strength were very much supported, first, When I considered that it was for the glory of God, who was thus pleased to discover his Almighty Power, and admi­rable Counsel in our times: Next that the common Good and Advantage, which would result from it, very much wrought upon me. For even here in Germany very few clearly understand in what or­der every thing was done; and Foreign Nations know nothing at all of them: but the far greatest part of men being prepossess'd with prejudices, judged of the greatest part of the things quite other­wise than they ought. To all this, I may add, I have had some consideration for Posterity, if yet these my Writings will bear the Light, and last any long time. Besides it rarely happens that things of this Nature are by others related with any degree of Truth and Moderation: And there is a Book (on this Subject) Printed above six years since at Mentz, Written by a German, and stuffed with Accusations, Slaunders, Trifles and Reproaches: And within the space of a few years past there were two Volumes published at Florence, the Author of which has very largely handled, in them, the History of his own Times; but wheresoever he speaks of the Affairs of Germany, and especially of what concerns Religion, there he will certainly discover the sickness of his Mind: The greatest part of what he writes, being not well known to him, False and Slan­derous, as might very clearly be shewn. Besides, whereas these two Writers have occasion frequently to mention some Orations, Letters and Prefaces of Books, which have been Published from the Press, yet even here they presume to Treat all these things not only with great Enmity and Envy, but they go very far also from the Truth.

[Page] These Considerations, I say, prevail'd upon me, so that I thought I was obliged to go on, and not to suffer the Story of this Revolution to be falsly delivered to this or the succeeding Age. For what can possibly be more base and insufferable, in this kind of Writing, than to suffer that which ought to make men wiser, by false relations to be depraved and turn'd to a contary end? The greatest part of the Historians of our times, by a fault too common in our days, seek to gratifie and please some one person, but in the mean time this makes them injurious to many more, whom they thus deceive and cause to err. As to my self I do assure my Reader, without any boasting, that I am ready, and well disposed, if I have set down anything in this Work which is not exactly true, to blot it out, and give the World a caution not to believe it too. But then I am very con­fident that nothing of vanity can here be charged upon me; because there are many good men who can testifie what great study and industry I have imployed, for some years now past, to gain an exact Knowledge of every thing; and besides I trust the Work it self will prove it.

Now tho I Write the History of those things which have happen'd during the Reign of Charles V. who is yet living, and at the Helm, of our State, and so many other great Actions may per­haps follow in his times; yet because those that are past must of necessity be the first, principal and greatest part of the events of it: Therefore I would not delay this Work any longer, wherein I have gratified many Learned Men, not only of Germany, but also of other Countries, who desired to see it. Without doubt there are great Commotions and strange and wonderful changes coming on; and the S. Scriptures seem clearly and plainly to foretel as much; and the present state of Affairs intimate the same; so that those who are disposed to Write, are not like to be destitute of Mat­ter. But in the interim, as the Publick good inclin'd me to undertake this task; so it has now at last prevail'd with me to Publish these XXV Books.

Illustrious Sir,

I desire to Dedicate unto Your Highness this my Labour and Work; because you are descended of that Family which was first pleased to give entertainment and Protection to this Doctrine: Your Father readily imbrac'd it, Your Brother hath setled a considerable Estate for the Education of Children in Learning and Piety, and Your Father in Law (the King of Denmark) is a fa­mous Defender of it also; and lastly, because You too, Great Sir, pursuing with much Glory their Example, I cannot but be confident, this Work, which I hope will be profitable to many, will be therefore acceptable to You. May God Preserve Your Highness.

John Sleidan's Apology for his History.

BEing inform'd that many speak very unfriendly of my History, and as I clearly see, reward my great Labour very ill, I am thereby enforced to Publish this Apology in my own Defence. I have already in my Preface set forth the causes that induced me to Write, the methods I pursu'd in it, and that I designed no mans disrepute, or favour; that I was very desirous of setting down nothing but what was exactly true, and disposed beforehand, in case I were shewn I had any where mistaken, to correct and blot out what was amiss, and to caution my Readers not to believe my Errors. I thought this would satisfie all mankind, and the rather, because the very perusal of what I had Written would clear my reputation and create a firm belief of my fidelity: but being on all hands inform'd, to my great dissatisfaction and sorrow, that it has happen'd quite otherwise, I am necessitated to add what follows to that preface.

I say then, that from the beginning of the World, it has ever been the custom of Men to Write the Civil and Sacred History of their times: That this usage (as appears by their Books) has most flourished in the most free and illustrious Nations, especially amongst the Greeks and Romans. That the principal Law and Ornament of History is Truth and Sincerity, and therefore it was that Cicero stil'd it, The Witness of Times, the Light of Truth, the Life of Memory, and the Mistress of Life. By these Words the great Orator hath given a noble commendation of History, and an excellent description of what ought to be aim'd at in the Composing of it. Now there having happen'd, in our Times, such a change in Religion, as is not to be parallell'd in any age since the Apostles; and there having followed it a great Commotion in the Civil State, as is usual. Tho I was not the fittest person to undertake this Work, yet at the request of many good Men, I entred upon it, for the glory of God, and with great fidelity and diligence have brought it down to our own Times: And I have some hope, that all who are not highly prejudiced, will confess that I have not given the Reins to my Passions, in any thing in this affair; and that I have behaved my self, perhaps, with more Moderation than any other Writer.

For though I willingly profess that Doctrine of the Gospel, which by the mercy of God was now restored, and rejoyce exceedingly that I am a Member of the Reformed Church; yet I have carefully abstained from all exasperating Language, and simply de­livered every thing as it came to pass. I call God to Witness also, that I never designed to injure or hurt any mans reputation falsly; for what a madness would it have been to have delivered any thing otherwise than it was, in an affair which is fresh in all mens me­mory? And, I hope, those who are intimately acquainted with me, have never yet dis­covered any such vanity in me: And yet if after all, I have by chance committed any Error or Mistake, I will readily confess it, when ever I shall be shewn it, and also caution my Reader openly, that he may not be mislead by me, as I have said in my Preface. As to the pains I have taken, and the diligence I have used in this Work, no man could possibly have done more to find out the Truth, as many men can bear me Witness, and the very Work it self will in great part shew.

In this History of Religion, I could not omit what concerned the Civil Government, be­cause, as I have already said, they are interwoven each with th'other, especially in our times, so that it was not possible to separate them. This union of the Sacred and Civil State, is sufficiently discovered in the Scriptures, and is the cause that the change of Religion, in any Nation, is always attended presently with offences, distractions, contentions, strifes, tumults, factions and wars. For this cause, Christ saith, the Son shall be against the Father, and the Daughter against the Mother, and that his Doctrine would not bring Peace, but a Sword, and raise a fiery contention amongst the nearest relations. And that this has ever been the state of affairs since the beginning of the World, cannot be denied, and is also very manifest from the thing it self. For in our Times no sooner did this benefit, vouchsafed us by God and the Doctrine of the Gospel, begin to be preached against the Papal Indulgences and the Traditions of Men, but presently all the World, but especially the Clergy, became tu­multuous and unquiet. This occasioned the bringing this affair before the Dyet, or Pub­lick Convention of the States of Germany; and when there upon some Princes and free Cities imbraced this Doctrine, this fire spread it self, and the cause was exagitated with great variety, till at last it burst out into a War.

Now in the Description, I have made of it, will appear what care and diligence the [Page] Emperor imployed to put a stop to this dissention; what the Protestants also from time to time Answered, and what Conditions they frequently offered. And when it came to a War, the event was various and perplexed; as for instance, the Emperor (to give one Example out of many) wrote to some of the Princes and Cities, and afterwards Published in Print, a Declaration of his intentions and designs. This Declaration was the foundation of the Emperors cause, and by the Laws of History was to be represented, together with the Answer of the Adverse Party. For, without this, what kind of History would it be thought which should only represent what one party said? And yet in this, how I behaved my self, how I managed my Style and tempered it, may be easily seen, by comparing my Latin Version of that Declaration with the German Edition of it, to which I refer my self. When the War was prolonged till the Winter came on, the Emperor at last pre­vail'd upon the return of his Enemies into their Countries. These his Victories and Tri­umphs, first, in the Upper Germany, and then the Electorate of Saxony, are related by me with great Truth: And I observe the same method every where. For I neither take from, nor add to any mans Actions, more than the truth of the thing requires and allows: And in truth it is apparent this has been done by few: For the greatest part of the Writers give their own Judgments both of the things and persons they mention in their Histories.

To omit the more Ancient Historians, we know how Platina has Written the Lives of the Popes, and Philip Comines, a Knight, has in our Memory published an Illustrious Hi­story of his own Times, and among other things which he there delivers, tells us, that after Charles the Hardy, Duke of Burgundy, was slain before Nancy in Battel; Lewis XII King of France ravished from his Daughter, and Heir, Artois and both the Burgundies; and altho Comines was a sworn Subject of France, and a Counseller to that Prince, yet he saith this was ill done. About XXIV years since Peter Bembus was imployed by the Senate of Venice, to Write the Story of the War between that State, and Maximilian the First, Emperor of Germany, Lewis King of France, and Julius II Pope of Rome, and some others, which he hath done in twelve Books: And he too tells us how Lewis XII de­nounced War against the Venetians, and that his Herald appearing before the Senate, and the Duke, spoke these Words, Luredano Duke of Venice, and ye the rest of the Citizens of Venice; Lewis King of France, my Master, has commanded me to tell you, that he is com­ing with an Army against you, because like a parcel of perfidious men, yea have possessed your selves by force and fraud of the Towns belonging to the Pope, and other Princes, and are rest lesly endeavouring by crafty means to Ravage, and subject under your Dominion, all that belongs to your Neighbours, which he is now resolved to require at your hands. Perhaps some may think that Bembus ought to have taken no notice of these Words, because they reflect so bitter­ly upon his Country-men; but he thought otherwise, and transcrib'd them from the Publick Records into his History, adding the Answer which was given with equal sharp­ness to the Herald; and this Work was after Printed with the Privilege of the Senate at Venice. Paulus Jovius, besides his Lives of the Illustrious Men, has lately Published two Tomes of the History of our Time; how freely he Writes will appear to any one who reads them; and although he treats the Germans very injuriously, yet his Work comes forth with many Privileges to defend it. He that pleaseth may examine what he saith, Tom. II. Fol. 9. and in the Life of Leo X. Fol. 93, 94. and in the Life of Alfonso Duke of Ferrara, Fol. 42. and in truth the Works of all good Authors have many Examples of this Nature.

Comines is chiefly commended because he Wrote so equally, but then he ever pursues this Method, as I have said already, that he not only sets down what was done, but al­so gives his own Judgment of it, and tells us what every one did, well or ill; and al­though I would not have done this, yet it is the most usual practice of Historians. But then, that what was done or said by both Parties should be exactly related, is not only just and equal, and the constant usage from the most Ancient times, but also absolutely ne­cessary; for without it, it is impossible to Write an History. Where ever there are Fa­ctions, Wars and Seditions, be sure there are Complaints, Accusations and Answers, and all places are fill'd with opposite and contradictory Papers: Now he that truly relates these as they are, doth neither of the Parties any injury, but follows the Laws of an Hi­storian. For in these Brawls and Contentions, every thing which the Parties object against each other is not presently true and certain. Where there is Contention, Ha­tred and Enmity, it is very well known and experienced how things are managed for the most part on both sides: If what the Popes, and their Adherents, have within thirty six years last past belched out against the Protestants were all true, there could be found no­thing more wicked and impious than they.

[Page] Paul III. Pope of Rome sent the Cardinal of Farnese his Son, in the year 1540. to the Emperor, into the Low Countries: He gave some Advices against the Protestants, which were afterwards Printed and are recited in the thirteenth Book of my History. After many other reproachful expressions, he saith, the Protestants fight as much against Christ as the very Turks do, for they only kill their Bodies, but the Protestants bring their Souls too to eternal destruction: Here then I make a stand, and desire to know what could possibly have been spoken more grievous and horrible than this? Now if these things had not been related, certainly the Protestants would have had just cause of complaint against me: But the thing is quite otherwise, for neither is it true because the Cardinal said it, and if I had passed it by, I might justly have been suspected as one that was too much ad­dicted to a Party, and so would not tell the Truth,

I do not doubt but all impartial men will yield that I have in this, which I have said, clearly given the true Laws of History; and I can as little think they will judge that I have broke those Laws; the far greatest part of my History being extracted out of Pieces which were Printed before. They act therefore very unfriendly, or rather injuriously with me, who traduce and defame my Writings, and the more are they guilty if they under­stand the Laws of History: but if they know them not, then I desire they would learn them from what I have written and from other Historians. But then when I mention other Historians, I do not mean those of our times, whose only business it is to extol their own Party with immoderate praises and wonderful commendations, and to over­whelm the other Party with slaunders and reproaches; for these men are not worthy of the Title of Historians.

Above six years since John Cochleus Published some Commentaries, containing an Histo­ry of the same nature with mine, but then he has stuffed them with horrible, unheard of, and invented slaunders. Cardinal Pole, in a Book which he lately Printed, calls the Protestant Religion, lately established in Germany, a Turkish Seed: And their Books are generally full of such reflections. But what is there like this in my Work? In truth I have made it my business to Write in order, and as truly as I could, the Story of that wonderful blessing God has been pleased to bestow upon the men of this Age: And to that purpose, about sixteen years since, I Collected all that I thought necessary to that Work: nor have I since made any headlong haste in the Writing of it, but gone leisure­ly on with a steady Judgment. The labour I have taken, in this great Work, is known to none but God and my self: and I had respect to nothing but the glory of God in it; and laying aside the Study of the Civil Law, which is my profession, I accordingly almost spent my whole time upon it: so that all things considered, I think, I may aver that I was drawn to it by an Impulse from God, and I will commend my cause to him, seeing I have met so ill a recompence from some men, for my great labour and pains; it being his cause I have defended, and I am fully assured he will look upon that Work as a most pleasing and acceptable Sacrifice; the conscience of which sustains and comforts me; and the more, because I see many Learned Men approve and applaud my Work, paying me their thanks for it, and acknowledging the benefit they have reaped by it. There­fore I desire all those who are the hearty Lovers of Truth, that they would not believe the slaunders of ill men, but kindly entertain my Work, and approve my faith and di­ligence, without admitting any suspition of me. Lastly, I profess that I acknowledge Charles the V. now Emperor of Germany, and Ferdinand King of the Romans his Brother, to be the supreme Magistrates appointed by God, whom I ought in all things to Obey, as Christ and his Apostles have commanded, excepting only those things which are forbid­den by God.

SS. TD. ACERRIMVS. E.R. HOSTIS. MARTINVS LUTHERVS.

Nascitur Islebiae X Nov: 1483.

Monasterium Augustin: Ingreditur. Ao. 1505.

Titulum Dis. Assumsit Ao 1512.

Obijt in Patria XVIII.o die Februarij. 1546.

THE HISTORY OF THE Reformation of the Church, BEGUN IN GERMANY BY Martin Luther, &c.

BOOK I.
The CONTENTS.

Martin Luther bravely withstands the Venal Indulgences, dispersed abroad by Leo X, Pope of Rome; not only in his Publick Sermons, but also in some Theses and Positi­ons, which he offered to defend, and which he sent to the Archbishop of Mentz. The first that opposed them were Tetzel, Eckius, Silvester, Prierias and Hogostrat. In the mean time the Pope sends Cajetane Legat to the Emperour Maximilian. Lu­ther is Cited to appear at Rome: By means of Frederick Elector of Saxony, he Answers Cajetane in the Diet of Ausburg. Cajetane by Menaces, and the Thun­der of the Canons, endeavours to maintain the Papal Power and Tyranny. After the departure of Luther, Cajetane sollicites Duke Frederick by Letters, but in vain. By a new Bull, the Pope confirms and publishes the Indulgences in Germa­ny. To draw in Duke Frederick, he presents him with a Golden Rose. The Em­perour Maximilian, in the mean while dies. Many Heads at work about the Succession to the Empire. At length, Charles Archduke of Austria is chosen Emperour; the News whereof is brought to him in Spain. An account of the Bulla Aurea, the Golden Bull, and Laws of the Empire. Erasmus his Testimony of Luther. Whilest they were Disputing at Leipsick, Ulrick Zuinglius began to teach at Zurich, and manfully opposed one that preached up Indulgences.

POPE Leo X,1517. a Florentine, of the Family of Medices, making use of that Power, which his Predecessors, the Popes of Rome, had Usurped,Pope Leo sends out In­dulgences. and he himself thought he had, over all Christian Churches, sent abroad into all Kingdoms his Letters and Bulls, with ample Promises of the full Pardon of Sins, and of Eternal Sal­vation to such as would purchase the same with Money; and the Collectors, and those who were sent out, to Preach up the Value of this so great a Favour, not only defended their Doctrins in Books they pub­lished, particularly in Germany; but also setled publick Offices in all Provinces for the Receipt of the Money, that was raised this way, and by the Licences which [Page 2] they likewise sold, for eating Eggs, Milk, Cheese and Flesh, on Fasting Days. Now this Remission and Pardon of Sins, they named an Indulgence, a Word of their own coyning, which had been of a long time in use among them.

There lived at that time,Luther Preaches a­gainst Indul­gences; in Wittemberg upon the Elbe, a City of Saxony, one Martin Luther, a Doctor of Divinity, and an Augustine Fryer; who being excited by the Sermons and Books of these Collectors, and perceiving that their Doctrin was believed, and past current among the People, began to advise Men to be Wise, and not to purchase such Commodities at so dear a Rate: Because what they laid out that way, might be far better employed. And this happened in the Year of our Lord one thousand five hundred and seventeen.

That he might,And writes about them to the Arch­bishop of Mentz. therefore, proceed in his Design with better Success, on the last of October, he wrote to Albert of Brandenburg Archbishop of Mentz, ac­quainting him with what they Taught; and Complaining that the People were so persuaded, as that having purchased these Indulgences by Money, they needed no more doubt of Salvation, as if no Crime could be committed which was not by that means Pardoned; and as if the Souls which were Tormented in the Fire of Purgatory, so soon as the Money was cast into the Box, were pre­sently discharged of their Pains, and took their Flight streight up to Heaven. He tells him, That Christ commanded the Gospel to be Preached; and that it was the proper Office of Bishops, to instruct the People in the Right Way: Wherefore he puts him in Mind of his Duty, and prays him that he would use his Authority in suppressing those Books, and enjoyning the Preachers to teach better Doctrin, lest it might give Occasion to some more grievous Dissension, which would undoubtedly happen, if they were not restrained. The Reason why he wrote to him, was, Because he being also Bishop of Magdeburg, it be­longed to him to take care of these things.Luther's The­ses concern­ing Indulgen­ces. With this Letter, he also sent the Theses, which for Disputation sake, he had lately published at Wittemberg, to the number of ninety five, wherein he fully handled the Doctrin of Purgatory, true Penance, and the Office of Charity, and censured the extravagant Preach­ings of the Collectors; but only for discovering the Truth, as has been said. For he invited all Men, not only to come to the Disputation, and object what they had to say; but begged also, That such as would not be present, might send their Opinions in Writing, protesting that he affirmed nothing positively, but referred all to the Judgment of the Holy Church; nevertheless, that he admitted not of the Doctrins of Thomas Aquinas, and such like Writers, unless they were found to agree with the Holy Scriptures, and the Decrees of the Ancient Fathers. The Archbishop of Mentz made no answer to these things;Tetzel the Dominican opposes Lu­ther. but not long after, John Tetzel, a Dominican Frier, at Frankford upon the Oder, a Town within the Ter­ritories of Brandenburg, published some Positions, quite contrary to those of Lu­ther, wherein he mightily extolled the Authority of the Pope, the Benefit of Indul­gences, and that Wooden Cross, which then, by the Command of the Pope, was set up in all Churches, insomuch that he compared Leo X, to the Apostle St. Peter, and that Popish Cross, with the true Cross, whereon Christ suffered for us.

But when no Man of the contrary Part came to the Disputation proposed at Wittemberg, Luther pub­lished an Ex­plication of his Positions, and that the Theses we mentioned, were read by many with great Applause, Luther wrote a very large Explication of them, and sent it, first to Jerome Bishop of Brandenburg, to whose Jurisdiction he belonged, and, then to John Stupitz Provincial of the Augustine Friers,1518. praying him to have it trans­mitted to the Pope: Nay in the Month of June, he wrote to Pope Leo himself, informing him,And wrote to the Bishop of Branden­burg, to John Stupitz and Pope Leo. That these Collectors, relying upon, or abusing his Authority, taught very rashly, and behaved themselves covetously: That he made no doubt but heavy Accusations were brought against him; but that therein he was wrong­ed, since he had been forced by the Sermons and idle Books of the Colle­ctors, to publish some things, only for Disputation sake, which now he more fully explained; that therefore he prayed his Holiness, Not to give Credit to those Accusations, because Frederick Elector of Saxony, was so Religious a Prince, and of so great Prudence and Integrity, that if those things were true, which his Ad­versaries reported of him, he would not suffer his Province to be in such a man­ner Profaned; neither would the University of Wittemberg connive at it: That in short, he submitted all his Writings, nay his Life and Safety to his Autho­rity and Disposal; that he would look upon what proceeded from his Holiness, as if it flowed from Christ, and were delivered by an Oracle; nor did he refuse to lay down his Life, if so it seemed good to him.

[Page 3] Besides others who oppugned his Theses, and the Explication annexed to the same, John Eckius, a Divine, wrote also against him; whom Luther answered, affirming,Eckius writes aganst Luther, and he an­swers; That he alledged nothing from Scripture, nor the Authority of the Fathers, but only some Dreams of his own, such as by bad Custom had now long prevailed in the Schools.

After Eckius, So also does Silvester Pri­erias: Silvester Prierias, a Dominican, Master of the Sacred Palace, as they call it, wrote against him also, and set out a Dialogue, with a Preface to Pope Leo, and that in a very Huffing and Confident Stile, boast­ing, That he would make a Tryal, if Luther were so Strong and Invincible, as that there was no Worsting, nor overcoming of him; and that if he answered that first Essay, he would then ply him with far Stronger and more Elaborate Ar­guments. He also addressed himself to Luther, telling him, That though he was now stricken in Years, and had not of a long Time entred into any such Lists, yet he would do all that was in his Power for the Roman Papacy, praying him withal,And lays down the Heads he is to insist upon. to return into the right Way. Before he enters into Disputation, he lays down some general Positions, as the Ground-work of his Opinion; as that the Pope of Rome, is head of the Universal Church, That the Church of Rome is the Chief of all others, and that in Matters relating to Faith and Religion, it cannot err, no more than a Council, where the Pope is present; That the Holy Scripture receives all its Force and Authority from the Church, and Pope of Rome, as from a most certain Rule; and that they who think otherwise, who follow not the Do­ctrins of the Church of Rome, or question its Authority, are without doubt, Hereticks. Having laid down this for a Ground, he comes to debate the Matter.

To this Writing Luther afterwards made Answer,Luthers An­swer to Silve­ster Prierias. and in his Preface to Silve­ster, told him, That he admired, more than understood, his Positions; and then fol­lowing his Example, in his own Defence, laid down some Positions also, but such as were drawn from Holy Scripture: Wherein he affirmed, That we are not to believe the Doctrins of all Sorts of Men, but prudently to weigh all Things, and embrace that which is agreeable to the Word of God: And that no Doctrin was to be received, though never so Specious, besides that which was left us by the Prophets and Apostles: That the Writers who came nearest to them, were to be admitted; but that we were to judge of the rest: And that as to Indulgences, the Collectors ought not to forge any Novelties, but therein follow the Direction of the Canon Law. Afterwards he objects against him, That he alledged no Text of Scripture, and only quoted the Opinion of Thomas, who himself had handled most things, according to his own Fancy, without the Authority of Scripture; wherefore he rejects both, and for so doing, gives for his Warrant, not only the Injunction of S. Paul, but also the Example of S. Austin: That it is an usual thing with Lawyers, to say, That nothing was to be asserted, but what was clearly grounded on the Law; and that in Divinity it was far less tolerable to admit of any Allegation, without the Authority and Testimony of Scripture: That S. Paul commands, That they who teach the People, should be furnished, not with Syllo­gisms, or the various Devices of Men, but with sound Doctrin, left to us by Di­vine Inspiration; but that, because most part slighted that Command, thick Darkness had overspread the Church, and jangling about frivolous and needless Questions had broke into it. Having thus made Way for himself, he comes to the Refutation, and towards the End, says, That he was not at all moved at his Threats, nor his lofty and swelling Expressions, for that, though he might be put to Death, yet Christ still lived, and was Immortal, to whom all Glory and Ho­nour ought to be given: That if afterwards he intended to have another Brush, he must make use of other Weapons, and that else he would come but sorrily off with his old Friend Thomas.

Silvester makes his Reply,Silvester's Reply. That he was exceedingly pleased, That he submitted to the Determination of the Pope of Rome, and wished that therein he might have spoken truly, and from his Heart. Luther had twitted him with Ambition and Flattery, which he altogether disowned, but strongly defended Thomas Aquinas, affirming, That his whole Doctrin was so well Received, and Approved of by the Church of Rome, that it was even preferred before all other Writings: He therefore rebuked him for speaking with so little Reverence of so great a Man; and told him, That he looked upon it as an Honour, to be called a Thomist: But that nevertheless, he was also acquainted with the Writings of other Men, which sometime or other he would make appear. To this Preface he subjoyned a [Page 4] Short Book, wherein he strangely commended the Power of the Pope of Rome, so that he raised him above Councils, and all the Canons, and affirmed, That the Force of Scripture, depended wholly on his Authority.

Thomas Aquinas, Who Thomas Aquinas was. being nobly descended, gave himself altogether to the Study of Learning, and leaving Italy, came first to Cologn, and then to Paris, where he attained to the chief Place amongst the Learned Men of his Age, and published many Books, both in Philosophy and Divinity: He had been a Fryer of the Domi­nican Order, and the Scholar of Albertus Magnus, and about fifty Years after his Death, was Canonized a Saint, by Pope John XXII. He had, indeed, been a rare Champion for the Papal Dignity, for he gave him Power, not only over all Bishops, the Universal Church, and Kings; but also both Spiritual and Civil Ju­risdiction, affirming it to be necessary to Salvation, That all Men should be Sub­ject unto him, and that he had full Power in the Church, both to call Councils, and to confirm the Decrees of the same: Nay, and that from National or Provincial Synods, Appeals might lawfully be made unto him. In short, he attributed all things unto him, save only, that he could not make new Articles of Faith, nor abrogate those which were handed down to us from the Apostles and Fathers. He wrote also largely of Indulgences, and made the Pope an absolute Mo­narch, in dispensing them. He is said to have died in the Year one thousand two hundred and seventy four; and because of the sharpness of his Wit, he is commonly called the Angelical Doctor.

To Silvester's Reply,Luther an­swers Silve­sters Reply. Luther made Answer, only by an Epistle to the Reader, wherein he affirms, That little Book of his to be so stuffed with Lies and Hor­rid Blasphemies against God, that the Devil himself appeared to be the Author of it; That if the Pope and Cardinals were of the same Judgment, and that if that was the Doctrin taught at Rome, it was no more to be doubted, but that Rome was the very Seat of Antichrist; and that happy was Greece, Bohemia, and all the rest who had separated from it: That if the Pope did not restrain him, and force him to retract his Writings, he protested that he Dissented from him, and not only acknowledged not the Church of Rome, but would look upon it for the Fu­ture, as an Impure Sink of Errours, wholly Devoted to Impiety: That new and unheard of Elogies, of the Pope of Rome, were cunningly and craftily devi­sed daily, with intent that there might be no place for a Lawful Council; since his Flatteries raised him above a Council, and affirmed, That the true Sense and Meaning of the Scriptures was to be sought from him, as from an Infallible Judge: That if they went on in this Madness, and Imposed so upon the World with their Juggles, there remained no other Remedy, but that the Magistrates should Pu­nish them: That Thieves, Robbers, and such like Malefactors, were put to Death; but that it was more Reasonable, That all Men should joyn, in repressing these most pernicious Enemies of the Commonwealth of Christendom: That their Pope was no more than other Men, and no less obliged by the Laws of God than the Meanest Person whatsoever; and that they who taught otherwise, offered the highest Injury to the Divine Majesty.James Hogo­strate writes against Lu­ther, whom he answers. At that time James Hogostrate, a Dominican, wrote bitterly also against Luther, exhorting the Pope to prosecute him with Fire and Faggot. Luther gave him a short Answer, upbraided him with Cruelty and Blood-thirstiness, and sharply plaid upon the Ignorance of the Man, advising him to go on in his Course; for that to be Censured by Unlearned and Vitious Men, was a ready Way to attain to Honour and Reputation: However, he said, He hoped for better things at the Hands of Pope Leo.

Whilst these things were in a Scholastick manner managed and debated by Writing on both Sides,A Diet at Ausburg. the Emperour Maximilian held a Diet at Ausburg, whi­ther Pope Leo [...] sent his Legat, Cardinal Thomas Cajetane. All the seven Princes, who because of their Right of Chusing the Emperour, are called Electors, were present at this Diet, to consult about a Turkish War; for S [...]lym the Emperour of the Turks, having lately subdued the Sultan of Egypt, had reduced Syria and Egypt under his Obedience; and Cardinal Cajetane, having made an Hortatory Speech, and in the Pope's Name offered the Treasures of the Church, implored Aid of the Emperour Maximilian, as being the Protector and Defender of the Church.The Archbi­shop of Mentz made Cardi­nal. At this Time Pope Leo X, made Albert Archbishop of Mentz, a Cardi­nal, and ordered him to be installed at this Diet, by Cajetane, with the usual Rites and Ceremonies. The Emperour afterwards waited upon the new Cardinal from the Church home to his House, and sent him Presents, a Royal Litter, with Horses, Carpets, and a great deal of very Rich Furniture: But the Pope made [Page 5] him a Present of a Cap, embroidered with Gold, Pearls, and precious Stones; and of a Sword with a gilt Scabbard: For generally all the Bishops of Germany have a Civil, as well as Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction. Now it was thought, That Leo conferred this Honour upon him, That the Church of Rome might have a Cham­pion in Germany, conspicuous both for Nobility of Extraction and Dignity; for though all Bishops are bound by an Oath to the Pope of Rome, yet they who are called Cardinals, are much more obliged unto him: Besides he was not Ignorant, how great a Stroak this Man had in the Affairs of the Empire, as being, by An­cient Custom, the First of the Princes, and, as it were, perpetual President of the Electoral Colledge.

Maximilian being informed of the Controversie raised by Luther, Maximilian's Letter to Pope Leo, a­bout Luther and his Do­ctrin. in the Month of August, wrote to Pope Leo, That he had learned, that Luther had vented ma­ny things in his Disputes and Sermons, which for the most part seemed to be Heretical; that he was the more grieved at it, the more obstinately he maintained his Doctrin, and had the more Approvers of his Errours, and amongst those, some also of great Quality: That he exhorted his Holiness, that by Virtue of the Chief Authority, which he had, he would cut off all Idle and Useless Questi­ons, and put a Stop to all Sophistry and Contention about Words; for that they who gave their Minds that Way, did a great deal of Mischief to Christianity; since all their Scope was, That what they themselves had learn'd, should be ap­proved and imbraced by all Men: That care had been, indeed, taken in the for­mer Age, That able Preachers should be appointed to teach the People, and avoid all Idle and Sophistical Nicities, but that that Decree, was by degrees brought in­to Contempt, so that, it ought not, indeed, to seem strange, if they who should be the Guides of others, themselves mistook the Way: That it was long of these, That the Writings of the Ancient Fathers and Interpreters of Holy Scripture, had lain now long neglected, and were become Faulty and Corrupted: That it was also to be imputed to them, That in these our Times many Controversies were broached in the Schools, and amongst the rest, that this dangerous Deba [...] about Indulgences was started: That this, indeed, was a Matter of so great Mo­ment, as that it required a present Remedy to be applyed to the growing Evil, before it should propagate its Contagion, and spread further; for that Delays were dangerous: That for his part, he was ready to approve whatever his Holiness should Determine, and take care to have it received throughout all the Provinces of Germany.

We told you before of the Clashings and contrary Writings of Luther and Sil­vester: Luther Cited by the Pope to appear at Rome. Now since this Man having a publick Place in Rome, eagerly pursued the Cause, Pope Leo Cites Luther under a Penalty, to appear at Rome; and then, August 23, wrote to Cardinal Cajetane, his Legat in Germany, to this purpose. That where­as being informed, That not only in Universities, but also amongst the People, and in Books published and dispersed over Germany, Luther maintained some Impious Opinions, contrary to the Doctrin of the Church of Rome, the Mistriss of Faith and Religion: He, who out of a Paternal Care and Affection, desired to put a Stop to his Rashness, had commanded Jerome Bishop of Ascoli, to whom the Mat­ter properly belonged, to Summon him to appear at Rome, to answer the Accusa­tions brought against him, and give a Confession of his Faith. That the Bishop of Ascoli had, indeed, done as he was enjoyned, but that he was so far from being thereby Reclaimed, that obstinately persisting in his Heresie, he had published Writings far more Dangerous, to his great Grief and Trouble: That, he should therefore endeavour to have him brought to Ausburg, by means of the Emperour and Princes of Germany, whose Assistance he should crave herein; and that being come, he should put him in safe Custody, that he might be sent afterwards to Rome: But that if he repented of his own accord, and begged Pardon for his Fault, he might receive him into Favour, and restore him to the Communion of the Church, which never uses to exclude Penitents; but if not, that then he should Excommunicate him; commanding all Men also to obey this Bull, under the Pe­nalty, if they be Church-men, of the loss of all the Church Livings they possessed, and of being incapable of enjoying any for the future; but if Lay-men, and in Civil Office, under the Pain of being declared Infamous, degraded from all Honours, deprived of Christian Burial, and the Forfeiture of all Ecclesiastical Preferments, which they held of him, or of others also: But to those who should perform faith­ful Service therein, he orders either that Plenary Indulgences and Remission of Sins, or else some Place and Reward should be given; and to this Bull he subjects [Page 6] all Men (the Emperour only excepted,) notwithstanding any Priviledge or Dis­pensation they might have to the contrary.

The same Day,Pope Leo writes to Frederick Ele­ctor of Saxo­ny. he wrote to Frederick Elector of Saxony, who then was at Ausburg: That among the other Ornaments of the House of Saxony, it had been always peculiar to it, to be most zealous for Religion; that therefore it was not probable, that any of that Family would so far degenerate from their Ancestors, as to protect and defend a Man, who entertained Erroneous Thoughts as to the Chri­stian Religion: That nevertheless, to the great Grief of his Heart, he daily heard many and grievous Complaints of Luther, a profligate Wretch, who for­getting his own Order and Profession, acted many things sawcily, and with great Confidence, against the Church of God, bragging, That being supported by the Favour and Protection of the Prince, he stood in awe of the Authority of no Man; That he made no doubt, but that was falsey given out by him, but that never­theless, he was willing to write these few things unto his Highness, and to ad­vise him, That being always mindful of the Splendour and Dignity of himself and his Ancestors, he would not only avoid giving any Offence, but even all Su­spicion of offending: That he knew for a certain, That Luther taught most im­pious and Heretical Doctrines, which both he and the Master of his Palace, had care­fully observed and marked down; That that was the Reason why he had both Cited him to Appear, and also sent his Instructions to Cardinal Cajetane, his Legat, as to what further he would have done in the Matter; and that seeing this was an Affair of Religion, and that it properly belonged to the Church of Rome, to enquire into the Faith and Belief of all Men, he exhorted and charged his Highness, That be­ing thereunto required, by his Legate, he would use his best Endeavours to have Luther delivered up into his Hands, which would be both acceptable Service to God, and very Honourable to himself and Family; that if upon Tryal he were found Innocent at Rome, he should return Home Safe and Sound; but that if he proved Guilty, then would his Highness be Blameless, in no longer protecting a Criminal; and that he himself was so mercifully inclined, as that neither he would oppress an Innocent Man, nor deny a Penitent his Pardon. And thus he left no Way unessayed, that he might undo Luther.

The same Year,Pope Leo writes to the Provincial of the Augustine Fryers. also, he wrote to Gabriel Venize, the Provincial of the Augustine Fryers, exhorting him, That by the Authority of his Charge, he would put a stop to Luther, a Fryer of his Order, who attempted Innovations, and taught new Do­ctrins in Germany, and solicitously ply him both by Letters, and Learned Agents: But that Expedition was to be used in the Matter, for so it would not be difficult to quench the Flame newly broken out, since things in their Infancy and Com­mencement, could not resist Attempts that were any thing brisk; but should it be deferred till the Evil had gathered Strength, it was to be feared, that the Confla­gration might afterwards carry all before it; for that it was a Contagion that spread more and more daily, so that nothing seemed more to be feared than De­lay: That therefore he should set about the Affair with all Pains, Diligence and Industry, seeing he had Authority over him.

When Luther perceived that he was cited to appear at Rome, Luther desired his Cause might be try­ed in Germany. And the Uni­versity of Wit­temberg write to the Pope in his behalf; he was very soli­citous to have his Cause tryed before Competent and Unsuspected Judges, in some Place of Germany, secure from Violence. But when that could not be obtained, the University of Wittemberg sent a Letter to Pope Leo, dated September 25, where­in they gave Luther an ample Testimony both of a Pious Life and Learning; that seeing he was for some Positions proposed, Cited to Rome, and could not, being a Sickly Man, without endangering his Life, make an Appearance; they prayed his Holiness not to think otherwise of him, than of an Honest Man; that he had only for Disputation sake, offered some things to be argued, which were misinterpreted and highly exaggerated by his Adversaries; that for their parts, they would not suffer any thing to be asserted in Opposition to the Church, and that at Luther's Re­quest, they could not but give him this Testimony, which they earnestly entreated his Holiness to give Credit to.

With this Letter,And also to one of the Popes Bed­chamber, that Luthers Cause may be heard in Ger­many. they sent another to Charles Miltitz, a German, and Bedcham­ber Man to Pope Leo: Wherein they represent to him, That Luther was undeser­vedly exposed to the Anger and Hatred of the Pope, insomuch, that being Cited to appear at Rome, he could not as yet obtain, That his Cause might be tryed some­where in Germany: That for their own Parts, they were so zealous, not only for Religion, but also for the Holy Church of Rome, That if Luther were guilty of any Impious Crime or Errour, they would not bear with him: But that he was a Man [Page 7] so Learned, of so upright a Life and Conversation, and had deserved so well of the whole University, that as Affairs stood, they could not but stand by him: That Duke Frederick also, so Religious and Prudent a Prince, would not so long have suffered him to go unpunished, if he had not thought him to be a good Man: That therefore he would use his Interest and Familiarity he had with the Pope, that Impartial Judges might he assigned him, not at Rome, but in Germany: That they did not doubt, but that he would act as became a Christian and Divine, and make it appear that he did not Wantonly and without a Cause hunt after an Oc­casion of Contention: That they begged this the more earnestly of him, in that they had the greater Hopes, that he who was himself a German, would not, in so just a Cause, be wanting to a Country-Man, who was born down by Calum­nies, and in danger of his Life.

Besides the Intercession of these Friends,Duke Frede­rick deals with Cardinal Cajetane at Ausburg. Frederick Prince Elector, spoke also to Cardinal Cajetane at Ausburg, and so far prevailed, that Luther being excused from going to Rome, should plead his Cause before the Emperour at Ausburg. Be­ing come thither, in the Month of October, it was three Days before he was ad­mitted to the Speech of Cajetane; for they to whom Duke Frederick, (who upon dissolution of the Diet, was gone Home,) had recommended him, forbad him to go to him, before he had obtained a Safe Conduct from the Emperour Maximilian; but that being, at length, granted, he came; and the Cardinal having civilly re­ceived him,Cajetane's con­ference with Luther. told him, That he would not enter into any Dispute with him, but end the Controversie amicably; and at the same Time proposed to him two Commands in Name of the Pope; First, That he would repent what he had done, and retract the Errours which he had published: And next, That for the Future, he would abstain from such Writings, as disturbed the Peace and Tranquility of the Church. Luther makes Answer, That he was not Conscious to himself of any Er­rour; and desires, That if he had erred, it might be proved against him. With that Cajetane objects, That in his Theses he had affirmed, That the Merits of our Saviour Christ, were not the Treasure of Indulgences, which Opinion was repug­nant to the Decretal of Pope Clement VI. Again, That it was necessary that they who come to receive the Sacrament, should have a firm Belief that their Sins were forgiven them. Luther replies, That that was not so, telling him withal, That he had read the Pope's Decree, and gave his Judgment of it; but mention being made of S. Thomas, he said, The Authority of Holy Scripture was to be preferred far before his.

The Cardinal then extolling the Dignity of the Pope, prefers him before all Scriptures and Councils, and quotes the abrogation of the Council of Basil, which had decreed otherwise; condemning also Gerson the Parisian Doctor, and the rest who approved that Opinion. On the other hand, Luther denies the Authority of the Pope to be greater than that of a Council, and quotes the Parisian Divines, as the Approvers of his Judgment. When after much Debate, they could not agree, Luther desired Time to consider; and coming again next Day, in pre­sence of Notary and Witnesses, and some of the Emperours Counsellers also, he professed, That he Reverenced and Submitted to the Holy Church of Rome; that if he had said any thing to the contrary, he disowned it; but that since he was ad­monished and commanded, To Renounce his Errour, and meddle no more for the future, he was of the Opinion, that he had asserted nothing, that disagreed with the Scripture, the Judgment of the Fathers, the Decretals of the Popes, or right Reason it self; that he did not deny, indeed, but that he might err and be deceived, that being incident to Man; and that therefore he submitted to the Judgment of a Lawful and Holy Church; and referred his Cause to be tryed there­by: Nay more, That he was ready, in any Place, to give an account of his Do­ctrin; that if he was not pleased with this, he would answer his Arguments in Writing, and submit to the Judgment of the Universities of Germany and Paris. Cajetane urged again, as he had done the Day before, that Decretal of Clement, as making for him; and at length allowed him to exhibit his Mind in Writing; which was to this purpose: That at the Time he published his Theses, and when after, he wrote the Explication of them, he had read the Decretal of Clement, but that it had not satisfied him; for that though it be made a Rule, That the Decretals of the Pope of Rome are no less to be received than the Words of the Apostle S. Peter, yet that ought so to be understood, provided they agree with Ho­ly Scripture, and deviate not from the Decretals of the Ancients; that S. Peter's Voice was, indeed, Sacred and Holy, and yet he had been sharply rebuked by [Page 8] St. Paul, and his Doctrin not received till the Church, which then was at Jerusalem, consented to it. That the Sayings of Men were to be heard, but that every thing should be referred to the Voice of Christ, who alone could not be deceived: That that Decretal was repugnant to many places of Holy Scripture, which was the Reason that at that time he Published his Position, and afterwards Commented upon the same: That from that time forward, he had resolved to dispute no more about it, and rather to listen to the Opinions of others; but that now, though he had rather be instructed by others, and especially the Pope of Rome, yet since there lay a necessity upon him of defending his own Assertion, he would essay, and use his endeavours to reconcile his Positions to that Decretal, if by any means it could be done. Having thus addressed to the Cardinal in a Preface, he falls to the handling of the matter it self, and explaining the Decretal, affirms, That it made for him, yet so, that he did not thereby derogate from the dignity either of the Pope or him. Then he comes to the other branch of the Accusation, and by many Texts of Scripture, fully proves, That it is Faith which Justi­fies us before God: And therefore he prays him to deal kindly with him, and shew him his Errour; for that the Texts of Scripture which he had alledged, were of so great force, that he believed them to be Self-evident; wherefore he could not forsake that Truth, since it was better to Obey God than Men. That therefore he desired to be excused from that over-hard condition of Retracting, and to be Reconciled to the Pope: That it was not out of Arrogance, or any desire of Vain-glory, that he had entred the Lists, and that he wished for nothing more than that the Truth might be discovered by any more Learned and Pious than himself; so that he beg'd, he might not be compell'd to wound his own Conscience. Cajetane took this Writing from him, and upon reading, made slight of it, but promised however to send it to the Pope. In the mean time he urged him to retract, else he threatned him with the Punishment appointed by the Pope, and with that bid him be gone, and see his face no more, unless he changed his mind▪

Three days after Luther had been thus threatned, October the Seventeenth, he wrote a very humble and submissive Letter to the Legate; for after that the Legate had chid him, as we said, and sent him away, he had dealt privately with John Stupitz, Provincial of the Augustine Fryars, that he might incline him to make a voluntary Recantation. Now in that Letter, Luther gives him an account of what pass'd betwixt Stupitz and him, who had omitted nothing that could be expected from an honest Man, and faithful Friend. He thanked him for his Good-will and Kindness towards him, which he had understood from Stupit's discourse, whereby he had been so much comforted, that there was no Man-living he would more willingly gratifie, than His Eminence. He confesses that he had been too sharp, and had not behaved himself with the respect and reverence that was due to the Papal Dignity, but that all that was to be attribu [...]ed to the imperti­nence of the Collectors: He begs Pardon for what he had done, and promises greater modesty for the future, and that he would hereafter do his Holiness Right in his Sermons: That he would not mention the Indulgences in time to come, provided his Adversaries were enjoyned to do the like; but that he should retract the Opinions which he had divulged, and hitherto defended, he could not with a safe Conscience, so long as he was not convinced of Errour by clear Testimonies of Scripture. He therefore craves that the Tryal of the Cause might be referred to the Pope, for that nothing would be more pleasant to him, than to hear the Voice of the Church about such Controversies.

Since Cardinal Cajetane made no Answer to this Letter, and had uttered some threatning Words, he took his Friends counsel, and two days after departed, leaving behind him a certain Appeal, which should afterwards be publickly affixed; and about the time of his departure, he wrote again to the Legate, That he had omitted nothing which was his duty to do: That being a weak sickly Man, he had made a long Journey on Foot and come to Ausburg, Luther writes to Cajetane when he was going home, and appeals from him to the Pope. that he might manifest his Submission to the Pope; but now that his Money was almost spent, and that he would not be any longer troublesome to the Carmelite Fryers who had lodged and entertained him in their Convent, he would return home, especially seeing His Eminence had discharged him to come any more into his presence: That gene­rally all his Friends had advised him to appeal from him to the Pope: That he would not indeed have done it of his own accord, as not thinking it to be very necessary; but that he could not but respect their Admonitions, and the rather that [Page 9] he beleived Duke Frederick inclined more to have that Appeal made, than that he should rashly and unadvisedly make any Retractation.

The Appeal was conceived in Words much to this effect;The Form of Luther's Ap­peal. That the Question about Indulgences, which had been variously handled by many, was never clearly determined; and that about such dubious Questions, it was lawful, especially for Divines, to dispute; that he had also done so at that time, when some Preachers, not only Wrote and Taught rashly and unadvifedly, but also used strange ways and Tricks to draw Money from the People; and that he did it, not as affirming any thing positively, but only that he might discover the Truth; that he had, in like manner submitted the whole Debate to the Determination of the Learned, and also of Pope Leo; but that these Men had devised many Calumnies against him, abused him grievously to the Pope, and at length prevailed so far, that the Cause was committed to the Bishop of Ascoli, and Silvester Prierias; that by them he had been cited to appear at Rome, but that because both of them were suspected, and one of them unfit to judge in such a Matter: Again, because no Man doubted of the unavoidable Danger, he would have been exposed to, if he had gone to Rome, and that he had been commanded by his own Magistrate, not to go: Upon these Considerations, and in such an Apprehension also, which might affect the Stoutest, and most resolute Man, he had prayed Frederick Elector of Saxony, That he would procure his Cause to be Tryed by some fit and competent Persons, in a Place, secure from Violence, in Germany; that so, the Pope had referr'd the whole Matter to his Legate, Cardinal Cajetane, which doubtless was brought about by the Instigation of his Adversaries, who knew the Mind and Intentions of the Cardinal. And though the Legate himself might have justly been Suspected, yet he had obeyed. That the Cardinal had, at first Meeting, commanded him instantly to retract what he had written; to which he then made Answer, That he would give an account of what he had done, either in a Personal Disputation, or by Writing, and refer the whole Matter, not only to Universities, but also to the Decision of the Church of Rome; but that the Legate being wrought upon by none of these Things, had still enjoyned him a Retractation, and when he could not extort it, had threatned severe Punishments, both to him, and others also that were of his Opinion. That since then, he found himself lyable to such unjust Prejudications, he Appealed from the Pope, not rightly informed in the Cause, to the Pope to be better informed, and that he publickly protested.

Now,Pope Cle­ment's Decree about Indul­gences. that Decretal of Pope Clement, which hath been mentioned is extant, in that Part of the Canon-Law, which they call the Extravagants. There Pope Clement reduces that Time, they call the Jubilee, from an hundred Years, as it was ap­pointed by Boniface VIII. to fifty; and speaking of the Blessing of our Saviour Christ, affirms, That one Drop of the Blood of Christ, was sufficient for the Redemption of all Mankind; but that seeing he shed so much Blood, that there was no sound Part left in his Body, nothing more Lamentable to be seen, he had left all that was over and above, as a vast Treasure, for the use of the Church, and commanded S. Peter, who keeps the Keys of Heaven's Gates, and after him, his Successors, to distribute that Treasure like good Stewards, amongst Men, who were truly Penitent, and confessed their Sins, pardoning the Temporal Pu­nishment that was due unto them for their Trespasses: Besides, he says, That the Merits of the Virgin Mary, and all the Saints, were put into the same Treasure, so that there was an inexhaustible Stock for Indulgences. This was the Decretal then, upon which Cajetane grounded the Efficacy and Validity of Indulgences: But Luther affirmed, That there was nothing committed to S. Peter and his Suc­cessours, but the Keys and Ministry of the Word, whereby Christ impowers them to declare to Penitent Believers, who trust in him, the Remission of their Sins; that that was the true and genuine Sense of the Scripture: That if that was the Meaning of Pope Clement's Decretal, he liked it; but if not, he could not ap­prove the same: That what, moreover, it said of the Merits of Saints, was wholly repugnant to Scripture; for that the best of Men, were so far from doing more, that they could not do what they ought, and that we were not saved by their Merits, but only by the Mercy of God; since it ought to be our daily Prayer, That God would pardon our Sins and Trespasses,The Decrees of the Coun­cils of Con­stance and Basil concerning the Power of the Pope. and not enter into Judgment with us, lest we should be condemned.

As to what Cajetane alledged of the Pope's Power, the Case is this: It was decreed in the fourth and fifth Sessions of the Council of Constance, That the Pope himself should be subject to the Decrees of a Council. The same was also [Page 10] renewed, and again Decreed, in the third and eighteenth Sessions of the Council of Basil. But Eugenius IV, refusing to go to that of Basil, though he had been often warned and cited to come, declared it null, and appointed another to meet at Ferrara, whither also came John Paleologue, the last Emperour of the Greeks, save one, with Joseph Patriarch of Constantinople, and a great many Bishops, and that was in the Year 1438. From Ferrara, afterwards, they all removed to Florence, and there a Decree past, with consent of the Greeks, That the Church of Rome was the Chief of all Churches; and the Pope of Rome, the Successor of Peter, the Prince of the Apostles, the true Vicar of Christ, the Head of the Universal Church, the Father and Teacher of all Christians, and that full Power was given to him from Christ, of Feeding and Governing the Catholick Church. This Decree Cajetane now insisted upon, when he preferred the Pope before a Council. Nay, and six Years before, also, when he was not as yet Cardinal, but only General of the Do­minicans, he made a Speech in the Second Session of the Council of Lateran, of which more hereafter; and having spoken many things against some Cardinals, who had made a Separation, he had a glance, by the by, at the Councils of Con­stance and Basil, because the Fathers at that time, had taken upon them Power and Authority over the Pope; that therefore it was well done by Eugenius, when he curbed that Faction, and suffered not his Power to be diminished. Pope Julius II, in whose Favour this Speech was made, commanded it afterwards to be entred amongst the Acts and Records of the Council; though Cajetane obtained not the Cardinals Cap,An account of Gerson. before the Pontificat of Pope Leo. Gerson, whom he mentioned, was a Parisian Divine of great Reputation, who wrote several things; he was present at the Council of Constance, and wrote much in Praise of that Decree, which subjects the Pope to a Council, saying, That it deserved to be hung up in all Churches, and publick Places, for perpetual Memory; for that they were most pernicious Flatterers, who introduced that Tyranny into the Church, as if the Pope ought not to obey a Council, nor be judged by it; as if a Council re­ceived all its Authority and Dignity from him, as if it could not be called with­out his Permission, and as if he were not obliged by any Laws, nor to be called to an account for his Doings; that these monstrous Words were utterly to be avoided, which were repugnant to the Laws, common Equity, and natural Rea­son; for that all the Power of the Church was in a Council, that it was lawful to Appeal from him to it; and that they who asked, Whether the Pope or a Council was the greater? did just, as if they should demand, Whether the whole were greater than a part? since a Council had Power of Making, Judging and Depo­sing the Pope, and had given a late Instance of it at Constance; for seeing some seemed to doubt of that, and attributed a little too much to the Pope, that Que­stion had been decided, before Pope John XXIII was degraded. These things, and much more to the same purpose, Gerson writes, and was therefore now rejected by Cajetane. He dyed in the Year 1429. But the Doctors of the University of Paris were of the same Opinion, confining that vast Usurpation of the Popes within these very Limits, so that some Months before Luther published any thing of In­dulgences, they appealed from Pope Leo X, to a Council, because of his abrogating the Pragmatick Sanction, which was very useful to the Students and Scholars of France, and opened a way also to Honour and Preferment.

After Luther was gone,Cajetane's Letter to the Elector of Saxony. Cardinal Cajetane wrote to Duke Frederick, October 25, That Luther had come to Ausburg, but had not spoken with him, 'till he had ob­tained a Safe Conduct from the Emperour; and that he wondred very much, That they put so little Confidence in him; that after much Discourse, he had admo­nished the Man, To come over and retract; and that though he had been some­what obstinate, yet he had come to Terms of Reconciliation with Stupitz and some others, so that both the Dignity of the Roman Church, and his own Reputation were saved: But that when there had been a good Foundation of the Matter laid, Stu­pitz first, and then Luther, had departed privately; which happened quite con­trary to his Expectation: That he pretended, indeed, as if all he had done, was only for Disputation sake, and to discover the Truth, but that in his Sermons to the People, he positively asserted all, which was not to be suffered, since his Do­ctrin was both different from that of the Church of Rome, and very pernicious also, as might be affirmed for a certain Truth: He therefore advises him, That he would consult his own Honour and Conscience, and either send Luther to Rome, or banish him his Country; that such a Pestilent Business could not long subsist, nor was it to be doubted, but a Sentence would pass at Rome, and that he him­self, [Page 11] as in Duty bound, had acquainted the Pope with the whole Matter, and the crafty Trick that had been plaid him: That he prayed him not to give credit to those who seemed to favour Luther's Writings; and that he would not cast such a Blemish and Stain upon his most Noble Family, as he had often promised, he would not.

Duke Frederick, The Elector's Answer. on the eighth of December, answered this Letter, which was delivered unto him November 19. to the Effect following. That he had promised to take Care, That Luther should come to Ausburg; which being fulfilled, he could do no more: That he on the other Hand, had past his Word, That he, would in a friendly manner dismiss Luther; but that, in the mean Time, he would have had him to retract, without hearing his Arguments and Plea, or he having been fairly tryed, seemed very strange unto him; for that there were a great many Learned and Good men, not only within his Territories, but in other Pla­ces also, who were far from condemning his Opinion: And that they who with­stood him, were moved to it through Covetousness and Malice, because he had spoiled their Trade, and lessened their Profits: That if it had been plainly made appear that he had erred, he had so great regard to the Glory of God, and the Peace of his own Conscience, as of his own accord, he would have long ago dis­charged the Duty of a Christian Magistrate: That what he told him, then of con­tinuing the Process against Luther, at Rome, was a thing he did not so much as dream of; and that what he also demanded of him, that he should either make him appear at Rome, or banish him his Country, he could not do it: First, because his Errour was not as yet demonstrated, and then, because it would be a great loss to the University of Wittemberg, founded by himself; which being famous for many Learned and Studious Men, had a great esteem for Luther, for his Merits and the good Services, he hath done there: That he had sent him his Letter to read; and that he had protested, as he had often done before, That he was ready to main­tain his Opinion by Disputation, in any unsuspected Place, and hearken to the Judg­ments of others, who could better inform him, or else to answer in Writing: That, indeed, it seemed Reasonable, That he should be allowed to do so, which he also desired might be done, that it might, at length, appear, both, why he was to be accounted an Heretick, and also what he himself was to follow; for as he could not wittingly and willingly approve any Errour, or withdraw himself from the Obedience of the Church of Rome, so neither would he condemn Luther, before his Errour and Crime were detected.

Duke Frederick had sent Luther Cajetane's Letter,Luther's An­swer to the Elector of Saxony. as we said just now; Luther therefore presently made Answer to the Prince: That he had been advised by his Friends, not to appear before the Legate, till he had obtained a Safe Conduct from the Emperour; that he would have had him retract what he had written concern­ing Indulgences, and of the Necessity of Faith, in going to the Sacraments: That for the former, indeed, he was not much concerned; but that he should deny the other, he could not do it, he said, Since the Stress of our Salvation rested upon it: That the Texts of Scripture were depraved and wrested by the Papists: He also gave a Relation of every Days Proceedings, and how Cardinal Cajetane, at length, fell to Threatnings: That in Reality, he desired nothing more, than to be con­vinced, wherein he had erred; that he would willingly submit to better Informa­tion: That if they would not be at so much Pains, for so mean and inconsiderable a Person, as he was, they ought, at least, to write to his Highness, or to the Em­perour, or else to some Eminent Bishop of Germany, and appoint a free Disputa­tion to be held in some Place; that hitherto they had denyed him all these things; but that if they persevered therein, it might easily be judged who were in the Fault, he or they: That since, therefore, they offered nothing but Severity and Cruelty, he ought not to be moved at their Words; for that it was far more ea­sie for them, to mark down, what they thought to be Erroneous, and to publish them for such through Germany, than for him to be at vast Charges, and endan­ger his Life, in going to Rome, to have his Errours examined and discussed there: That, after all, as to what he boasted of, That the Cause should be judicially try­ed at Rome, unless he either went thither, or were banished the Country; he did not refuse Banishment, for that he very well knew, no Place could be safe for him, so long as he was pursued by the Malice and Treachery of his Adversaries; that it would be also a great Grief and Trouble to him, if any Man should be brought in­to Danger for his sake; that therefore to prevent their Enterprizes, he would leave the Country, and go whither God pleased to call him. At length, he con­cludes [Page 12] with hearty Thanks to his Highness, and prayes for his Welfare and Pro­sperity; rejoycing in himself, That God would think him worthy to suffer any thing for the Glory of the Name of Christ.

Afterwards,The Univer­sity of Wittem­berg inter­ceeds with Duke Frede­rick for Lu­ther. the University of Wittemberg, on the 21 November, wrote to Duke Frederick, That they had been informed by Luther of Cajetane's Letter, what it was he demanded, and what again Luther offered at Ausburg; that, therefore, since Luther desired both that his Errour might be made appear to him, and that he sub­mitted to the Holy Church of Rome, they prayed his Highness, to endeavour that they might not take any Severe Course with him, but convince him of his Errour, by Arguments taken from Holy Scripture; that he, indeed, had great Confidence in the Courteous and Gracious Disposition of Pope Leo; but was much afraid, lest his Flattering Adversaries might incense him, and abuse the Name of the Church. Though the Elector Frederick, complied not with the Papists, and took special Care, that Luther should not suffer any Injury, as may sufficiently appear, from what hath been said, yet to that very Day he had not read any of Luther's Writ­tings, nor heard his Sermons, as he himself professed, in a Letter, which at Aus­burg he wrote to Cardinal Raphael Riario, who, upon account of Ancient Acquain­tance, had friendly admonished him, not to undertake the Protection of Luther.

In the mean time,Pope Leo's Bull for the Indulgences. during these Transactions, Pope Leo being apprehensive of some defection, in that State of Affairs, on the eight of November, published a Bull in confirmation of Indulgences; affirming it to be the Doctrine of the Church of Rome, the Mother and Mistriss of all other Churches; that the Pope, the Successor of S. Peter, and Vicar of Christ, hath Power of granting that great Bles­sing, which availeth not only the Living, but the Dead also in Purgatory; that that Doctrine was to be embraced by all, if they would not be separated from the Communion of the Church. This Bull he therefore sent to his Legate Cardinal Cajetane, to be by him published. He in obedience to the Command, published it at Lintz, a Town of Austria upon the Danube, in presence of some Publick Nota­ries and Witnesses; and having caused many Copies of it to be written out, sent them in the Month of December after, to the Bishops throughout Germany, charging them in the Pope's Name, under severe Penalties, That they forthwith publish, and seriously recommend them to the People of their Diocesses.

Because Luther had understood by Cajetane's Letter,Luther's Ap­peal from the Pope to a Council. That they would proceed to a Sentence, against him, at Rome, on the 28 of November, he made a new Ap­peal. In the beginning whereof, he professes, That he would not impeach the Au­thority of the Pope of Rome, so long as he was sound in his Judgment, and far less dissent from the Church; that nevertheless, seeing the Pope was like other Men, it was possible he might err and do amiss, and that it was not to be attributed to him, as if he alone could not err, nor be deceived. This he affirms by the Ex­ample of S. Peter, whom S. Paul rebuked openly and sharply, because he had erred in the Sound Doctrine: That seeing the Pope had so great Power and Wealth, that he both commanded what he pleased, and could not be restrained by the Au­thority of any Man, the only Remedy that remained for those, who thought themselves injured by him, was in Appeal: Then he relates, How that being forced by the too great Austerity of Cardinal Cajetane, he had Appealed to the Pope, thinking he might have had some Protection in his goodness, seeing he had offered most reasonable Conditions, and promised to do any thing, provided he were convinced of his Errour; but that now seeing he perceived that this Appeal being slighted, and the Conditions also rejected, there was no Hopes of Help or Relief from the Pope, as appeared by Cardinal Cajetane's Letter to the Elector of Saxony; he was by extream Necessity brought to make his Appeal from the Pope to a future Council, which was every way to be preferred be­fore him.

Afterwards, Pope Leo sent Charles Miltitz, whom we mentioned before, into Germany, and presented the Elector Frederick, with that Golden Rose, which is yearly Consecrated by the Pope, with great Pomp and many Ceremonies, and commonly presented to some great Person, as a Mark of singular Good-will and Favour. He wrote also to Degenart Pheffinger, a Nobleman, and one of Duke Fre­derick's Council, intreating him to assist Miltitz in what he was to negotiate with the Elector in his Name. that Luther, the Son of Satan, might be restrained, and that the most Noble Family of Saxony, which had been always reckoned zealous [Page 13] for Religion, might not be sullied by any Blot or Blemish. To the same Purpose, also, he wrote to George Spalatiner; and the more to persuade him, told him, That he was wholly taken up in rooting the hurtful Weeds out of the Field of Christ. In like manner, his Vice-Chancellour writing to Degenart, prays him, That he would exhort Duke Frederick to imitate the Example of his Ancestors, that he might not do any thing unworthy of their Memory. When Miltitz arrived in Saxony, he presented the Rose, and vigorously set about the Discharge of his Commission: This coming to Luther's Knowledge, on the third of March, he wrote a very sub­missive Letter to the Pope;1519. That he had been grievously accused to Frederick Ele­ctor of Saxony, Luther's Let­ter to Pope Leo. as if he behaved himself perversly towards the Church of Rome; which troubled him not a little; for that it exceedingly grieved him to have fallen into his Holiness's Displeasure, and that nevertheless, he could not tell what he had to do, nor how to carry himself; that he was constantly urged to retract his Writings; that if that could any way contribute to the Advantage and Dignity of the Church of Rome, he would not refuse to do so; but that there were a great many ingenious and learned Men, in Germany, who could rightly judge of the whole Controversie; so that, though he should retract, yet it would redound more to the Disgrace and Detriment, than to the Dignity of the Church of Rome: That for his Part, he had done his Holiness no Injury, but that it was rather those Col­lectors and Preachers, who, put on by Covetousness, and greedy of Lucre, had spoken foul and ignominious Things to the People; that by these he had been grievously accused and informed against; whereas he stood so well affected towards the Church of Rome, and his Holiness himself, that he had no Thoughts of Attempt­ing any thing against it; for that the Power and Authority of the Church was so great, that next to Christ, it was the most excellent thing in the World; that he prayed his Holiness not to give credit to his Adversaries: That he would never hereafter make mention of the Indulgences, provided, his Enemies, on the other Hand, were also enjoyned Silence; that he would also advise the People, in his Sermons, to entertain Reverent and Honourable Thoughts of the Church of Rome, not to impute to it the Boldness and Covetousness of some of its Mem­bers, nor yet, imitate his Example, who being in some manner necessitated by his Adversaries, had treated the Church somewhat irreverently and unbecomingly: In short, that he would do any thing for Peace sake. That in all his Proceedings he had had this constantly before his Eyes, That the Church of Rome should not be aspersed by the wickedness of some Men, nor the People imposed upon by false Doctrine; and that this his Care and Diligence could not be lyable to any Censure. That he was not much concerned about Matters indifferent, provided no Errour nor erroneous Persuasion possessed Men's Minds.

Before Miltitz arrived in Germany, The Emper­our Maximi­lian dies. the Emperour Maximilian dyed in Austria, January 12. the Electors then were, Albert Archbishop of Mentz, Herman, Arch­bishop of Cologne, and Richard Archbishop of Treves; Ludovick Prince Palatine, Fre­derick Duke of Saxony, Joachim Marquess of Brandenburg, and Lewis King of Bohe­mia, who was also King of Hungary. These being, according to the Custome of the Empire, summoned by the Elector of Mentz, met in the Month of June, at Frankford, a City upon the River of Main, whither the King of Bohemia sent his Deputy Ladislaus Sterneberg. The Archbishop of Mentz spoke first; and having said much, of the greatness of the Affair, exhorted them to Unity and Concord; shewing by many Instances, in former times, how much mischief the Dissention of the Electors had done to Germany; and that they all ought to be the more unani­mous now, that they were threatned with great Dangers from the Turks, and from others also, who sought the Division of Germany.

There were two Competitours that stood for the Imperial Dignity,Competi­tours for the Empire Charles King of Spain, and Francis King of France. Charles Archduke of Austria, who three Years before had succeeded to Ferdinand King of Spain, his Grand-Father, by the Mother, and Francis King of France, who having defeated the Switzers four Years before at Marignano, was in Possession of the Dutchy of Milan. And the Ambassadours of Charles, about that time, were come as far as Mentz, four German Miles distant from Frankford; but the French Ambassadours stopt at Coblentz, a Town belonging to the Archbishop of Treves, upon the conflu­ent of the Rhine and Moselle. They severally by Letters and Agents recommended their own Princes to the Electors, and used what Arguments they could to persuade them; but especially the French, who easily understood that their Pretensions were not so acceptable, as differing from the Germans in Language, Customs and Manners. The French King, having overcome the Switzers, as we have said, was [Page 14] in Possession of Lumbardy; but seeing he lookt upon their Friendship to be in a manner necessary for the Safety of his own Kingdom, with high Promises and great Losses, he purchased it the next Year after. Now therefore, the Empire being void by the Death of Maximilian, he sent Ambassadours, to acquaint them with the Reasons why he desired to be chosen Emperour, and withal, to crave their Assistance and Intercession for him with the Electors: Their Answer was, That when they had made Friendship, and entred into a League with him, they had excepted the Church of Rome, and the Empire: That it concerned the Majesty of the Empire, that the Voices of the Electors should be free, so that they could not forestal that Liberty, by making any previous Declaration of their Inclinations. Thus the Ambassadours being dismissed, they wrote to the Electors, acquainting them with the Application the King had made unto them, and with their Answer thereunto; praying them, withal, that they would have no regard unto it, but chuse some German Prince, and thereby infinitely oblige them. They wrote, besides, to Pope Leo; and seeing it belonged to him, to con­firm and inaugurate the Emperour elect, they besought him, that he would bestir himself, to hinder that that Dignity should not be bestowed upon any Foreign Prince. To this he made answer, That he heard, there was one who aspired to that Honour, that could not lawfully do it; for that the Kings of Naples were the Vassals of the Pope of Rome; and had obliged themselves of old, not to aim at the Roman Empire, but to rest satisfied with one of the two; and that he had already given intimation of this to the Electors. By this he meant Charles Arch­duke of Austria; for after the Overthrow, which the French King gave the Switzers, September 13. 1515, when he carried with him Maximilian Sforza into France; Pope Leo following the Fortune of the Victorious, in the Month of Decem­ber, came to Bolonia, and there having had an Interview, and long Conference with King Francis, he confirmed Friendship with him: And this, among others, was one Cause, why at this Time he favoured his Pretensions. Now, as to what he said of the Kingdom of Naples, this is the Case: When Manfred, natural Son to the Emperour, Frederick II, Made War against the Church of Rome, Pope Cle­ment IV, in the Year 1365, that he might repress him, took the Course, which his Predecessor Vrban IV, was about to have taken, as it is reported, and having sent for Charles, Count of Provence and Anjou, into Italy, declared him King of Si­cily and Naples, but on Condition, First, That he should hold the same in Fee of the Church of Rome, The Speech of the Elector of Mentz a­bout the Ele­ction of the Emperour. and therefore pay the sum of forty thousand Crowns yearly; and then that he should at no Time aspire to the Dignity of the Roman Empire, nor accept of it, though freely offered unto him.

When the Matter was brought into Deliberation, the Arhbishop of Mentz, hav­ing first consulted apart, with Frederick Duke of Saxony, who was of great Autho­rity amongst the Electors, opened the Case, and told them, That the whole Que­stion consisted in three Points, to wit; Whether Francis King of France, Charles King of Spain, or else some German was to be chosen? As to the French King, saith he, I think we are barred from chusing him, by our Oath and Laws, whereby it is provided, That this Dignity of the Empire should not be transferred to Stran­gers; and no Man doubts, I think, but that he is a Foreign Prince. Again, though his Country were no Hindrance, yet it is not for the Interest of the Publick, be­cause the French King will think of enlarging his Dominions, and make War against Charles King of Spain, whom he hateth, nay, and hath already denounced it, so that Germany will be involved in great Troubles: But we ought to take Care, That no Civil-War be raised among us. Austria belongs to the Dominion of Charles; If the French King invade this, as certainly he will, shall we leave it to his Mercy? Hath the Emperour Maximilian deserved no better of us and the Empire? Do you think that our own Liberty will be long safe, if these Provinces be once subdued? He hath lately enlarged his Borders, by the accession of the Dutchy of Milan, the same will he attempt to do in Germany. We ought not to be moved by their large and magnificent Promises, for Covetousness and Ambition transports Men commonly, and makes them forget their Duty. There were many Princes heretofore in France; but now their Number is contracted within a very narrow Compass, for the King now is in a manner sole Monarch; they say he is a Prince of great Courage, but that aims wholly at Monarchy; Aristocracy is the Go­verment we ought chiefly to retain. They promise great Matters, of making War against the Turks, that were to be wished, indeed, as a thing of greatest Advantage to the State; nor am I ignorant of how great Moment a conjunction of Germany, [Page 15] France and Italy, would prove; but he will make the first Essay of all their Power and Prowess, upon the Provinces of King Charles; He'll attempt the Netherlands, and set upon Naples, that he may recover it, as an Hereditary Kingdom, belong­ing unto him: And shall we Arm him for the accomplishment of these things? Nor is it to be said, that I am Prophecying of future and uncertain Contingences; for he is already raising an Army. Since therefore the Laws, our Oath, and the Love of our Country, lay an Obligation upon us, I declare it to be my Opinion, that we cannot chuse him. Now will I proceed to the other parts: Some of you, I believe are against the Election of Charles, because Spain lyes at a great distance from us, and that Germany will suffer by his Absence, either through a Turkish War, or Civil Dissensions. For my own part, I not only acknowledge these things to be true, but when also I consider them more attentively, I am stricken with horror and apprehension: For I think with my self, that if the Emperour being any way provoked, should come into Germany and bring Spaniards with him, our Liberty would be in great danger: Nay it runs in my mind too, that the Spaniards will be very loath to part with, or ever restore to us again this Imperial Dignity; but if they chance by their force and valour to recover Milan, will endeavour to keep it to themselves. So that I am almost inclined to think it safest to chuse a fit Person of our own Country, in Imitation of our Progenitors, who passing by Strangers, have been often content with Natives. I would not be thought to deny this; however the State of Affairs had another face then, and the Age was much happier. But now if we have an Emperour weak in Power, do ye think that those of the Netherlands and Austria, the Subjects of Charles of Spain, will be Obedient unto him? Or should the French King make War against Charles, as he certainly will either in Flanders or Italy, must he be an idle Spectator? And must this our new Emperour suffer a great part of the Empire to be dismembred by Foreign Nations? Nay, as the Times are now, it is probable, that the Princes of Germany, despising their own Emperour, will make Alliances and Joyn, some with the Austrians, and others with the French. In the time of the Emperour Frederick III, Charles Duke of Burgundy, made War in Germany, as Philip Maria Duke of Milan did in Italy, without controul, and certainly much to our disgrace: Nay, which was more ignominious, the Emperour was at that time blockt up in Austria, and driven out of his own Country by the Hungarians; and nevertheless the Bohemians were then joyned with him, as were also my Grand-father Albert Marquess of Brandenburg, and Albert Duke of Saxony▪ If that happened then, you see what is to be expected at present, when some will be Pensioners to some, and others to other Princes; not to mention many causes that may intervene, why Princes and Cities will refuse to give obedience. Grievous Troubles and Stirs seem now also to be threatned upon account of Religion; for there are Debates arisen about Indulgences, the Power of the Pope and Ecclesiastical Laws, which look indeed, as yet, as if they were curable, but will in a short time bring along with them great Desolation and Alterations in the Church; for very many espouse that Cause, and especially the Saxons and Switzers, most valiant People; nor can the evil be remedied but by a Council: Now how can an Emperour low in Power, either procure the calling of a Council, or defend it, especially if other Kings oppose the same? There is a Turkish War also to be thought on, and that not only Defensive, but Offensive also, that we may regain what we have lost, and above all things restore Greece to its Liberty. Now for accomplishing of this, there will be need of the Forces of many Nations; And how shall an Emperour of small Power and Authority be able to procure them? For these Reasons then, it is my Judgment, that we should chuse some Potent Prince, and that Charles, Arch-Duke of Austria, ought to be preferred before the other Princes of Germany. As for those Inconveniences which may seem to scare us, I think they are far less than those that would arise, if the chief Government were put into the hands of any other: For he is both a German by Extraction, and has many Provinces holding of the Empire; nor will he permit our common Country to truckle under the Bon­dage of any, but will give us a solemn Oath, That he shall neither suffer the Empire to be transferred, nor our Rights and Liberties diminished. The Reasons I have alledged, are indeed of very great weight; and yet I should not have been moved by them, if his Temper and Disposition were not known; for he is Religious, Just and Modest, a hater of Cruelty, and a Prince of pregnant Parts. These his Vertues will always mind him of his Duty, and of the Care of the Government. They who know him familiarly, much Extol him; and if we consider his Father [Page 16] Philip, and Grandfather Maximilian, we cannot doubt of the truth of what they say. He is but Young indeed, but however of years fit enough for Business and Action. He will also make use of his Grandfathers Counsellors, and some select Princes of Germany. I told you before, its true, that it will be very inconvenient for the Publick, if he happen to be long absent from Germany: But that shall be provided against by Articles and Conditions made with him beforehand: Besides, seeing he himself hath large Territories in Germany, he must needs come now and then to visit them. The Turk must be driven out of Hungary, the French of Italy; the Church is to be setled and reformed. And when I reflect on these things, I'm the less moved at those inconveniences which his absence threatens, for the natural Briskness and Activity of his Temper, the Love of his Country; nay, and the Ne­cessity of his Affairs, will oblige him now and then to return to us.

When the Archbishop and Elector of Mentz had made an end of s;peaking,The Speech of the Arch­bishop of Treves. he prayed the rest to speak their Opinions: And his Collegues having spoken in few words, put it to the Electoral Archbishop of Treves to speak next, for he was had in great Reputation upon account of his Industry and Experience. He therefore, having in a short Preamble taken notice of a certain Prophet, who had foretold that Maximilian should be the last German Emperour, Now, said he, things seem to me almost to tend that way, since the Archbishop of Mentz, who hath indeed said many things prudently, is wholly for having the Government of the Empire conferred upon a Stranger. Yet I much wonder that he should prefer the King of Spain before the French King. I am really grieved at the condition and state of Germany; for if we walked in the steps of our Fore-fathers, we should not stand in need of Foreign Protection; but now that we invite in Strangers, what do we do but purchase to our selves Servitude? but setting aside this Complaint, I shall fol­low the same Order, that the Elector of Mentz hath done, and shall speak first of our Law and Oath. The Reason of the making that Law, in my Opinion, was, Lest if a Stranger, should be chosen, who had no fixed Residence in Germa­ny, the Dignity of the Empire, might be by degrees, transferred to Fo­reigners. Now if this be the Sense and Meaning of that Law, a Spaniard can no more be chosen than a French-Man; but if Charles may be chosen, because he hath Provinces within the Pale of the Empire, the same must hold also in Francis, who possesses both Lumbardy and the Kingdom of Arles, which are both Parts of our Re­publick; of the two then proposed, let us see which is most eligible. The Truth is, at that Time when France was joyned to Germany, which was in the Age of the Franks, our Empire was in a most flourishing condition, and I am not a little de­lighted with the Remembrance of those Times, as often as I fall upon reading the Histories and Transactions of past Ages. Now the very same occasion is again of­fered unto us, which, I think, ought not to be slighted; Foreign Nations, also, are of the same Opinion, the Pope, Venetians and all the Princes and States of Italy: For the French Nation derives its Original from us, uses almost the same Laws and Customs, and is very loving and kind to our Countrymen, besides its com­modiousness for us and Italy because of vicinity: If any Troubles arise, Armies will presently be in readiness, and French Money to pay them: And if the Turk invade either Hungary or Italy, as I am fully persuaded he will, Asia being now in Peace, what can be more desired than to have so flourishing an Emperour near us, backed by the Forces of both Nations? Now though the Spaniards be accounted good Soldiers, yet what great Action did they ever atchieve in Italy, without the Help of the Germans? Besides, seeing they are at a very great Distance from us, we cannot expect any timely Assistance from them; and though they might be willing, yet could they not do us any great good; for since Spain is exhausted by Colonies and Fleets, they constantly send abroad, it cannot spare any great Ar­mies from home. To this it may be added, That we shall have the French for fellow Soldiers, and Companions of all our Labours, whereas, if any thing succeed well with us, the Spaniards will take to themselves all the Glory, enjoy the Fruits of our Victories, and have the Government of our Provinces; but no more of this Comparison, I now come to the Election. If the French King be pitched upon, there will be no cause of War in Italy, for he hath Milan already, and we shall persuade him not to attack Naples; the same also will he do with the Netherlands, provided they'll be quiet. Now, why we should be so much con­cerned for the Netherlands? I see no reason; They have, indeed, been our Neigh­bours for a long time, but they have no League nor Alliance with us; and nei­ther think themselves obliged by the Laws of the Empire, nor contribute any [Page 17] thing to publick Taxes, no more than the English or Scots. Since the French King then is very powerful, peaceably enjoys Lombardy, and is provided of all things necessary: He'll undertake far greater and more glorious Actions, I mean a Turkish War, and will employ all his force in beating off the Enemy from Hungary and Italy, that so he may secure the state of Germany. But if he prefer Charles of Spain before him, good God! what Commotions will we raise in Italy? He will attempt the recovery of Milan, occasion a lasting War; and while a most lovely Country is thus harass'd, the Turks will bend all their force against Hungary: Who pray, shall resist these? Who can fit out a competent Army? These are things to be carefully considered, and not slightly pass'd over. Now it is uncer­tain what may be the issue of an Italian War: For if the French King get the better on't, he will attempt Naples, and it is possible that at his instigation the Pope may annul our Election; and every one is sensible how great Troubles that may occasion. On the other hand, if Charles of Spain be advanced, we are not to expect that Italy will be restored unto us: The Spaniards once in possession, will retain it for ever: Nor that only; but it would be no easie matter neither to get this our Empire out of their hands again. What have they not suffered, that they might preserve Naples, which all Men know how they came by? By no means then are they to be called into Italy. Let me now say a little of both Kings. I make no doubt but Charles is a Prince of a gentle and modest disposition; for so many do commend him: But since he is but as yet a Youth, what Judgment can be made of those Vertues in him, which are required to be in an Emperour? The Publick stands in need of such a Prince, who besides other things may settle and reform the state of the Church, as the Elector of Mentz wisely hinted. Now of all Men, King Francis is most capable of effecting this; for he is a Prince both of Wit and Judgment, uses to confer often with Learned Men about Religion, and reads many Books himself. Besides, the present state of Affairs requires a Prince and General who is an expert Soldier, diligent and fortunate: And who pray upon this occcasion can outvie King Francis? His Valour is already known and tried, and he surpasses all his Ancestors in the greatness of his Actions; for he lately overcame in Battel the Switzers, a most Warlike People, and since the time of Julius Caesar, almost invincible. A Youth then is not to be preferred before so great a Commander. The Elector of Mentz confesses indeed that it would be inconvenient, if Charles should continue long out of Germany; but bids us set our minds at rest for all that. However, for my part, I look upon it to be a Matter of the highest Danger, that an Emperour should remain a long while out of the Borders of the Empire; For who will withstand the sudden Irruptions of the Turks, who will restrain unexpected Tumults, Quarrels, and Civil Commotions? Who will, if a Storm arise, guide the Ship in the Pilot's absence? When he is absent, he will have no certain intelligence of our Affairs; many things will be falsely reported unto him; no Germans, but only Spaniards, will be of his Coun­cil: He will now and then make Edicts, and send them to us in a most unseasonable time; and if being provoked by the Calumnies and Accusations of malicious Men, he chance afterwards to come into Germany with an Army of Strangers at his back, What think you will be the fortune of the Empire then? Wherefore if it seems good to you, and if Fate will so have it, that at this time a Foreign King should put our Crown upon his Head, I am clearly of the Opinion, that the French should be preferred before the Spaniard: But if the Law be against the chusing of the French King, it is no less against the King of Spain; nor are we by any nice Interpretation to take King Charles for a German, but rather to find out some Prince, who hath no Residence but in Germany, and who is a German by Birth, Manners, Humour and Language. Against this the Archbishop of Mentz hath started many Inconve­niences, and thinks, That by reason of Weakness and low Fortune, such an Empe­rour will be contemptible; but if we chuse a fit Person, Germany is strong and powerful enough to bear that Burthen. Rodolph I, the eleventh Emperour before Maximilian, brought no great strength with him to the Throne; but he was a Vir­tuous and Valient Prince, and raised the Empire, which was then sunk very low, and harassed by many Wars, to such a state, that it became formidable to all the Kings about it. Nor do I think you are ignorant what a high Opinion Foreign Princes, and among these, Lowis XII, of France, conceived of the Emperour Maxi­milian, only because of his Parts and Valour: Great hath always been the Fame and Reputation of the German Princes, which is not extinct as yet, but is still fresh and green; and among others, there are at this Day three chief Families in [Page 18] Germany, Bavaria, Saxony and Brandenburgh, and some excellent and deserving Men of them. If then, we can agree, and chuse one of them, and, as we ought, assist him with our Forces, we need not be afraid of Foreigners; for, provided we be unanimous among our selves, all will be well enough; wherefore, pas­sing by all Strangers, let us chuse one among our selves, we need not doubt of success; and we can produce many Domestick Instances of our own Fortitude and Behaviour, of which I shall now only mention one. Matthias King of Hunga­ry, a potent and fortunate Warrior, once declared War against your Father Duke Frederick; but when he saw a good Army ready to oppose him, his Heat and Cou­rage was soon cooled. So, also, I think, a way may be found out now, that an Emperour chosen of our own Country, may retain his Authority both at Home and abroad.

In the third Place,The Vote of Frederick Ele­ctor of Sax­ony. spake Frederick Duke of Saxony; and having represented to the Colledge, That the French King was excluded by Law, but that Charles was a German Prince, and had a Residence and Habitation in Germany; he told them, That the Body Politick stood in need of a very powerful Head, but that he knew none that was to be compared to Charles; that therefore his Judgment was, That he should be declared Emperour, but yet on certain Conditions, both that Germany might be secured of its Liberty, and the Dangers which had been mentioned, avoided. When the rest, had at length, approved this Opinion: How, said the Elector of Treves, do I foresee the Fate of Germany, and a Change a coming! But since it seems good to you,Charles of Austria chosen Emperour. I will not oppose your Judgment. This was on the twenty eighth Day of June. It was now late Night, and therefore they broke up, but met again next Day: Then it began to be debated, What Conditions were to be offered to Charles, the Emperour Elect; and this Debate continued for some Days; when, at length, the Conditions were agreed upon, they were drawn up in Writing, and sent to Mentz, to his Ambassadours: When they had received them, the several Voices were set down in Writing, and as the Custom is, signed and Sealed. The Day before, the Empire had been offered to Frederick Elector of Saxony, but he bravely refused it, and, as has been said, gave his Vote for Charles of Spain; and when, upon that Account, the Ambassadours of Charles offered him a great summ of Money, he not only rejected it, but commanded all about him, likewise, not to take a Farthing.

The Nobility, and all the People, being afterwards called together, the Arch­bishop of Mentz, in a speech, made to them in S. Bartholomew's Church, declared, That Charles Archduke of Austria, and King of Spain, was chosen King of the Romans, in the place of Maximilian deceased; that they ought to give God thanks, that he had been so unanimously chosen, and exhorted them to be Faithful and Obedient to him. Then running out in his Praises, he gave them the Reasons, why they had chosen him of all others; which was received by the States and People, with Humming and Applause. Afterwards, the Ambassadours, who had drawn nearer, and were now but at a Miles Distance, were sent for. These were Matthew Cardinal of Saltzburg, Erard Bishop of Liege, Bernard Bishop of Trent, Frederick Prince Palatine, Casimire, Marquess of Brandenburg, Henry, Count of Nassaw, Maximilian of Sibenburg, and some other Counsellors: These being come, and having consulted with the rest, about the Administration of the Go­vernment, till the Emperour Charles should come into Germany, Prince Cassimire was appointed to raise Forces so, and to post them, that the Publick might receive no Damage in the mean while: Afterwards the Electors wrote Letters, and sent Ambassadours to the Emperour into Spain, to acquaint him with all that had been done. The chief of the Ambassie was Frederick Prince Palatine; but in the mean time, some Messengers were privately dispatched with the News, of whom one is said to have posted from Frankford to Barcelona in nine Days time. The Prince Palatine arrived about the latter end of November, The Elector's Letter to the Emperour. and delivered the Ele­ctor's Letters; the summ whereof was, That he would be pleased to accept of the Empire that was offered unto him, and all Delay laid aside, to come with all speed into Germany.

The Emperour made a Generous Answer,His Answer. by the Mouth of Mercurine Cattina­rio, That though great Troubles seemed to be threatned on the one Hand from the Turks, and on the other from the French, yet he neither could nor would be wanting to their common Country, especially when so great Princes made such a Judgment of him, and required that at his Hands; that therefore he ac­cepted the Honour and Charge that was offered him, and would put to Sea with [Page 19] the first Opportunity, in order to his coming into Germany. Much in the same Words, also, he wrote back to the Electors, and so, having nobly presented Prince Frederick, he dismissed him. Thus, then, was he made Emperour, the Fifth of that Name, at the Age of nineteen Years.

The French King was the more troubled at this Repulse,The French King vexed that Charles should be preferred be­fore him. that he knew his Af­fairs were thereby exposed to greater Danger; for he had rather that any Man should have had that Dignity than Charles of Spain, whose Power being already suspected by him, he saw, now by this means, mightily encreased and confirmed. He had been at vast Charges, and very free of his Gold, in making Friends to pro­mote his Designs: The same is said to have been done also by the Flemings; but of this I dare not be positive. But let us trace back a little the Genealo­gie of Charles▪

Charles V of France, The Genea­logy of Charles, the Emperour. called the Sage, gave to his youngest Brother Philip, the Dutchy of Burgundy, that had fallen unto him; Philip afterward married Marga­ret, the only Daughter of Lewis Earl of Flanders, and had by her a Son, John; to him was born Philip, the Father of Charles the Hardy, who being killed before Nancy, left behind him a Daughter, Mary, the Heiress of vast Territories: She, at length, was married to Maximilian, the Son of the Emperour Frederick III, and bore to him Philip, who married Jane, Daughter to Ferdinand, King of Spain, by whom he had Charles and Ferdinand; the Infanta Jane, being with Child, went to Ghent, and was there brought to Bed of Charles, on February 24, 1500. Here we must say somewhat, by the by, of Ferdinand the Emperour's Grand-Father, by the Mother: He was King of Arragon and Sicily, and had in Marriage Isabel, the Daughter and Heiress of John II, King of Spain, having afterwards obtained the Kingdom of Naples also: Now the Children he had by her, were John, Isabel, Jane, Mary and Catharine; John and Isabel dying without Issue, the whole Suc­cession of the Kingdom, by the Laws of the Country, fell to the next Sister Jane, and by this means all the Inheritance of the Duke of Burgundy a most powerful Prince, and of Ferdinand King of Spain, descended to Charles the Son of Jane; for in the Division of the Inheritance, the Possessions of the House of Austria fell to Ferdinand. So that for many Ages Germany had not had a more Powerful Em­perour. Charles lost his Father, when he was a Child of six Years of Age, and his Grand-father Ferdinand, when he was about sixteen; after whose Death, he went into Spain, and there continued, till being chosen Emperour, he came into Germany, The way of chusing the Emperour. as shall be said hereafter. And since we are now come to this Place, it will not be amiss to say somewhat of the manner of chusing the Emperour. Charles King of Bohemia, and the fourth Emperour of that Name, in the Year of our Lord 1356,The Heads of the Golden Bull. made a Law concerning this, which is called Bulla Aurea, the Golden Bull Or Charter, because it was sealed with a Seal of Gold instead of Wax. These, among others, are the Heads of that Law; That when the Empe­rour Dies, the Archbishop of Ments, so soon as he comes to know of it, shall pre­sently Summon the rest of the Electors, to meet, within three Months, on a cer­tain Day, at Frankford, or to send their Deputies with full Power and Commission, for chusing the Emperour or King of the Romans: That if the Archbishop of Mentz should be negligent, his Colleagues, nevertheless, should meet within the time aforesaid, accompanied with not above two hundred Horse a piece, when they enter the Town, and of them only fifty with Arms. He who neither comes nor sends his Deputy, or departs before the Business is done, is to lose his right of Election for that time: That the Magistrates of Frankford be true and faithful to the Electors, and during their Assembly, suffer none besides the Electors and their Families, to enter the Town. When they are met, they are to hear Mass in S. Bartholomew's Church, for imploring the Assistance and Grace of the Holy Ghost; and then take an Oath to be tendred unto them by the Archbishop of Mentz, That they shall not act by vertue of any Compact, Bribe, Promise or Gratuity: afterwards they are to fall to the Business, and not depart before an Emperour be chosen; that if the matter be protracted longer than thirty Days, they shall have no Victuals but Bread and Water allowed them: He who is chosen by the greater Part, shall be in the same condition, as if he had been elected nemine contradicente. The Emperour being in this manner chosen, the first thing he is to do, is, To confirm to the Electors all their Priviledges, and whatever concerns their Dignity, Honour, Liberty and Immunity. It is, moreover, provided and enacted, that they mu­tually allow one another free Passage through their Territories, what Place they are severally to have in the Dyets and Assemblies of the Empire, how Votes are to be taken, and what their several Places and Charges are, when the Emperour Dines, [Page 20] or does any thing else in publick. Moreover, that in the time of an interreign, the Elector Palatine shall have the administration of the Government in Schwabia, Franconia, and the Circle of the Rhine; and the Elector of Saxony in the Circle of Saxony; that upon the death of an Elector, his eldest Son or Brother-german shall succeed to him; that if an Elector be under the Age of eighteen Years, his nearest Kinsman, by the Father's side, shall supply his Place, until he be of Age; that the Electors meet yearly, and consult of the Affairs of the Publick; that Frankford be the Place of Election, but Aix la Chapelle the Place of the first Instalment; and Sclavonian Languages, that they may be able to discourse with many Nations.

We spoke before of the Conditions prescribed by the Electors,The Condi­tions pre­scribed to the Emperour Charles V. which the Em­perour's Ambassadours ratified, and, as is customary, gave Security in his Name, under Hand and Seal, for performing the same. Now they were these, That he shall protect and defend Christendom, the Pope, and Church of Rome, whereof he is the Advocate; that he shall equally administer Justice, and maintain Peace; that he shall not only confirm the Laws of the Empire, especially that which they call the Golden Bull, but also, when there is occasion, with their Consent, amplifie and enlarge them; that he shall chuse and appoint a Council of Germans, to go­vern the State; that he shall not alter nor diminish the Rights, Priviledges, Dig­nities and Immunities of the Princes and States of the Empire; that it shall be law­ful for the Electors, to meet together upon occasion, and consult about pub­lick Affairs; and that he shall in no ways hinder them to do so, nor take it ill when they do; that he shall rescind and annul the Leagues and Asso­ciations of the People or Nobility made against the Princes, and make a Law, that no such be made for the future; that he shall make no League or Com­pact, relating to the Affairs of the Empire, with Strangers, but with the Consent of the Electors; that he shall neither sell nor mortgage the Publick Lands and Revenues of the Empire, nor any ways imbezil them; and that he shall, with the first Occasion, regain those Lands or Goods that have been invaded and possessed by other Nations, or have been dismembred from the Empire, but so still, that it be not prejudicial to those who are supported by Right or Priviledge; That if he himself also, or any of his Family possess any thing belonging to the Empire, not lawfully purchased, he shall, being demanded by the Electors, restore the same; that he shall live in Peace with his Neighbours and other Kings, and not make War, either within or without the Limits of the Empire, for the publick concerns there­of, without the Advice and Consent of all the States, especially of the Electors; that he shall not bring any Foreign Soldiers into Germany, unless the States be willing; but that if either he himself, or the Empire, be attacked by War, he may make use of any Assistance; that he shall not call a Dyet of the Empire, nor im­pose any Taxes, but with the consent of the Electors; neither shall he hold Dyets without the Limits of the Empire; that in publick Affairs he shall not employ Strangers, but Germans chosen from among the Nobility, and that all publick Writ­ings shall be made in Latin or the Vulgar Language; that he shall not summon any of the States to answer in Law, without the Bounds of the Empire; that seeing many things are acted at Rome, contrary to former Agreements made with the Popes, he shall negotiate with the Pope, That no encroachment be made upon the Priviledges and Liberty of the Empire; that he shall advise with the Electors, How the Monopolies of Merchants, that are very pernicious to Germany, may be re­strained, and bring that matter, which hath been often stated before them, to an Issue; that he shall impose no Toll nor Customs, without the consent of the Ele­ctors, nor by Grants and Patents, lessen or prejudice the Customs belonging to the Electors upon the Rhine; that if he have any Action or Suit against any of the States, he shall try it by Law, but shall not use Force against those, who offer to stand a fair Tryal; that he shall not put any Man to the Ban of the Empire, with­out a hearing, but therein follow the course of Law; that he shall not bestow upon any Person the vacant Goods and Revenues of the Empire, but reserve them for the publick; that if he acquire any Foreign Province, by the Help of the States, he shall annex it to the Empire; that if he recover any thing that belongs to the Publick, by his own Forces, he shall restore it to the Commonwealth; that he shall Confirm and Ratifie what the Electors Palatine and Saxony have acted in Publick Af­fairs, during the interreign; that he shall entertain no Counsils nor Design of making the Imperial Dignity proper and Hereditary to his own Family, but shall leave the Electors in full and free Power of Election, according to the Statute [Page 21] of Charles IV, and the Provision of the Canon Law; that what is done other­wise, shall be void and null; that with the first Opportunity he shall come into Germany to be Installed.

When his Ambassadours, had upon Oath confirmed and approved these Condi­tions, in his Name, as hath been said, they gave every one of the Electors an In­strument of the same under hand and Seal: And this was done on July 3. What they said of the Cannon Law, refers to the Decretal Epistle of Pope Innocent III, which grants, That the Electoral Princes of Germany have the right of chusing the Emperour, and that the Imperial Dignity does not depend on Succession, but Ele­ction. Now Pope Innocent lived about the Year of our Lord 1200. But let us return again to Luther.

Much about that Time,Erasmus his Judgment of Luther, to the Elector of Saxony. Erasmus of Roterdam, writing from Antwerp to Freder­ick Elector of Saxony, among other things, takes notice also of Luther, whose Books, he said, were read with great Applause by Good and Learned Men, and that no Man censured his Life, as being free from all Suspicion either of Covetous­ness or Ambition; but that the Divines of Lovain, hearing that he was much born down by the Authority of Cardinal Cajetane, did now triumph, and rail against him in all their Sermons, and at their Feasts, as if he were an Heretick, and the Antichrist: That he was much displeased thereat, especially, seeing he had but proposed some things for Disputation sake, and had submitted himself to the Judg­ment of those, both to whom he ought, and to whom he ought not; but that they had neither admonished the Man Friendly, nor as yet taught him, nor convinced him of his Errour, but only made a turbulent and seditious Noise and Clamour about the Matter, which was a way of Proceeding altogether unworthy of Men that made Profession of the Christian Religion, but especially Divines; for that no Man was to be rashly accused of Heresie.He writes al­so to the Archbishop of Mentz, and Cardinal Campegio; As also to Luther. To the same effect he wrote also to the Archbishop of Mentz and Cardinal Campegio, and in his Letter enveighs against those Sophistical Divines and Monks, who could not endure the Study of Lan­guages and Eloquence, nor of sound Doctrine. He wrote, in like manner, to Luther at that time, telling him, That he had received his Letter, which shewed both a sharp Wit, and Christian Disposition; but that his Books had raised a sad Tragedy in those Parts, and that, for them, he lay under both the Envy and Su­spicion of the Divines, who would admit of no Excuse at his Hands: That there were many Men in England, and of great note too, who had a great esteem for his Writings; that he himself, also, had perused his Commentaries upon the Psalms, and hoped they might prove of great use to others, as well as to himself, who was exceedingly pleased with them; but that there was one thing, that he would have him admonished of, and that was, That more might be done by a civil Modesty, than by Transports and Heat; that he ought rather to thunder against those who abused the Authority of Popes, than against the Popes themselves; that about in­veterate things, which cannot be suddenly pluck'd out, it is better to dispute with pithy and close Arguments, than to assert positively; and that in this Case, the Passions and Affections must be laid aside: That he gave him this Admonition, not that he might learn what he was to do, but that he should proceed as he had begun.

Luther's Doctrine,A Disputati­on at Leipsick betwixt Lu­ther and Eckius. having in this manner caused much Strife and Contention, and raised him many Enemies, there was a Disputation appointed to be at Leipsick, a Town in Misnia, belonging to George Duke of Saxony, Cousin-german to the Ele­ctor Frederick; thither came Luther, and with him, Philip Melanchthon, who the Year before came to Wittemberg, being sent for by Duke Frederick, to be Profes­sour of the Greek Language there; thither came also John Eckius, a bold and con­fident Divine. On the Day appointed, which was July 4, the Disputation was be­gun by Eckius, who having proposed some Positions to be debated, made this his last; That they who affirmed, that before the time of Pope Silvester, the Church of Rome was not the first of all Churches, did err; for that he who attained to the See and Faith of S. Peter, the Prince of the Apostles, was always acknowledg­ed for the Successor of S. Peter, and the Vicar of Christ upon Earth. The contra­ry Position to this was published by Luther, to wit; That they who attributed Primacy to the Church of Rome, had no other Ground for it, but the bare and in­sipid Decretals of the Popes, made about four hundred Years ago; but that these Decretals were repugnant, not only to all Histories, written a thousand Years since, but also to Holy Scripture, and the Council of Nice, the most Famous of all Councils. Eckius then entring upon the Dispute, laid hold of that last Position, [Page 22] and would begin the Debate about the Authority and Primacy of the Pope of Rome; but Luther having made a short Preface, said, That he had rather that that Argument, as being very Odious, and not at all Necessary, might have been wav­ed, and that for the sake of the Pope; that he was sorry he should have been drawn into it by Eckius, and that he wished now his Adversaries were present, who having grievously accused him, and now shunn'd the Light, and a fair Tryal of their Cause, did not do well. Eckius also having made a Preamble, declared, That he had not raised this Bustle and Stir, but that it was Luther, who in his first Explication of his Theses, had denyed, That before Silvester's time, the Pope of Rome preceded the rest in Order and Dignity, and had averred before Cajetane, That Pope Pelagius had wrested many Places of Scripture according to his own Pleasure; which being so, that all the Fault lay at his Door. The first Debate then was about the Supremacy of the Pope of Rome, which Eckius said was insti­tuted by Divine Right, and called Luther, who denyed it, a Bohemian, because Huss had been heretofore of the same Opinion. Luther, to justifie himself from this Accusation, proved, That the Church of Christ had been spread and propagated far and near, twenty Years before S. Peter constituted a Church at Rome; that this then was not the First and Chief Church by Divine Right. Afterwards Eckius impugned Luther's other Positions, of Purgatory, Indulgences, Penance, the Par­don of the Guilt, and Remission of the Punishment of Sin, and of the Power of Priest. At length, on the fourteenth Day, ended the Dispute, which had been appointed, not upon the account of Luther, but of Andrew Carolstad, though Luther came to it in company of Carolstad, only to hear; but being drawn in by Eckius, who had procured a Safe-Conduct for him from Duke George, he en­tred the Lists of Disputation; for Eckius was brisk and confident, because of the Nature of the Subject, wherein he promised himself certain Victory. Luther af­terwards published the whole Conference and Debate, and by an ingenious Ani­madversion, upon the Writings and Sayings of his Adversaries, gathered several Heads of Doctrine, downright Heretical, as he said; That so he might make it appear, That whilst they spoke and wrote any thing in Favour of the Pope, and were transported with the Zeal of defending their Cause, they interspersed many things, which being narrowly inspected, contained a great deal of Errour and Impiety.

Vlrick Zuinglius taught at that time at Zurich in Suitzerland, Zuinglius preaches at Zurich. whither he came, upon a call, in the beginning of this Year, having before preached at Claris, and in the Desert of our Lady, as they call it. Not long after Fryer Samson, a Fran­ciscean of Milan, came thither also, being sent by the Pope to preach up Indul­gences, and squeeze Money from the People. Zuinglius stoutly opposed him, and publickly called him an Imposter.

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CAROLVS. V. AVSTRIACVS D.G. ROMAN: IMP: SEMPER AVG: REX HISPAN:

Natus Gandavi Ao. MD. Die. XXIV Febr: Electus Ao. MDXIX. XXVIII Iunij.

Ferdinando Frat: Imp: Commisit VIIo Sept. MDLVI Obijt XXI Sept MDLVIII

THE HISTORY OF THE Reformation of the Church.

BOOK II.
The CONTENTS.

Luther, by the advice of Charles Miltitz, writes to the Pope, and presents him with his Book of Christian Liberty.1520. The Emperor departs from Spain, and passes through England into the Low-Countries. Luther writes a Book which he calls Tessaradecas, and another about the Manner of Confession; a third about Vows. His Opinion con­cerning the Communion in Both Kinds. To this his Adversaries object a Decree of the Council of Lateran, under Julius II, of whose Actions you have a large Account. In the mean time the Divines of Lovain and Cologn condemn Luther's Books. In his Defence, the Opinions of Picus Mirandula, the Questions of Ockam, and the Con­troversie of Reuchlin, with the same Divines, are recited. Seeing himself attack'd by so many Enemies, he writes to the Emperor, soon after to the Archbishop of Mentz, and Bishop of Mersburg. The Elector Frederick finding that he had lost his Credit at Rome upon Luther's account, endeavours to clear himself by Letter. Luther likewise does the same. The Pope Excommunicates him, and he appeals again from the Decree of the Council of Mantua, and puts out his Book of the Babylonish Captivity. The Emperor is Crown'd at Aix la Chapelle. The Pope again sollicites Frederick, but not prevailing, causes Luther's Books to be burnt. Which when Luther understood, he burnt the Popes Bull, and the Canon Law, and gives his Reasons for it. He Answers Ambrose Catarino, who had written against him.

IN the former Book an Account has been given of what relates to Charles Miltitz, Miltitz treat [...] with Luther. and his Negotiation at the Court of the Elector Frederick. He per­ceiving that the longer the Controversie lasted, the less inclinable each Party would be to hearken to any terms of Accomodation, endeavour'd by all ways and means possible to put a speedy period to it; and having, with the Elector's leave, had several private Conferences with Luther, he conceived some hopes that things were not yet come to that extremity, but that such a temper might be found as should restore the Peace and Unity of the Church: But because since the Dispute at Leipsick, in which Eckius had opposed him in so scurrilous a manner, Luther had published a more full Explanation of his Tenets, Miltitz convened some of the Chief of the Augustine Friers; where after a long Debate they all agreed, that it was expedient for the composing the present difference, that Luther should send a submissive Letter to the Pope. At their request therefore he wrote on the Sixth of April to this effect.

That although he had appealed from him to a General Council,Luther writes to the Pope. yet nevertheless he still continued his most earnest Prayers to God for him. That he was charged as guilty of casting malicious Scandals, not only upon him, but even on the Papacy it self: That he was not a little troubled at the Accusation, which had enforced him now to vindicate himself by Letter: In the Refutation and Reproof of some Errors and Corruptions, he confessed his style had been such as the grossness of the things themselves extorted; but he protested he had never mentioned his Name without an Encomium, as all his Books can fully testifie. If he had taken the freedom to examin and impugn any false Doctrin; in that he had done no more than what he [Page 24] had the Example of Christ himself, and of all the Prophets and Apostles for his warrant: But that such seasonable Discourses and wholsom Admonitions met with no kinder reception in the World, was to be imputed to the false Insinuations of base and servile Flattery: That for his part, he had an eye only to the Glory of God; and his chief design in all that he did, was this, That the Truth of the Gospel might again shine forth in Christendom: Let him but obtain this, and in other matters he'll be very ready to yield; but to depart from the Profession of the Truth, in that he desires to be excused that he cannot comply with them. In the next place he comes to speak of the Court of Rome, A Descrip­tion of the Court of Rome. which he says was grown more corrupt and wicked than either Babylon or Sodom; and that it had in all things arrived to that heighth of impiety, that nothing was now wanting to compleat the character of the Kingdom of Antichrist. It grieved him therefore to think it should be the hard fortune of so good a Man, to live there as a Lamb among Wolves; for that Rome was unworthy to have a Person of his Integrity preside in it: He acknowledges he had written several Treatises to retrieve in some measure, if he could, the ancient Doctrin and Disciplin of the Church; not that he thought it possible to work a Reformation in Rome it self, but that he might at least deliver some few from the slavery of those vices which are there practised. Then he tells him, that it were much better for him if he could be content with some small mean Preferment, or live upon his own private Estate, out of the reach of Flat­terers, who make use of his Name and Authority for a Cloak to their own Lusts and Ambitions.Bernard in his Books of Con­sideration to Eugenius. That Bernard had deplored the condition of Pope Eugenius at that time when Rome retained as yet somewhat of its primitive Purity: Much more then did he deserve pity, who sits in the Chair now when it is become the sink and receptacle of all the filth and abominations in the World. That this was the rea­son why he had been so severe in his Reflections upon it, which he had not done with an intent to fix any reproach upon him, but rather for his advantage, and that it was to be wished that all good and learned Men would assist him with their utmost strength and skill in his endeavours to subdue that Monster. That he, when he had publish'd some few small Tracts, and saw 'twas all labour in vain, would very willingly have retired from so fruitless an Enterprize, and for the future have applied himself wholly to such Studies from which some benefit might accrue to those of that Col­lege whereof he is a Member: But that then there started up one John Eckius, who disturbed all those calm pleasing Speculations, and would not suffer him to enjoy his so much desired Retirement. That he had managed a Dispute against him, concerning the Primacy of the Bishop of Rome, with opprobrious Language, and very bitter Invectives; but that all the advantage he got by it, was, that he rendred the lewdeness and infamy of that City more notorious. After this he gives a short Relation of what Passed between Cardinal Cajetane and him,What Eckius gained by his Dispute. and says, That it was in the Cardinals power then, if he would, to have made up the Breach; and that therefore he only ought to be accountable for all the mischief that has ensued since that time. That after him came Charles Miltitz, who although he had laboured hard for a Peace, yet could effect nothing, being still hindred by the unseasonable Wranglings of Eckius, who, whatever he pretended, was in truth his Enemy, and he who had been the cause of all this Disturbance. That he (speaking of himself) as soon as ever he was required by Miltitz and the Heads of his Order, to write to him in such terms as might sufficiently express his humi­lity and dutifulness, immediately Obeying, shewed how unwilling he was to omit any thing which might contribute to a Reconciliation. In order to which, he desires him first,Luther makes some over­tures for a Peace. to lay his Commands upon his Adversaries, that they cease to rail against him; in the next place, that he may not be compell'd to make a Recanta­tion of his former Writings, nor obliged to Interpret Scripture according to any self-determin'd Rule; for that the Doctrin of the Gospel, which by giving true liberty, ennobles the Minds of Men, cannot it self sure be tied up to the narrow bounds of any certain fixed Prescript or Decision. Upon these Conditions, he is willing to do whatsoever they can in reason demand of him. That for his part, he took no delight in Strife and Contention; but yet if they still went on to treat him with nothing but Scoffs and Injuries, they should find, perhaps to their cost, that he would not so tamely give up his Cause. He shews him that he now had an oppor­tunity of ending the difference, if he would but take the Cognizance of the Matter wholly upon himself, and in the mean time enjoyn each Party silence: But he warns him to be sure to beware of Flatterers,The mischief of Flatterers. and to stop his Ears against all their fawning Speeches, as he would against the treacherous Songs of Sirens, if he were [Page 25] sailing in the midst of dangerous Rocks, who attribute to him no less than a sort of Divinity, and cry him up for the Monarch of the Universe, and make him Superior to all Councils. He assures him that nothing can be more pernicious to any one, than to hearken to this sort of Parasites. That therefore he should rather give credit to such Persons who put him in mind that he is Mortal as well as other Men, and who exhort him to the faithful discharge of his Duty. That because he was placed in such a state of Life, in which, as in the middle of a tempestuous Sea, he was continually exposed to very great dangers, that therefore he had written to him thus freely, and without any the least admixture of Flattery; and in this he thought himself to have performed the part of a true Friend.Luther's Book of Christian Liberty. In the last place he presents him with his Book, which he had lately composed, concerning Christian Liberty, giving it only this short Recommendation, That it was a full and compleat Summary of true Doctrin.

In the beginning of Spring,The Empe­ror's Voyage out of Spain into Germany. the Emperor sets sail from Spain; and arriving in England, was very magnificently entertained by King Henry, who married his Aunt Catherine. After which he passed into the Low-Countries, where he was received with the general Shouts and Acclamations of all the People. Much about this time the Elector Frederick fell very dangerously sick; upon which Luther, by the advice of some Friends, compiled a little Book to afford him some comfort at this season, to which he gave the Title of Tessaradecas; Luther's Book to Frederick, intitled Tes­saradecas. and in his Letters to him, he tells him, it was the Command of Christ, that among other mutual charitable Offices which we are to perform one to another, the administring to the Sick ought never to be forgotten: That for this cause he, who was in a peculiar manner upon several accounts obliged to his Highness, had for his sake made this short Collection, not being in a capacity of evidencing to the World and Him any other way how much he is devoted to his Service. He tells him that the Constitution of Human Bodies was such, that if any the least Distemper invaded the Head, all the other Members sympathised with it, and each particular part felt the pain as sensibly, as if it self were immediately afflicted therewith. So now this Indisposition of his could not but affect all his Subjects with a very deep sorrow; for that a considerable part of Germany look'd upon him as their greatest Ornament, as well as strongest Bulwark.

After this,His Book con­cerning Con­fession. he publish'd a Book treating of Confession; the chief Heads of which are these; That Men ought not to rely on Confession, as of it self Meritorious of Pardon, but upon the gracious Promise of God to forgive Sins: That in the first place they should make their Confession to God; and that he that Confesses, ought at the same time to have a perfect hatred and abhorrence of his Sin, and to desire sincerely to amend his Life: That a particular enumeration of every Sin was not necessary; nay, that by reason of the innumerable slips of a Man's Life, and the general depravity and almost lethargick security of most Mens Consciences, it was even impossible to be performed: That a great difference ought to be made between Sins committed against the Command of God, and such as are only breaches of some Human Ordinance. In the last place he adds a word or two about Vows, and bewails that barbarous cruelty which under colour of them is exercised by cove­tous and illiterate Persons upon the Souls of Men:Another con­cerning Vows. But of this he speaks more at large in a separate Tract afterwards published by it self.

In another Piece of his,His Opinion concerning the Commu­nion in Both kinds. he had said, That it appeared to him as a thing which would be of great advantage to the Church, if the Authority of a Council first inter­posing, all Persons were admitted to participate of the Lord's Supper in Both Kinds. This Saying of his, because it was contrary to a Decree of the late Lateran Council, many resented highly, and among these was John Bishop of Meissen, who commanded all the Clergy of his Diocese to suppress the Book, and teach all under their Charge, that the whole compleat Sacrament was exhibited under each distinct Species. Luther being inform'd of this, presently replies, and lays all the blame of this Injunction not upon the Bishop, but upon some few unlearned and turbulent Fellows, and to them he turns his Discourse, and shews that this which he was thus desirous of having established by a Council, did not deserve so severe a Cen­sure, no more than if he had said, he could wish a Council would decree it lawful for Priests to have Wives: That this very thing Pope Pius II. publickly declared himself for; and that herefore he was not to be blamed who concurred with him in the same Opinion: He granted there was such a Canon of the Lateran Council as they spoke of, but he thought it absurd to go about to Confirm any Doctrin by an Ordinance of a later Council, which was repugnant to all the more ancient Coun­cils, [Page 26] as well as the constant usage in all the first Ages of the Church: He minds them that among the Bohemians the Laity were admitted to partake of the Cup, and that for this reason we brand them with the name of Hereticks, That the Bo­hemians al­ways receive it so. who deny it to all those who hold Communion with us. That they in their defence, urged Christ's own Institution, and the Practice of the Apostles, and of all Christians down almost to these times; and all that we have to say in our own Justification, or to convince them of their being in an Errour, is only this Lateran De­cree, which is but a trifling Argument, and such as carries no great weight in it; for that every Body was sensible now what a sort of Council that was,The Dignity of the Lateran Council. since the Papists themselves, whose Interest it was to uphold it, were not grown so expert in the Art of Dissimulation, as at all times to counterfeit an esteem for it. But supposing this Council to have been Oecumenical, yet it was not for the Credit of a Church which pretends so much to Antiquity, to be beholding to an Authority of so late a date, for the Ratification of any of its Doctrins.

But to lay open the whole Intrigue of this Lateran Council; thus it was; Julius II. at his coming to the Po [...]pedom, obliged himself by an Oath to call a Council within two years: This was in the Year of our Lord 1503. But the Affairs of Italy being very much emb [...]oiled, the Pope engaging himself in a continual War either with the Venetians, or King of France, or Duke of Ferrara, or else with the Family of the Bentivolio's, Prinas of Bononia, nine Cardinals withdrew themselves, and when they were come to Milan, The Pisane Council; they summoned a Council to meet at Pisa: The Chief of these Cardinals were Bernardine de la Croix, William Bishop of Praeneste, and Francis Bishop of Bazas; and to these joyned themselves the Embassadors of Maximilian the Emperor, and of Lewis XII, King of France, who were also em­barqued in the same Design.It was called by the Car­dinals. The time when this Council was called, was the Nineteenth of May, in the Year of our Lord 1511, that so the first Session might begin on the First of September next ensuing.The Reasons why they did it. The Cause they alledg'd to justifie this their Proceeding, was, That the Pope had broken his Oath; for that although so many years of his Pontificate were already elapsed, yet he had not given them any the least hopes of his having any Inclination to call a Council; and that because they had very great and heinous Crimes to lay to his charge, they could not any longer neglect the care of the Church, which was a Duty imcumbent on them as Members of the sacred College. Their intent really was to depose him from the Popedom, which he had obtained by Bribery, and other such honest arts and means as all Persons make use of who aspire to the Infallible Chair: And because they could no way safely convey this their Remonstrance to him, they caused it to be publickly affixed at Regio, Modena and Parma, which were all three Towns belonging to St. Peter's Patrimony; and they added a Citation to him, to appear Personally at a certain day therein mentioned.The Pope's Answer to the Cardinals▪ Julius having received Information of all this, returned this Answer on the Eighteenth of July, That before he came to be Pope, he longed for nothing more than the calling a general Council, as was very well known to several Kings, and to the whole College of Cardinals; and that purely upon this account he lost the Favour of Alexander VI. That he continued still of the same mind, but that the state of Italy had been so unsetled for several years last past, and was left so by his Predecessor Alexander: That it was altogether im­possible to have formed a Council, while things continued in that distracted condi­tion. After this, he shews them that their Summons was void in it self, by reason of the shortness of the time limited in it, and the inconveniency of the place; for that Pisa had suffered so much in the late Wars, that it was now nothing almost but an heap of Ruins, and that the Country round about it was all wasted and desolate; nor could there be any safe passage thither, because of the daily Hostilities committed between the Florentines and those of Senese. To this he adds in the last place, That they had no legal Power of issuing out any such Summons; and that the Reasons given by them for so doing,He prohibits all Persons to come to the Council cal­led by the Cardinals, and summons another him­self. were altogether false and ground­less: Therefore under pain of the severest Censures, he forbids all Persons to yield any Obedience to them. At the same time, he by a Bull, subscribed by One and twenty Cardinals, called a Council to meet the next year, which should commence on the Nineteenth of April, and be held in the Lateran Church in Rome. For this, they say, has always been one of the Papal Artifices, that whensoever upon any Pretext they took occasion for some secret motives, to decline the holding of a Council,An old trick of the Popes. though called by never so lawful an Authority; at the same time to Summon another to meet in such a place, in which they could with the greatest [Page 27] ease influence all the Proceedings in it. After this, he admonishes the Confederate Cardinals to desist in time, and return to Rome, and accept of the Pardon now offer'd them: But they continuing still refractory, on the Twenty fourth of October he Excommunicates them all,He Excom­municates the Cardinals. and those three that we mentioned before, in particular by name, as Hereticks, Schismaticks, and Traytors to the Apostolick See, and sends Copies of this Bull to Maximilian the Emperor, and several other Princes. And because there were divers Bishops of France who adhered firmly to the Cardinals interests, he Excommunicates them also, unless they return to their Duty, and make their Purgation within a prefixed time. On the other side, the Cardinals having several times in vain cited the Pope to come and appear before them there in Council,The Cardi­nals Proceed­ings against the Pope. by a Decree made in the Eighth Session, suspended him from all Civil and Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, and commanded all Christians for the future to renounce his Authority, and acknowledge him no longer for St. Peter's Successor.The Council remov'd from Pisa to Milan. This was in the Year of our Lord 1512, on the Twenty first of April. But you must take notice, that although the Council were removed from Pisa to Milan, yet it still kept its old Name, and was called the Pisane Council. At this time there was a very famous Civilian at Pavia, Decius writes in Defence of the Cardi­nals. whose Name was Philip Decius; he having espoused the Cardinals Cause, published a Book in Defence of their Pro­ceedings against the Pope. A little after this, Maximilian strikes up a League with Julius, Maximilian leagues with Julius. and Ferdinand King of Spain, and so leaves the Cardinals in the Church to shift for themselves, and sends Matthew Langus, Bishop of Gurk, to Rome, to sit as his Proxy in the Council that was holden there; and him Julius immediately promoted to the Dignity of the Purple.Matthew Lan­gus created a Cardinal in the Lateran Council. But Lewis II, King of France, who was truer to his Engagements, and had lately routed the Popes Forces near Ravenna, could not escape the thunders of the Vatican; his Subjects were absolved from their Allegiance, his Kingdom put under an Interdict, and an Invasion of it was now no less than meritorious. But after the end of the Fifth Session, on the Twenty first of February, Pope Julius dies, and Leo X succeeds him. in the Year of our Lord 1513, Pope Julius dies, and Leo X is chosen by the Conclave to succeed him. He, immediately after his Inaguration, proceeds to compleat what his Predecessor had begun; and because the state of Affairs in Europe was now a little more calm, than at any time during the former Pontificate, a great many Kings and Princes sent their Embassadors to Rome, to assist at this Lateran Council: The Cardinals also whom Julius had Ex­communicated, having since his Death nothing to give any colour to their con­tinuing in their Obstinacy, made their humble Submission and Suit to be indem­nified for what was past; and being received into Favour by Leo, were restored to their former Dignities and Preferments, as Leo himself declares in an Epistle wrote by him to Maximilian. The End of the Lateran Council. The Council broke up on the Twelfth of March, in the Year of our Lord 1516, there having been seven Sessions since the Death of Ju­lius; for there were but twelve in all the whole four years that this Council lasted, from its first Convention, to its Dissolution. The chief Transactions in it were these: The Praises of Julius and Leo were the Subjects of those luscious Panegyricks with which the Auditory were almost daily entertained. There were some Mo­tions made in order to the engaging in a War against the Turks; and concerning the Reformation of the Church:The Immor­tality of the Soul called in Question at Rome. And also there was a Debate about the Immor­tality of the Soul, which began to admit of a Dispute now in Rome; and it was consulted by what means the Bohemians might be made to renounce those Errours which were lately crept in among them. And this, I suppose, is what Luther means, when he says there was a Decree made in this Council relating to the Eucharist: For most of the Bohemians contended, that in the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, all the Communicants ought to partake of Both the Symbols, of the Wine as well as the Bread. And besides what we have mentioned, there is no Decree extant of this Council touching that matter: But it received its final Determination at Constance, in the Thirteenth Session of that Council; of which there will be occasion to speak more hereafter.

While those things were in Agitation in Saxony, which were hinted upon in the beginning of this Book, several of Luther's Writings, viz. that which he dedicated to Sylvester Prierias, and his Discourses concerning Repentance, Excommunication, Indulgences,Luther's Book condemn'd at Lovain and Cologn. and Preparation to Death, were all by a Synodical Decree of the Divines of Lovain and Cologn condemn'd, as tending to the encouragement of Impiety and Irreligion; and which therefore ought to be burnt, and their Author made publickly to recant. When this came to Luther's Ear, he immediately replies,His Answer. and defends all those principal Points of his Doctrin which had fallen under their [Page 28] Censure, and in the Introduction laments the Misery of that state and Condi­tion to which those his Adversaries were now reduced. That although some Years ago they had very fiercely opposed Capnion, yet he was still willing to put the fa­vourablest Interpretation he could, upon all their Actions; but now, since they went about to expugn the plain manifest Doctrin of the Gospel, and were grown even past reclaiming, he could not but think, That they had justly incurred God's highest Displeasure; that if they went on as they had begun, and no one had the Courage or Honesty, in the least to controul them, he expected that by degrees they would suppress all the whole Sacred Volumes, and impose on the World in their stead whatsoever they should please to call Expositions of them; That whilst he seriously considered all these things with himself, they appeared to him to be evident Demonstrations, either that the Reign of Antichrist was already begun, or that the Prophecyes concerning it were very near their Ac­complishment; that he could not without Regret behold their Behaviour at this time, for it was a clear and certain Token of their lying under the heavy Weight of the Divine Anger; that through the whole Course of their Proceedings, there was nothing had any firm sound Foundation, but they were still wavering in their own Minds, and were at one time the Maintainers of that Opinion, which at another could not escape the Lash of their unbridled licentious Tongues: He rubs up their Memory,Ockam con­demned at Paris. That it is not long since William Ockam was condemned by the whole University of Paris, and his Works were rejected by all, as containing things contrary to the true Catholick Doctrin, whenas now he was become the very Dar­ling of the Schools; and his Name as much cryed up, as it was before loaded with Infamy: But how low the Credit of that University runs, may be gathered by this, That its Judgment, is had in very little esteem in France it self, and is of no Authority at all in any other Country; for 'tis grown almost into a Proverb among the English, That the Paris Decrees never cross the Seas; among the Italians, That they never climb over the Alpes; and among the Germans, That they never pass the Rhine: In the Censures past upon Picus Mirandula, his Enemies could not hide that rancour and Malice, which had in so great a Measure byass'd their Judg­ments, for his Books were now hightly prized by all Persons, and no one could read any thing of his, without being insensibly drawn into a very great Admirati­on of the most incomparable Parts of the Author: Nor had Laurentius Valla him­self met with the least better Treatment, although Learned and Judicious Men had always an esteem for him, and thought themselves very profitably employ­ed, as long as they were conversant in his Writings.

He tells them, That in that Controversie with Capnion, they had managed their Business in such a manner, that they never at any time more openly betrayed their gross Ignorance, as well as obstinate Wickedness; That the Counsels of God are very wonderful;A Compari­son between the Jews and Roman Cler­gy. That the Jews were of Old his own peculiar People, but when they wilfully shut their Eyes against the Light of the Gospel, and despised all the Benefits of Christ, they were then deservedly reprobated, and the Gentiles im­braced that Grace and Favour, of which the first Tenders were made to them; That much after the same manner it was now, That the Popes and others, who were, and loved to be called the Dignitaries of the Church, and who assumed to themselves the Supreme Power, and all Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, had, in truth, nothing but an empty Name, whilst there were others who affected none of all that pompous Pageantry, who yet had a better Right to all the Honours and Titles, which these had so unjustly usurped: In short, That it never was other­wise, but that all Good and learned Men had at all times been thus persecuted by them, and yet they never could produce one Example of their having made Good their own Ground or foiled their Adversaries by any solid substantial Argument, but rather by mere Tricks and Shifts, or else by the dint of Fire and Faggot; that thus it was in the Case of John Hus and Jerome of Prague, which was such a Piece of Barbarity, as their Memories would stink to all succeeding Generations; but he could not but be struck with a very great amazment to see their precipitated Folly, who notwithstanding all these Warnings, would still proceed in those un­warrantable Methods, which must of Necessity leave a Blot, not only upon their own, but upon all the other Universities in Christendom; for granting all their former Processes were according to the known established Rules, and the Sentences pronounced by them, upon several famous Men, were well grounded, and in due Form of Law, yet as to what relates to his Cause, and the present Contro­versie, they had done very Injuriously and Spitefully, to deal with him in such an [Page 29] unexampled manner: if he had offended in any thing, they should not immedi­ately construe it in the worst Sense, but think with themselves, That all Men are subject to Infirmities; That in the giving their Judgment upon his Tenets, they ought to have shewed a Christian-like Disposition, Lenity, Mildness and Gentle­ness; but thus, without any previous Examination to condemn all at one Dash, discovered at once the Distemper of their Minds, and the Virulency of their Ma­lice;The Autho­rity of Aristo­tle, with the Divines of Lo [...]vain and Cologn. that Aristotle was of great Repute amongst them, and that there was nothing which he had said, though never so absurd, or even repugnant to Christianity it self, which they would not defend, or at least excuse and palliate by some far fetch'd Gloss or Comment, so as the Credit of the Author might not suffer any Diminution; but towards him their Carriage had been very different, for they had not only put a candid Interpretation upon those Parts of his Writings, which might be wrested to his Disadvantage, but had endeavoured to pick a Hole, even in those very things in which he had been so cautious in his Expression, as not to dread the Censure of the most Captious and Prejudiced Reader; That the better and more effectual way had been, to have admonished him either to explain or correct what he had wrote, or else not to be obstinate in the maintaining of it; That if, notwithstanding all this, he had continued disobedient, they might then, after having first shewed him his Error, have acted according to Christ's Precept: But besides all this, the Pope could not but think his Honour touch'd in this that they had done, in daring to pass such a Sentence on a Book which was wrote and De­dicated to him, which was no other than rashly to upbraid him both with Sloth and Negligence; but no Wonder that they made so bold with his Holiness, since the Majesty of God himself was daily affronted by the Contempts which they put upon his Laws.

This William Ockam, of whom Luther speaks, lived in the Time of the Emper­our Lewis IV, about the Year of our Lord 1320, and among other things, wrote a Book concerning the Pope's Supremacy, in which these eight Questions were handled very curiously. Whether the same Person, can at one and the same time, be both Pope and Emperour? Whether the Emperour receive his Power and Authority from God alone, and not also from the Bishop of Rome? Whether Christ delegated any such Supreme Jurisdiction, over the whole World, to the Pope and Church of Rome, which they might at their Pleasure parcel out to the Emperour and other Kings and Princes? Whether the Emperour being once Cho­sen, has not thereby the Government put absolutely into his Hands? Whether other Princes, besides the Emperour and King of the Romans, because the Cere­mony of their Coronation is performed by Priests, upon that account, derive any Authority from them? Whether such Princes owe any sort of Subjection to those by whose Hands they received their Anointing and Investiture? Whether, if they should make use of any new Ceremonies, or take upon them to Crown themselves, they thereby forfeit their Regal Power and Dignity? Whether the Suffrages of the seven Princes Electors, do not give as good a Title to the Elected Emperour, as a lawful Succession does to the other Kings, where the Government is Heredita­ry. In the Examination of these Points, having shewed a great deal of Variety and Subtlety of Argument of both Sides, he for the most part determines in Fa­vour of the Civil Magistrate: And upon that Occasion he makes mention of Pope John XXII, who lived at that time, and had made certain Ordinances, which they called Extravagentes, and inserted them into the Canon-Law, All which, he says, were generally condemned as Heretical and Spurious: Then he recites what Errors had been observed by other Persons, both in his Books and publick Discourses, and says, That all Orthodox Men did admire, how they came to gain any Credit in the World; but that this was the Time, of which S. Paul, in his Epistle, foretold Timothy, That the time would come, when men should not endure sound doctrin, but after their own lusts should they heap to themselves teachers, having itching ears; and should turn away their ears from the truth, and be turned to Fables: That this was too sadly verified in these Days, in which most Men never enquire what was the Do­ctrin of Christ, or of the Apostles or Primitive Fathers, but are guided in every thing, only by the Pope's arbitrary Will and Command.

As to what relates to Capnion Reuchline, Phefercorne's Judgment concerning the suppres­sing the Jew­ish Writings. the matter stands thus; John Phefercorne, who had forsaken Judaisme and embraced Christianity, had a long time been a Petitioner to the Emperour Maximilian, That all the Jewish Books might be suppres­sed, as those which trained up Men only in Impiety and Superstition, and very much hindred their Conversion to the Christian Religion; and that therefore they ought [Page 30] to be allowed the use of no other Book besides the Bible. Maximilian, at last, sends his Orders to Ʋriel Archbishop of Mentz, That he should make choice of some certain University, to whom, together with the Inquisitor James Hogostrate, and John Reuchline, he might refer the Examination of this Affair, that they might con­sult what was fit to be done in it, and whether it were agreeable to the generous and open practices of our Religion, to condemn all Books to the Flames, except those whose Authors were divinely inspired; this was in the Year of our Lord 1510. Reuchline, The Opinion of Reuchline. who was a Civilian, and a great Master of the Hebrew Tongue, having received Letters from Mentz, returned this Answer: That the Jewish Books were of three sorts, Historical, such as treated of Medicks, and their Talmuds, which last were of several different kinds; that although there were a great many things contained in them, which were Ridiculous as well as Superstitious, yet upon one account they were of great use, in that they served to refute their Errors, and fond vain Opinions. This his Sentence he sends sealed to the Archbishop; but when Phefercorne came to hear of this, he presently began to make no small stir about it, and published a Book in opposition to what Reuchline had wrote, re­proaching him with the most odious Titles of the Champion and Patron of the Jews. Capnion, that his Silence might not be interpreted as a Confession of the Charge, writes an answer to it, which drew upon him the ill-Will of several Universities, but chiefly of that of Cologne: The most Famous Men, there at that time, were James Hogostrate and Arnold van Tongren. And Hogostrate, he put out a Book, in which he was not in the least sparing of his Invectives, following ex­actly the Copy that Phefercorne had set him, and this he Dedicates to the Emper­our Maximilian. After this they commenced a Suit against him, and the Tryal was before the Archbishop of Mentz, to whose Jurisdiction the supposed Cri­minal belonged, and the Prosecutor was James Hogostrate; him Reuchline excepted against, as one whom he thought not indifferent, and this he did at first, not in his own proper Person, but by his Advocate: But being persuaded to it by some Friends, he at last came himself to Mentz, accompanyed with a great many of the First Rank, both for Nobility and Learning, which Ʋlrich Duke of Wir­temberg had sent along with him: There, when he saw that whatsoever Proposals he made, in order to a Reconciliation, they were still all rejected by his Adver­saries, he was forced to appeal to the Pope. He commits the hearing of the Cause to George Palatine, Bishop of Spire, and at the same Time issues out an In­junction, That no Person besides, presume to intermeddle in it. But those of Cologne, taking no notice of this, proceed to Censure Capnion's Book, with a Salvo, as they pretend,His Book burnt. to the Credit of the Author, and in February, 1514, they pub­lickly burnt it; this the Bishop of Spire took as an Affront put upon him, and be­cause the Prosecutor,Approved of by the Bishop of Spire. having been legally Cited, had never appeared at the Day, but made Default, he gave Judgment for Capnion, with an Approbation of his Book, and condemned Hogostrate to pay the Costs of the Suit. He, that he might avoid this Sentence, hastens to Rome. In the mean time, the Divines of his Par­ty make their Applications to the University of Paris, and by the Help of Erand Marchian Bishop of Liege, who was then in the French Interests, they ca­joled Lewis XII,Condemned at Paris. so as to make him inclinable to favour their Cause. Therefore, after a long Consultation, those of Paris also Condemn the Book, as deserving to be Burnt, and whose Author ought to be compelled to make a Recantation; and their Judgment was, That the Jewish Talmuds were justly censured by former Popes, and deservedly burnt by their Predecessors. This was in the same Year, on August 2. To prevent this, the Duke of Wirtemberg had interceeded with them by his Letters; and Reuchline also himself, had written very courteously, as having been formerly a Scholar of that University, and he sent inclosed the Judg­ment given by the Bishop of Spire, but all to no purpose. Hogostrate being come to Rome, managed his Business with very great Address; but there were some Cardinals, who favoured Reuchline upon the account of his eminent Learning; among these was Adrian, who has a Piece extant concerning the Latin Tongue. Leo at last appoints certain Delegates to inspect the matter, and they seeming to lean towards Capnion's side, Hogostrate, having met with nothing but Disappoint­ments, after above three Years stay in Rome, sneaked away Home into his own Country. But it is not to be thought what a Scandal the Divines of Cologn brought upon themselves, by this Imprudent Act of theirs; for there was not a Man, who pretended to any thing of Ingenuity or Scholarship, in all Germany, who had not a Fling at them in some smart Lampoon or Satyr, applauding Reuchline, and ridicu­ling [Page 31] them, as Blockheads and Dunces, and sworn Enemies to that Laborious, but useful Study of Languages, and to all other more polite Learning: And Erasmus of Roterdam was not wanting to use his interest with the Cardinals in Capnion's be­half, concerning which he has several Epistles yet extant, which he then sent to Rome.

The Divines of Louvain, The Censure of the Lou­vain Divines upon Luther's Writings: His Letter to the Empe­rour: before they would declare what was their Opinion in Luther's Case, consulted first with the Cardinal Adrian Bishop of Tortona, who had been a Member of their College and Order, and who was at that time in Spain; and being backed with the Authority of his Judgment, they published their Censure. Luther finding himself so hard beset on all Sides, addressed himself in an Epistle to the late elected Emperour, Charles V, and having made his Apology, That a Man of his mean Quality should presume to write to so great a Potentate, he tells him, That the Reasons were very weighty which had emboldned him to do this, and that the Glory of Christ himself was concerned in his Cause: That he had published some few small Books, which had procured him the Dis­pleasure of a great many Persons, but that the Fault ought not to lye at his Door, for that it was with great Reluctancy that his Adversaries had drawn him to enter the Lists: That a Private Retired Life was much more agreeable to his Inclina­tions, but that his chief Care and Study was to make known the pure and uncor­rupt Doctrin of the Gospel, in opposition to the false Glosses, and even contra­dictory Ordinances of Men: That there were a great number of Persons eminent both for Learning and Piety, who could attest the Truth of what he said: And that this alone was the Cause of all that Odium and Infamy, of those Dangers, Contumelies and Losses, to which almost for three Years he had been continually ex­posed: That he had omitted nothing which might contribute to an Accommoda­tion; but that the oftner he made any Proposals, tending that way, the more re­solved his Adversaries seemed to continue the Breach: That he had frequently and earnestly requested them to convince him of his Errours, and to give him such Rules, by the which he might the better guide himself for the Time to come; but that he could never obtain any other Answer from them, but barbarous Injuries and railing Buffoonery, their Design being to rid the World both of him and the Gospel together: That by these Means, he was driven to have recourse to the last Remedy, and forced, according to the Example of Athanasius, to fly to him, as to the inviolable Sanctuary and Protection of the Law: And to beseech him to take upon him the Patronage of the Christian Religion, and vouchsafe to shelter him from all Violence and Injury, until he should be more fully informed in the Matter: If it should appear that he had been ingaged in the Maintenance of any thing that was Unjustifiable, he then desired no Favour: His humble Petition was only to have a fair Hearing, and that every one would t'ill then suspend his Judgment: That this was a part of his Duty, and that therefore God had intrust­ed him with this Supreme Power, that he might maintain and distribute impar­tial Justice, and defend the Cause of the Poor and Weak, against all the Insults of their powerful Oppressors.

After this,To the States of the Em­pire. he writes much to the same purpose, to all the States of the Empire, telling them how unwilling he was to have ingaged in this Controversie, and with what bitter Malice he was prosecuted by his Enemies, when his Aim was purely this, by propagating the true Doctrin of the Gospel, to convince Men how In­consistent it was with those false Opinions, of which they had been so long but too Tenacious: Then he recites, in short, all that had been done by him, in order to a Reconciliation; how he had several times promised, by a voluntary Silence, to let the Cause fall, upon condition his Adversaries would cease their impertinent Babling, desiring nothing more than to be better informed, if he was in the wrong, and being willing to submit freely to the Judgment and Censure of all good Men: But that these Requests of his had not as yet had their desired Effect, his Adversa­ries continually loading him with all manner of Injuries and Reproaches: That since it was so, he desired them not to give Credit to any disadvantagious Reports, which they might hear of him: If he had at any time been guilty of any Sharpness or Petulancy in his Writings, it was no more than what he had been forced to by their paultry sawcy Pamphlets, which they were almost daily spawning against him: In the last place, he makes now the same Profers, for the composing the Dif­ference, which he had so often formerly done; and of this he prays them to bear him witness.

[Page 32] Some few Days after, he wrote to the Cardinal Albertus, Archbishop of Mentz, in a very submissive Stile: The Substance of his Letter was this; That his being impeached before him,To the Arch­bishop of Mentz. therefore touched him the more nearly, because he supposed it to be done by those who had formerly commended his Works, and been the most forward Sticklers for them; but whether the Accusation were true or false, take it either way, they had not dealt very handsomely in it; for if it were False, they then put the grossest Abuse upon him, without any respect to his Character, and that sublime Station that he has in the Church: He bids him call to mind how David himself was deceived by the Flattery of Siba, and that there was scarce any Prince who could at all times stand so well upon his Guard, as not to be in danger of being imposed upon by such fawning Courtiers: But supposing he was really guilty of the Crimes laid to his Charge, yet it had been a much fairer way of proceeding, to have shewed him his Error, and to have endeavoured to re­ctifie his Understanding, wheresoever they perceived him to labour under any Mistakes; that this he had several times beg'd of his Adversaries, who still continued Deaf to all his Requests. He tells him there were two sorts of Men, who general­ly condemned his Writings; one was those never read them, and the other such as, indeed, vouchsafed them the reading, but their Minds were prepossess'd with an ill Opinion of him, and then, whatsoever he said, though never so con­formable to the Precepts of Christianity, must of necessity be misinterpreted by them: But if that his more important Affairs could but afford him so much Lei­sure, as to peruse his Books, he did not in the least doubt, but that he would be of a very different Judgment from his Accusers: He intreats him, therefore, not to believe Calumnies, or to entertain any suspicious Thoughts of him, but to take a full and exact Examination of the whole Matter, since not only his alone, but the eternal welfare of all his Followers, was nearly concerned in it: For because his Desire was to be heard speak for himself, and to be instructed by those who were more learned, if he could not obtain this Favour, the Truth it self would suffer very much by it: Confiding therefore in his Candor and Humanity, and being also born and bred in that Country, which is properly under his Episcopal Care and Go­vernment, he thought himself in some measure obliged to give him this short Ac­count of his Case.

The Archbishop answers,The Archbi­shop's An­swer. That he was very well pleased with his Promise, Not to be obstinate in the Defence of his Tenets, but to be willing to yield to any who should better inform him: As for his part, though he had a great regard for the concerns of Religion, yet he had not hitherto been able to steal so much Time, as would serve to read over his Treatises: That therefore he could not give any Judgment upon them, but referr'd it wholly to those, whose proper Province it was, and who had already ingaged themselves in that Disquisition: That his hear­ty Wishes were, That he and all other Divines, would handle Points of Religion reverently, modestly and conscientiously, without uttering any reproachful Words, or harbouring any secret Malice in their Breasts: That he heard with great regret, with what Heat and Passion some Men of Note and Fame disputed about the Su­premacy of the Pope and Free-Will, and other such trifling insignificant Questions, which are far from being any of the Essentials of Religion: That those things began now to be controverted, which had been so long received, and which were confirmed by the common Consent and Approbation of the whole Church, as well as by the Authority of General Councils; such is that which relates to the Sacra­ment of the Lord's Supper, and the manner of communicating therein: And be­cause this is done openly, and the Ears of the common People begin to be tickled with the Novelty, he should not but have very dreadful Apprehensions of what would be the dangerous Consequences of them: That he could not see, how he or any other Person could raise any useful pious Instructions out of these Points: But if Scholars had a mind to debate them friendly and privately among them­selves, he could not be against it: Nor did he blame him for saying, That what he taught was no other than the true Doctrin of the Gospel, provided there was no­thing of Bitterness or Spite in the Assertion, and that it was not spoke in con­tempt of the Authority of the Church: For if this publick Declaration of the Truth flowed purely from the gentle impulse of the Divine Spirit, it then would baffle all Attempts whatsoever, that should be made against it; but if that either Haughtiness of Mind, or a private Grudge against any one, were the Motives in it, it then could have no firm Foundation, but that and its Author would soon fall together: For whosoever abuses the Gifts and Favours of God, on him will he assuredly pour out the full Vials of his Wrath.

[Page 33] To the same effect, on the same day, Luther writes to the Bishop of Mersburgh, that as to his Doctrin, his Conscience bore him witness that it was the same that Christ and his Apostles had taught:Luther's Let­ter to the Bi­shop of Mers­burgh. But because his Life and manners were not in all things answerable to the Purity of his Profession, he could even wish that he were silenc'd from Preaching, as being unworthy to exercise that Sacred Function: That he was not moved either by the hopes of Gain or Vain-glory; but that the End to which all his Endeavours were directed, was to imprint a-fresh in the minds of Men those eternal Truths, which were now almost utterly defaced, or else obscured by a gross and wilful stupidity; That those who condemn his Writings, were hurried on by the violence of their Passions; and promoted their own ambitious designs, under the specious pretence of upholding the Authority of the Bishop of Rome: That a great many Foreigners, famous both for Parts and Learning, had by their Letters approved of his Works, and thanked him for his obliging the Publick with them: That this confirm'd him in his Opinion, that his Doctrin was Orthodox: He beseeches him therefore to shew some Fatherly tenderness towards him; and if he had hitherto erred, to guide him now into the right way: That he could not as yet get his Cause to be heard, although he had been importunate in requesting it: That he should think it a great happiness to be convinced of any of his Errours, and they should find he had been mis­represented by those who had possessed the World with a belief of his Obstinacy.

The Bishop returns to this,The Bishop's Answer. That he had been often under a very great concern for him, and that he was heartily sorry for his having publish'd a Book concerning the Lord's Supper, which had given offence to many: That those of his Diocese were much startled at the Doctrin, which could not but trouble him to whose immediate Care they were committed. Then he reproves the sharpness of his Style, and says, That how diverting soever it might be to Strangers, he must declare his dislike of it; and could wish that in the present Controversie he had shewed less of the Man, and more of the Christian. He checks him for having spoken irreverently of the Bishop of Rome, telling him, such language was cer­tainly unbecoming the Mouth of a Clergyman, as well as injurious to the Dignity of the Prelate. He therefore advises him to exercise his Parts in somewhat which might be more advantageous to the Publick, and not to keep up a Dispute any longer purely for Wrangling sake. As to what he writes, that he is desirous to be informed where he is in an Errour, and promises to be ready to yield to any better Judgments: As to these Particulars, he says he cannot give a full Answer now by Letter; but he will find a convenient season to tell him his mind more at large by Word of Mouth.

The Elector Frederick had at that time a Sute depending at Rome, in which he had employed as his Agent one Valentine Ditleb, a German; he sends him word, that in this and in all the other parts of his Commission, he made but very slow advances at that Court; which he could attribute to nothing but the rashness and impudence of Luther, who had lately vented his malice in several Libels against the Pope, the Church of Rome, and the sacred Conclave; and that the common report was, That he was the only Person who countenanced and supported that Fellow. Upon the arrival of the Courier with these Letters, Frederick presently dispatches away an Answer to Rome, That it had always been far from his thoughts to give any encouragement to the progress of Luther's Doctrin: That he had not yet alter'd his mind, nor took the pains throughly to sift any one of the controverted Points: That he heard indeed his Tenets had the Approbation of Learned and Judicious Men, but for his part he determined on neither side, but left him to make his own Defence as well as he could: He confess'd he thought he had made two very fair Proposals, which he still stuck to; the first was, That if he might obtain a safe Conduct, he was ready to answer for himself before any Person whom the Pope should appoint: And in the second place, If it should be made out upon tryal that any of his Opinions were Erroneous, he would most chearfully renounce them; and of this he made an open and solemn Protestation. And although by this Luther had acquitted himself like a good Christian in the judgment of all impartial Persons; yet upon his warning, he had long ago left Saxony, if Charles Milititz had not opposed it; for he thought it not convenient to drive him into another Country, whereas he would be under less restraint; so they must expect he would then give his Passion its full swing, and with his Pen revenge himself on all those who had any way promoted his Exile: There could therefore be no reasonable ground to suspect his fidelity to the Catholick [Page 32] Interests, which gave him some hopes that his Holiness would deal with him accord­ing to the Justice of his Cause; for it would make his very Life uneasie to him, if such a Slander should find credit in the World, as that any Errour which sprung up in his time, had taken root and spread it self under the shelter of his Protection. After this, in the same Letter he tells him freely, as his Friend and Countryman, that he heard, the Contest had never been carried on to this extremity, if Eckius, and a great many more such fierce Bigots, had not been even restless till they had blown all into a flame: That they were continually throwing dirt in Luther's face, by those scurrilous Papers which they scatter'd among the People; so that he was forced at last, against his will, to return the Complement: And that this was the unlucky occasion of his discovery of a great many things, which, if he had not been thus provoked, had in all probability died with him. He assures him he had this Account from very good hands, who are fully acquainted with the whole matter; and that Luther himself confessed as much: That those therefore of Eckius's Gang ought to suffer as the only Incendiaries, who while they thought to curry favour with the Pope by some extraordinary piece of Service, had in truth done him an injury beyond the malice of his most professed Enemies. He tells him that Germany was much civiliz'd of late years: That it now produced Men of excellent Parts: That Learning flourish'd there, and the Inventors of useful Arts met with all due encouragements; and there were some who by a long study were become great Proficients in all those Languages which are necessary to compleat an universal Scholar: In short, that we lived in such an Age now, in which even the Common People were curious to search the Scriptures: That this made a great many sober and moderate Men to think, that if the Proposals made by Luther were rejected, and the Church proceeded to any Censures against him, that they would Conjure up such a Spirit, as would be beyond the power of all their Charms to lay again; for that his Doctrins had now gotten such footing, that unless he had a fair and legal Tryal, and his Errors were refuted by solid Arguments and Scripture Proofs, all Germany would be in an Uproar; and then he question'd whether the Pope or any one else would gain much by the bargain.

This Letter of the Electors bore Date the First of April, The Pope's Answer to the Elector. and the Pope returned an Answer on the Sixth of July, telling him, he was highly satisfied in his having no Communion with that profligate Fellow Luther: That he always had an Esteem for him answerable to his eminent Vertues: But that since grave and serious Men had informed him how prudently he had carried himself in this particular, he now stood higher in his Favour than ever he did before: That in this he had acted like himself, and had not degenerated from his glorious Ancestors, who had always paid a great devotion to the Apostolick See: It was also an evident demonstration of his singular Wisdom, inasmuch as he was sensible that it was not the meek Spirit of Christ, but the Devil, that arch Enemy of Mankind, which actuated and in­spired the Author of this Schism; who was proud and ambitious as Luther himself, who endeavoured to infect the World afresh with the condemned Heresies of Wickliff, Husse and the Bohemians, who gaped after popular Applause; and who by depraving the true Sense of the Scriptures, ruined the Souls of his simple and weak Brethren; who exploded all Vows of Chastity, and laugh'd at Auricular Confession, and the Penance imposed thereupon, as meer Tricks of the crafty Priests, who sided with the Disciples of Mahomet, and who with his prophane and poysonous breath thought at once to blast and overturn the whole Disciplin of the Church; who bewails the Punishments inflicted on Hereticks; and in short, who strove to turn all things topsie-turvie; and is arrived at that degree of pride and madness, as to despise the Authority both of Popes and Councils, and has the confidence to prefer before them all, his own single Judgment: That he therefore had shewed himself a true Son of the Church, in that he had nothing to do with that pernicious Rascal, nor embraced any of his erroneous Opinions, but in all things imitated the Vertues of his Fore-fathers: That this made so many grave and understanding Men outvie each other in his Commendations: And that he could not but think himself bound to return his most hearty Thanks to God, who had bestowed on him so many rich endowments of Mind: He says, he had long borne with Luther's Sauciness and Temerity, hoping he would in time grow ashamed of his Folly; but now when he saw him deaf to all his Admonitions, and that he was only hardned by the gentleness which he used towards him, he was forc'd at last, as in a desperate Disease, to have recourse to a desperate Remedy, to prevent, if possible, the farther spreading of the Contagion: That having [Page 35] summoned therefor the Conclave, and had the Advice of several learned Men in the matter, after much serious deliberation he had signed the Decree, being guided by that holy Spirit, whose aids can never be wanting to an Infallible Church. In it were recited some of his Tenets, which were picked from among a great many more; part of which were downright Heretical, others directly contrary to the Precepts of the Gospel; and some were destructive of Mo­rality, and even common Honesty it self, and were such as by degrees would debauch Men into all manner of Wickedness: That he had sent him a Copy of this Bull, to let him see what monstrous Errors that Agent of Hell did maintain: But now his Request to him, was, That he would admonish him not to persist in his Pride and Obstinacy, but publickly and solemnly to recant all his former Writings; which if he refused to do within a prefixed day, then to take care to have him seized and committed to Prison; by this means he would wipe off the Reproach of his own House and of Germany too, and get himself immortal Honour, by putting a timely stop to that flame which would else not have ended but in the ruin of his Country; and it would be a Service also very acceptable even to God himself.

The Bull it self was very long,The Pope's Bull. and was published on the Fifteenth of June; the substance of it was this: After a Quotation of some Texts of Scripture, which were applied to his present purpose, his Holiness, Pope Leo, having called upon Christ, St. Peter and St. Paul, and the rest of that glorified Society, to avert those dangers which at this time threatned the Church, complains that there was now started up a Doctrin which not only revived all those Opinions which had been formerly condemned as Heretical, but also contained in it several new Errours never before broached in the World, and such as would justle out all sense of God and Religion: That he was troubled that this Heresie should have its rise in Germany, a Country always very Loyal to the Church of Rome, and which to uphold the Dignity of that See, had fought even to the last drop of Blood, and never refused to undertake any the most difficult Enterprizes: That it was yet fresh in memory, with what Heroick Spirits, and with what Zeal they maintained the Catholick Cause against the Bohemians and the Followers of Husse: That some of their Universities had lately given Instances of a Vertue and Courage equal to what inspired the first Planters of Christianity: But because he was Christ's Vicar here on Earth, and the Care of the Universal Church was committed to him, he could no longer neglect the discharge of his Duty. After this, he repeats Luther's Tenets, which he says were repugnant to that Christian Love and Reverence which all Men owe to the Church of Rome: That he had therefore summoned together the whole College of Cardinals,The Pope and Cardinals condemn Lu­ther's Doctrin, and command his Books to be burnt. and several other learned Men, who after a long Debate, all declared, That these Points ought to be rejected, as derogating from the Authority of Councils, Fathers, and even the Church it self: Therefore with their advice and consent he condemns this whole summ of Doctrins, and by virtue of his Supremacy, commands all Persons under the severest Penalties, to yield Obedience to this his Decree, by renouncing those Opinions which are censured in it; and he enjoyns all Magistrates (especially those of Germany) to use their endeavours to hinder the farther progress and growth of this Heresie: He orders also Luther's Books to be every where brought forth and burnt. Then he relates how Lovingly and Fatherly he had dealt with him, in hopes to reclaim his by those gentle methods; how he had admonish'd him by his Legates, and cited him to come and make his Purgation at Rome; not only granting him a safe Conduct, but promising to furnish him with all Necessa­ries for his Journey; but that he slighting this Summons, had appealed from him to a General Council,The Decrees of Pius and Julius con­cerning Ap­peals. contrary to the Decrees of Pope Pius, and Julius II, by which it is enacted, That whosoever shall make any such Appeal, shall from that time be adjudged an Heretick, and be obnoxious to the same Punishments: That therefore it was in his power to have prosecuted him at first with the utmost rigour of the Law, but that out of meer pity he had forborn so long, if perhaps, as the Prodigal Son, his Calamities might bring him to a sense of his Errours, and he would at last be willing to return into the bosom of the Chu [...]ch: That he had still the same tender Affections towards him; and that he most passio­nately intreated him and all his Followers, that they would cease to disturb the Peace of Christendom; and if they yield to this his request, he promises to shew them all the kindness imaginable.Luther is Ex­communica­ted. In the mean time he forbids Luther to Preach, and prefixes Threescore days, within which time he should amend, burn his own [Page 36] Books, and publickly Recant: If he did not, he condemns him as an Heretick, and orders him to be punish'd according to Law; he Excommunicates him, and commands all Persons to avoid his Company, under the like Penalty, ordering this Decree to be read in all Churches upon certain days.

As to what he says of Pius and Julius, the matter stands thus: In the Year of our Lord 1359, Pius II, on account of the War with the Turks, holds a Council at Mantua, and there, among others, makes a Decree, That no Person should Appeal from the Pope to a Council, because he said there could be no Power on Earth Superior to that of Christ's Vicar. Therefore he condemned all those who presumed to act contrary to this Decree, and declared their Appeals invalid. And not long after he Excommunicated Sigismund Duke of Austria, for taking Cardinal Nicholas Cusanus Prisoner. Sigismund Appeals from him to the Council; and the Pope Excommunicates George Heinburg, a Lawyer that drew up the Appeal, as a Traytor and Heretick, and writes to the Senate of Nuremberg to Banish him, and Confiscate his Estate. This Decree of his Julius II confirmed, that he might defend himself against those Cardinals who had revolted from him, against Kings and Princes, and the Divines of Paris, who often made use of such Appeals. Pope Pius, who was before called Aeneas Silvius, was present at the Council of Basil, and wrote the History of it, wherein he highly commends the Decrees that were made there; but at last being advanced to the Papacy, he changed his Opinion, and declared that the Council ought to be subject to the Pope.

Luther, Luther oppo­ses the Pope's Bull. when he found himself condemned at Rome, renews his former Appeal from the Pope to General Council: And now since the Pope continues in his Tyranny and Impiety, and proceeds so far as to condemn him, neither called nor heard, nor convict of Heresie, he says he Appeals again from him to a Gene­ral Council, for these four Reasons: Because he condemns him at pleasure without hearing the Controversie, because he forbids him to hold Faith to be necessary in the Sacraments, because he prefers his own Opinions and Fancies to the Holy Scriptures, and for rendring all Councils useless: Therefore he calls him rash and obstinate, a Tyrant, a proud Despiser of the Church, and Antichrist himself; and says he will prove all this, whensoever it shall please his Superiors; and for that reason desires the Emperour and other Magistrates, that for the Glory of God, and in defence of the Liberties of a General Council, they would admit his Appeal; that they would bridle the Tyranny of the Pope, take no notice of his Bull, nor do any thing in the business, till the Cause be fairly heard and decided. Before he appealed after this manner, which was upon the Eighteenth day of November, he had put out a Book concerning the Babylonish Captivity; and in the Preface he says, that he advances every day more and more in the Know­ledge of the Scripture; that formerly he had published a small Treatise concern­ing the Pope's Indulgences; and that then he writ very modestly, having a very great Veneration for the Roman Tyranny: But that now he was of another Opi­nion; and that being stirred up by the provocation of his Adversaries, he had discovered that the See of Rome was nothing else but the Kingdom of Babylon, and the Power of Nimrod the mighty Hunter: Afterwards he disputes concerning the Sacraments of the Church, and holds there are but Three, Baptism, Penance, and the Lord's Supper. And having discoursed concerning these, he proceeds to consider the others also, Confirmation, Orders, Matrimony, and Extreme Vnction; but he allows them not the Name or Title of a Sacrament; and says, that they are properly Sacraments, which are Promises with Visible Signs annexed to them; the others, which have no Signs, are bare Promises, and therefore he thinks that Penance ought not to be reckoned in the number of Sacraments, if we would speak properly, because it wants a Visible Sign of Divine Institution. Luther, after he had heard of the Pope's Bull, besides the Appeal we have been speaking of, pub­lishes a Book, wherein he confirms and maintains all those opinions which Leo had condemned.

In the mean time the Emperour having setled all things in the Low-Countries, appoints the Electors to meet him at Aix la Chapelle, on the Sixth of October, in order to his Coronation: But at that time the Plague raged there very much; therefore the Electors when they were arrived at Cologn, about ten Miles from Aix la Chapelle, and the report of the Plague encreased daily, they writ to the Emperour, being then at Louvain, to desire him to chuse some other place for the Coronation: But the Townsmen, who had laid out a great deal of Money in [Page 37] trimming up their Houses, and furnishing themselves with Provisions, did by a proper Messenger assure him, that there was no Danger. The Emperour, there­fore persisted in his Resolution, and declares, That he cannot well alter the Order of Charles IV, which appoints the Coronation to be there.

Therefore upon the 21 of October, The Electors come to Aix la Chapelle. the Archbishops of Mentz, Cologn and Triers, with the Ambassadours of the Duke of Saxony and Marquess of Brandenburg, arrive there; for the Duke of Saxony himself, by reason of his Ilness, was forced to stay at Cologn. The next Day they go out to meet the Emperour, and when they came near him, they alighted off their Horses, and the Archbishop of Mentz made a Speech to him, which he answered graciously by the Cardinal of Saltzburg: And so joyning their Company together,The Emper­our enters the Town i [...] great state. they marched towards the Town. Before the Gate, the Count Palatine meets him: The Horse that accompanied the Electors were about a thousand six hundred, some Archers, and some with Lances; those that attended upon the Emperour were about two thousand, all bravely clothed. John Duke of Cleve, being a Neighbour, had brought thither four hundred Horse very well armed, who contended so long with those of Saxony about the Preceden­cy, that Night came on them before the whole Cavalcade, which was the finest that ever was seen in Germany, could enter the Town. On each side the Emperour rode the Archbishops of Cologn and Mentz, being followed by the Ambassadour of the King of Bohemia, the Cardinals of Sedune, Saltzburg and Croye, and the Ambas­sadours of other Kings and Princes; the Pope's only, and the King's of England were absent; and that designedly, lest by giving place to the Princes of Germany they might seem to diminish the Honour of their Masters. The Emperour was brought into our Lady's Church, where, after he had made his Prayers, he talked with the Electors apart,The Ceremo­nies of the Coronation. and so went to his Lodging. The next Day they met again at the Church, but there was such a Croud of People, that the Guard had much ado to keep them back: In the middle of the Church there hangs a large Crown, the Floor underneath was covered with rich Carpets, where the Emperour for some time lay prostrate, while the Archbishop of Cologn says certain Prayers over him: After that is done, he Archbishop of Mentz and Triers take him up, and lead him to the High Altar: Here he falls down again, and having said his Pray­ers, is lead to his Throne, that was richly overlaid with Gold; the Archbishop of Cologn begins Mass, and having proceeded a little way, he demands of him, in Latin, The Emper­our's Oath. Whether he will keep the Catholick Faith, defend the Church, administer Justice, and maintain the Dignity of the Empire, protect the Widows and the Fa­therless, and such other distressed Persons, and whether he will give due Honour to the Bishop of Rome? When he has assented, he is led to the Altar, and there takes his Oath to perform all this, and so returns again to his Throne. Then the Elector of Cologn demands of those that were present, Whether they will yield him due Faith and Allegiance, which being promised, and some other Prayers re­cited, he anoints him on the Breast, the Head, the Bendings of the Arms, and the Palms of the Hands: And being thus anointed, the Archbishops of Mentz and Triers lead him into the Vestry, and there having clothed him like a Deacon, place him again in his Throne: After other Prayers, the Archbishop of Cologn, accom­panied by the two other Archbishops, delivers him a Sword drawn, and commends the Commonwealth to his Care; and when he has sheathed this Sword, puts a Ring on his Finger, and vests him with the Imperial Robe, gives him a Scepter and Globe, and the three Archbishops, together, put the Crown on his Head: From thence he is lead to the Altar, and there swears again, That he will do the Duty of a good Prince; after which, accompanied by the Archbishops, he goes up into a part of the Church, which is purposely raised higher than the rest, and is there placed in a Seat of Stone: Then the Archbishop of Mentz, making a Speech in the Vulgar Tongue, wishes him great Prosperity, commending to him himself, his Colleagues, and the States of the Empire: The Prebendaries of the Church do likewise congratulate him, into whose number he is chosen by an ancient Custom: And after all, he is entertained by a Consort of Vocal and Instrumental Musick. The Lady Margaret, the Emperour's Aunt, who was Governess of the Low Countries, was present during the whole Ceremony. When Mass was over, and the Emperour had received the Sacrament, he Knights as many as offered them­selves, which Honour used to be given anciently, only to those who had signalized their Courage in War,The manner of making Knights. and was the Reward of Valour: And now the manner is for Kings to strike gently with their naked Sword, the Shoulders of those that are to receive the Honour: And by this Ceremony, only, now a days, many are made [Page 38] Knights, not only of the Nobility, but Tradesmen and others. From the Church they proceed to the Palace, which is magnificently adorned; there the Emperour Dines, and the Electors also, every one by himself, there being Tables placed in the same Hall, on both Sides the Emperour's, the Archbishop of Triers sitting right against the Emperour, according to one of the Laws of Charles IV. By an ancient Custom, a whole Ox is roasted that Day, with several other things in his Belly; part of it is brought to the Emperour's Table, and the rest is given to the Rabble; and two Conduits run all the while with Wine: After Dinner, the Emperour returning to his Lodging, delivers the Seal of the Empire to the Arch­bishop of Mentz, and the next Day he treats the Electors: The Day following, repairing to the Church, when he had heard Mass, he worships the Holy Relicks, as they call them, and among these, a Linen-Cloth, in which, they say, our Bles­sed Saviour was wrapt, when he lay in his Cradle: After this the Archbishop of Mentz pronounces, That the Pope confirms the Election, and commands, That Charles V,A Dyet sum­moned to meet at Wormes. should hereafter be called Emperour. The Electors being departed, for fear of the Contagion, the Emperour also takes his Journey, and arriving at Co­logn, about the beginning of November, he sends his Letters all over the Empire, to call a Dyet on January 6, at Wormes.

As to what the Archbishop of Mentz said concerning the Pope's Confirmation,The Popes anciently sub­ject to the Emperours. it is now indeed grown into a Custom, contrary to what it was formerly; for heretofore the Bishops of Rome used to be approved of by the Emperours; but increasing in Power, they began not only to rule at Pleasure, but brought it at last to that pass, after much Strife and Contention, That the Right of Electing should be in the Electors, but they themselves only should have the Power of Confirming and Ratifying it. And this Authority they have made use of in almost all King­doms, chiefly in Italy, Germany and France, deposing the lawful Princes, and put­ing others in their room. For besides other Places of the Canon Law, in the De­cretal Epistles of Pope Gregory IX, Innocent III affirms, That the Right of chusing the Emperour, by the Favour of the Bishops, and See of Rome, was translated from the Greeks to the Germans, in the time of Charles the Great, and 'tis their Busines to judge of the fitness of the Person; and not contented with this, they make the chief Magistrate of the World swear Allegiance to them; which very thing has been the Cause of great Wars and much mischief. But at length Clement V, who lived in the Year of our Lord 1300, bound them to it by a Law, which he insert­ed into the Body of the Canon Law; for when the Emperour Henry VII, of the Family of Luxemburg, refused the Oath, as a new thing, not practised in former Times,The Emper­ours swear Allegiance to the Popes. Pope Clement, to secure all for the future, opens the Matter at large, de­claring what is contained in that Oath; that is to say, That the Emperour should defend the Roman Church, root out Hereticks, and avoid the Company of Wicked Men; that he should by all means possible maintain the Dignity of the Popes, de­fend and keep all priviledges granted at any Time to the Church of Rome, but espe­cially such as were given by Constantine, Charles the Great, Henry, Otho IV, Fre­derick II, and Rodolph; that he claimed no Right upon any account whatsoever over the Lands and Possessions of the Roman Church; and that he would defend all other Churches in their Rights and Priviledges. He declares that the Emperour is obliged to all this, and that Henry himself promised as much by his Envoys; how­ever, afterwards he refused to own it: But this Decree of the Popes came not out till after Henry was dead. This is that Clement, who first of all summoned the Cardinals from Rome to Lions in France, and kept his Court there; since which time the Authority and Power of the Emperours has decreased daily in Italy, and the Power and Dignity of the Popes been augmented, so that Emperours of a later date imagined that they owe them this Obedience and Allegiance. But the chief of those Popes that have been in this Matter troublesome to our Emperours, are Gre­gory VII, Alexander III, Innocent III, Gregory IX, Innocent IV, Nicholas III, Boni­face VIII, and Clement V. But to return from whence we have digressed.

While the Emperour was at Cologn, the Pope began again to incense Frederick Duke of Saxony against Luther by Marinus Caracciolus and Jerome Aleander; who speaking first in praise of him and his Family, and telling the Danger that hung over Germany by reason of Luther's pernicious Writings, demanded, at length, two things; First, That he would command all his Books to be burnt: And, Se­condly, That he would either execute him himself, or send him Prisoner to the Pope. There were then present Peter Bonomus Bishop of Trieste, and Bernard Bi­shop of Trent. Alexander declared, That the Emperour and other Princes were re­quired [Page 39] to see the Bull of the Pope performed; and that the hearing of the Cause was committed to himself and Eckius.

Duke Frederick, because it was a matter of great importance, desired time to consider of it, and on November 4, not being at leisure himself, he gave in this Answer by some of his Council, in the presence of the Bishop of Trent: That he wondred very much why the Pope should desire this of him, who had always taken care to do nothing unworthy of the Virtue and Glory of his Ancestors, and to do his Duty both to the Empire and the Church: That he understood that Eckius, in his absence, had given trouble, not only to Luther, but to several other Learned Men of his Dominions, contrary to the Mind and Tenor of his Holiness's Bull, which, as became him, he declared he very much resented, That a private Person should take upon him to meddle so much in another's Jurisdiction: What Luther or others have done in his Absence, since the bringing of the Pope's Bull thither, he knows not: That it is possible several Persons may have approved of his Ap­peal: That as for himself, he never concern'd himself in it: But that he should be very sorry if his Doctrin were not Orthodox: That two Years ago, he procured a Conference between him and Cajetane at Ausburg; but they coming to no Agree­ment, Cajetane writ a Letter to complain of him: That he then answered it, so as he imagined he had given him Satisfaction; and for taking away all suspicion, he was then willing to have dismissed Luther, had not Miltitz opposed it: But Richard Archbishop of Triers, had been delegated by the Pope for hearing this Cause, and that Luther was ready to appear in any Place, provided he might have a Safe-Conduct: And that he makes as fair and large Proffers as can be desired: That several Good and Learned Men, imagine that he has proceeded thus far, not so much of his own Accord, as by the Instigation of his Adversaries: That it ap­pears not yet to the Emperour, nor to any other Magistrate, that his Writings are convicted of Heresie or Impiety; for if they had, he himself should have been ready to have done the Duty of a good Prince: He desires therefore, That they would not proceed after this manner, but rather procure that the Matter may be lovingly and quietly debated by some Godly and Learned Men, that Luther may have a Safe-Conduct, and that his Books may not be burnt, before he has made his Defence: If he should happen to be convinced by Scripture and solid Argu­ments, that then he would by no means countenance him: But though he and his Cause should be quite baffled, yet he hoped his Holiness would require nothing of him but what might stand with his Honour: In all other things, he should always behave himself as became a Prince of the Empire, and an obedient Son of the Church. When the Elector had given in this Answer, the Legates, after some Consultation, began to recite how many things the Pope had done and suffered, in order to reclaim Luther; but that he had not performed any part of his Promises: That it was not now in the Power of the Bishop of Triers to determine in this Cause, since the Pope had recalled that Hearing of it before himself, to whom only it be­longed to judge in matters of this Nature. The conclusion of their Speech was,Luther's Works burnt. That they could not but act conformable to his Holiness's Decree; and so not long after they burn all Luther's Works. This Aleander was an Italian, born at Motola in the Kingdom of Naples, very skilful in the Hebrew Tongue: He was for some time a Reader in the University of Paris; being come to Rome, he rose by degrees, till he was at last made Archbishop of Brindin, and after that created a Cardinal: And Caracciolus was also promoted to the same Dignity.

As soon as Luther heard of this,He burns the Canon-Law. he called together all the Students that were in Wittemberg, and in the Presence of a great number of Learned Men, he publickly burns the Canon-Law, and the Pope's late published Decree, on the tenth Day of December: And in his next days Lecture, he earnestly admonishes all Persons, who have any regard to their own Salvation, to shake off the Dominion of the Bishop of Rome. In a Treatise, which he soon after published, he declares what it was had moved him to do this, acknowledging, That it was with his Consent, and by his Advice and Means that these Books of the Canon-Law were burnt, and that for these Reasons: First, It has been an Ancient Custom, observed in all Ages, in this manner to suppress all pernicious Books, of which there is an Example in the Acts of the Apostles; moreover, it was his Duty, who is baptized into the Faith of Christ, and who is a Professor, and publick Preacher of the Gospel, to oppose whatever contradicts the Precepts therein contained; and to instruct Men in all Sound and Wholesome Doctrins, and to purge their Minds from all false and erro­neous Opinions: That a great many others lay under the same Obligations, but [Page 40] if they, out of Ignorance, or by Cowardise, neglected to do as they ought, yet that he was not thereby excused, unless he endeavoured faithfully to discharge what he thought in Conscience was his Duty: That the Pope, and those whose In­terest it is to uphold his Power, were become so desperately Wicked and Obstinate, that they not only stopt their Ears against all good admonitions, but also condem­ned the Doctrin of Christ and his Apostles, and forced Men to the commission of the grossest Impieties: Besides this, he supposed those Book-Burners had no Command to act after that manner. As for the Divines of Cologn and Louvain, who pretended to be authorized by the Emperour to burn his Books, he was now very certain, that that was a meer sham: In the last place, because this burning of his Works, and the Report of it, which would be spread all over the Country, might perhaps stagger some, and cause great Doubts in the Minds of many more, who would judge, that such a thing would not be done rashly, and without some very weigh­ty Cause: Therefore seeing his Adversaries were now grown past cure, he had been forced to burn their Books, thereby to raise up, and confirm, and strengthen, the Minds of his Followers. And he entreats all Men, not to suffer themselves to be dazled by the lofty and proud Titles of his Adversaries, but to take a nearer View of the Matter, by which they would perceive, what Impious and Pernicious Tenets are contained in the Canons and Decretals of the Popes, And that he might make this the more plain to every Man's Understanding, he recites some Passages out of the Canon-Law, which tend manifestly to the Reproach of God, the In­jury of the Civil Magistrate, and serve only to uphold and establish their own Ty­ranny: He quoted about thirty of these places, by which he shewed, That he had just and sufficient Reasons to burn their Books. Then he challenges them to pro­duce but one good Reason to justifie their burning his Works. But that so few, or none, had for some Ages past, opposed the Power of Antichrist; he says, There­fore came to pass, because the Scripture had foretold, That he should vanquish all his Adversaries, and be strengthened by the Alliance of Kings: Since then the Prophets and Apostles have predicted such dreadful things, one cannot but form to himself a very frightful Idea of his Cruelty: That the Constitution of Sublunary things was such, that out of the best Beginnings sometimes did arise the greatest Cor­ruptions, when he had proved this by some Examples, he applies it to the City of Rome, which being loaded with all the greatest Blessings of Heaven, had wholly degenerated from what it was formerly, and with its Poysonous Contagion infected a great part of the World: That this Ordinance of the Popes was contrary to Law, and all received Customs, nor were the Usurpations of that Bishop any longer to be en­dured, since he declined a fair Tryal, and would not be bound up by any Decree or Judgment whatsoever.

In the former Book we told you, how Silvester Prierias had wrote against Luther: When this had been answered by him very sharply, Ambrose Catarine, an Italian, took up the Cudgels, and published a Book in Defence of the Pope's Supremacy: To this Luther answers very fully, and having expounded some places in Daniel, he teaches, That the Papal Tyranny was there painted out; and that what he has foretold of the Kingdom of Antichrist, was only truly applicable to the See of Rome. This Catarine was afterwards made Archbishop of Cosenza.

THE HISTORY OF THE Reformation of the Church.

BOOK III.
The CONTENTS.

The Emperour is prevailed with by Duke Frederick to write to Luther; who relying upon his Majesty's Letter, as upon a safe Conduct, comes to Wormes; there he undauntedly justified what he had written or taught, in presence of the Emperour, and a great Assembly of the Princes, and constantly persevered therein, though he was Curs'd and Excommunicated by the Pope in his Bull de Coena Domini, threatned with Banish­ment by the Emperour, and tamper'd with by the Princes severally, to make him recant his Opinions. The Council of Constance is proposed unto him; from whence taking occasion, he speaks of Wickliff, John Huss, and John Zischa a Bohemian. The Divines of Paris condemn Luther's Books. While a League is making betwixt the French King and the Swisse, Zuinglius dissuades them from taking Pay or Pensions from any Prince, to serve them in their Wars. Luther being Outlawed by the Empe­rour's Proclamation, retreats into a more private place. The King of England also writes against him. Pope Leo X dies, and Adrian succeeds him. Solyman the Magnificent is prosperous in Hungary. The Emperour endeavours to suppress Seditions in Spain, and makes a League with the King of England. The Bishop of Constance Presecutes Zuinglius. Troubles at Wittemberg. The Anabaptists rise, which gave occasion to the Diet of Norimberg. Thither Pope Adrian sent his Brief and Legate. Solyman takes Rhodes. Zuinglius having set forth the Heads of his Doctrin, is attack'd by the Papists; but at length the Reformed Religion is received at Zurich.

WHile Duke Frederick waited upon the Emperour to the Diet of Wormes, 1521. he procured a Promise of him that he would send for Luther, and give him a publick Hearing.Duke Frede­rick obtains from the Em­peror, that Luther should have a pub­lick Hearing in the Diet of Wormes. Luther being informed of this by Letters from Duke Frederick, towards the latter end of January wrote back an Answer, expressing the great Satisfaction he had, that the Emperour would be pleased to take the Cognizance of that Cause, which was indeed a publick concern, to himself; and that for his part he would do all that he could with a safe Conscience, and without prejudice to the Reformed Religion: Wherefore he entreated the Prince, that he would endeavour to obtain a safe Con­duct for him, that his Person might not be in danger: That good and learned Men might be chosen,Luther's Let­ter to Duke Frederick. with whom he should Dispute: That he might not be condemned, before he were convicted of Errour and Impiety: That in the mean time, his Adversaries might desist from that rage of theirs, and not burn his Writings: And that if for the future he should attempt any thing else for the glory of God, and the discovery of Truth, he might have the Emperour's leave to do it: That so soon as the Emperour gave him a safe Conduct, he would nt fail to come to Wormes; and there so maintain his Cause before impartial Judges, that all Men should be convinced that he had done nothing frowardly, but all for the good of Christendom; and chiefly, that for the welfare of Germany he had been at this labour and pains, in endeavouring to reclaim his Countrymen from many and most gross Errours, to the purity of the Gospel and true Religion. He more­over prayed, that the Emperour and he would seriously reflect upon that dreadful bondage and miserable condition wherewith Christendom was oppressed by the [Page 42] Roman Papacy. Wherefore the Emperour being sollicited by Duke Frederick, wrote to Luther, The Empe­rour's safe Conduct to Martin Luther. March the Sixth: That since some Books had been published by him, he had consulted with the Princes, and was resolved to hear from himself Per­sonally what he had to say: That therefore he granted him free liberty to come and appear before him, and afterwards to return home; which that he might safely do, he had engaged the Publick Faith, as more fully appeared in the safe Conduct sent with his Letter: He therefore commanded him forthwith to set out upon his Journey, and not fail to be present in the space of One and twenty days: That he should not fear any violence or injury; for that he would take care that he should not suffer the least prejudice.

It hath been an old Custom with the Popes of Rome, The Bull De coena Domini. solemnly to Curse and Excommunicate some sorts of Men, on Thursday in the Passion Week: As first Hereticks, next Pyrates, then those who impose new Toll and Customs, or exact such as are prohibited; those who Falsifie or Counterfeit the Bulls and pub­lick Instruments of the Court of Rome; who supply the Turks and Saracens with Arms and other Counterband Goods; who hinder the Importation of Corn to Rome; who offer violence to any that follow and attend the Court of Rome, who invade or damnifie the Possessions of the Church of Rome, or Places thereunto adjoyning, as namely, the City of Rome, Sicily, Naples, Sardinia, Corsica, Tuscany, Spoleto, Sabina, Aucona, Flaminia, Campania, Bolonia, Ferrara, Benevento, Perugia and Avignon: Some former Popes among Hereticks named the Garasians, The Pope Excommuni­cates the Lu­therans. Pateronians, the Poor Men of Lyons, the Arnoldists, Speronists, Wicliffites, Hussites and Fratricelli. But Leo X, this year, clapt Luther and his Followers in with the rest, and solemnly Curs'd them on Holy-Thursday. This Bull is com­monly called Bulla coenae Domini, the Bull of the Lord's Supper. Which formulary of Excommunication came afterwards into Luther's hands, and he rendred it into High-Dutch, besprinkling it with some very Witty and Satyrical Animadversions.

So soon as Luther received the Letter,Luther goes to Wormes. he parted from Wittemberg, and took his Journey towards Wormes, accompanied by the same Herald that brought the Letter: But when he was come within a few Miles of the place, many dis­suaded him from proceeding, because his Books had been lately burnt; which they looked upon as a Pre-judging of his Cause, and a Condemning of him before a Hearing; they therefore advised him to look to himself, as being in great danger, and to take warning from what happened to John Huss in the former Age. However, with great resolution he slighted all danger, affirming that that terrour and fear was suggested to him by the Devil, who saw his Kingdom would be shaken by an open Confession of the Truth, and in so illustrious a Place. So then continuing his Journey, he arived at Wormes on the Sixteenth of April. Next day being sent for, he appeared before the Emperour, and a great Assembly of the Princes; where Eckius a Lawyer, by Orders from the Emperour, spoke to him to this purpose. For two Reasons, said he, Martin Luther, the Emperour, with consent of all the Princes and States, commanded you to be sent for; and hath charged me to put the Question to you; first, Whether or not you will confess that you wrote these Books, and acknowledge them for your own? And then, Whether or not you will retract any thing in them, or stand to the defence of what you have written?Luther pleads his own Cause before the Emperor and whole Em­pire; But asked time to deli­berate first. Luther had brought along with him a Lawyer of Wittemberg, one Jerome Schurff, and he craved that the Titles of the Books might be read and produced: Which being done, Luther resumed in short what had been said unto him: And then as to the Books, saith he, I confess and own them to be mine: But whether I will defend what I have written, that's a Matter of great consequence; and therefore that I may make a pertinent Answer, and do no­thing rashly, I desire time to consider on't. The Matter being debated; Although, said he, you might easily have understood by the Emperor's Letters, the cause you were sent for, and ought therefore to answer peremptorily without any delay; yet the Emperour is graciously pleased to allow you one day for Deliberation, commanding you to appear again at the same hour to morrow, and give your positive Answer by Word of Mouth, and not in Writing. Most People began to think, by his asking time to consider, that he did relent, and would not prove constant.

When next day he appeared at the hour appointed;Eckius Inter­rogates Lu­ther. You did not, said Eckius to him, answer the second Question that was put to you yesterday, having desired time to deliberate in, which could have been lawfully denied you; for every one ought to be so well persuaded in his Faith, as to be ready at all times to give a reason of it to those who demand the same; much more ought not you, who are [Page 43] so learned and experienc'd a Divine, to have doubted, or have needed time to premeditate an Answer: But to let that pass, What do you now say? Will you defend those Writings of yours? Then Luther addressing himself to the Emperour,Luther's Ha­rangne to the Emperor and States of the Empire. and the Council of the Princes, and having earnestly besought them to hear him patiently; If I offend, said he, most Mighty Emperour, and most Illustrious Princes, either in the impropriety of Expressions unworthy of such an Auditory, or in the clownishness and indecency of Carriage and Behaviour, I hum­bly beg Pardon for it, and desire it may be imputed to the course of life that now for some part of my age I have followed. For the truth is, I have nothing to say for my self, but that with uprightness and simplicty I have hitherto taught those things which I believe do tend to the Glory of God, and Salvation of Men: Yesterday I answer'd as to my Books, and owned them to have been written and published by me; though if any thing should happen to be added unto them by others, I would by no means acknowledg that for mine. Now as to the second Question that was put to me, thus stands the case: All the Books that I have written are not of the same kind, nor do they treat of the same subject; for some of them relate only to the Doctrin of Faith and Piety, which even my Adversaries do commend; and should I abjure these, I might justly be accused of neglecting the duty of an honest Man: There are others, wherein I censure the Roman Papacy, and the Doctrin of Papists, which have plagued Christendom with the greatest of Evils: For who does not see how miserably the Consciences of Men are rack'd by the Laws and Decrees of Popes? Who can deny but that they have by Craft and Artifice robb'd all Countries, and especially Germany; and that even to this day they set up no bounds nor period to their Pillage and Rapine? Now if I should retract those Books, I must confirm that Tyranny; which would be of far worse consequence, when it came to be known that I did it by the Authority of the Emperour and Princes. There is a third sort of Books, which I have written against some private Persons, who have undertaken to defend that Knavery of Rome, and to ensure me with Cavils and Calumnies; and in these I confess I have been more vehement than became me; but I arrogate no Sanctity to my self, nor is it of Life and Manners, but of the true Doctrin that I make Profession; and yet I would not willingly retract any thing in these neither; for by so doing, I should but open a door to the Insolence of many: Nevertheless I would not be so under­stood, as if I vainly pretended that I could not Err: But seeing it is the pro­perty of Man to Err and be Deceived, I cannot defend my Self and Cause better, than by that saying of our Saviour's, who being smitten by a certain Servant, as he was speaking of his Doctrin, If (said he) I have spoken evil, bear witness of the evil. Now if Christ, who is all Perfection, refused not to hear the Evidence of a wretched Servant against him, how much more ought not I, a vile Sinner by na­ture, and lyable to many Errours, make my apperaance when I am called, and hear every Man that would object and witness any thing against my Doctrin? Wherefore I beg for God's sake, and all that is Sacred, that if any Man have any thing to object against the Doctrin which I profess, he would not dissemble it, but come forth and convince me of Errour by Testimonies of Scripture; which if he do, I will not be obstinate, but shall be the first to throw my Books with my own hands into the Fire: And this may be an Argument, that I have not been led by rashness or any head-strong passion, but have sufficiently weiged the great­ness of the Matter, and the troubles that this Doctrin hath occasion'd. Nay, truly I am exceedingly rejoyced to see that the Doctrin I profess hath given occasion to these Troubles and Offences; for Christ himself tells us, That it is the pro­perty of the Gospel, to raise grievous Strife and Contentions where-ever it is taught; and that among those very Persons too, who are most closely linked to­gether by the Bonds of Nature and Blood. It ought seriously then to be consider'd, and maturely thought on (most Noble Patriots) what is fit to be decreed; and care had, lest by condemning the Doctrin which by the Blessing of God is now offered unto you, you yourselves be the cause of the greatest Calamities to Ger­many. Regard should likewise be had, that the Government which the young Emperour, who here presides, hath lately taken upon him, be not reckoned inauspicious and fatal by Posterity, through any bad Act or Precedent, that may entail its Inconveniences upon them: For it may be proved by many places of Scripture, that Governments have then been in greatest danger, when the Affairs of the Publick were managed only by Human Prudence, and mere Secular Councils. Nevertheless, I design not by what I say (most Illustrious and Prudent [Page 44] Princes) to prescribe or point out to you, what you are to do; but only to declare the Duty, which I shall always be ready to perform to Germany, our native Coun­try, which ought to be dearer unto us than our very Lives: After all, I most earn­estly beseech you, to take me into your Protection, and to defend me against the Violence of mine Enemies.Eckius to Lu­ther. When he had made an end of Speaking, Eckius look­ing upon him with a stern Countenance; You answer not to the Purpose, said he, nor is it your part to call again into question, or doubt of what hath been hereto­fore determined by the Authority of Councils: It is a plain and easie Answer that is demanded of you, Do you approve, and will you defend your Writings? To which Luther made answer,Luther's an­swer to his Demands. Since it is your Command, said he, most mighty Em­perour, and most Illustrious Princes, that I should give a plain Answer, I'le obey, and this therefore is my Answer; That unless I be convinced by Testimonies of Holy Scripture and evident Reason, I cannot retract any thing of what I have writ­ten or taught; for I will never do that which may wound my own Conscience; neither do I believe the Pope of Rome and Councils alone, nor admit of their Au­thority, for they have often erred, and contradicted one another, and may still err and be deceived. The Princes having considered this Answer; Eckius again told him,Eckius's [...]e­ply to Luther. You answer, said he, Luther, somewhat more irreverently than be­comes you, and not sufficiently to the purpose neither, when you make a distincti­on among your Books: But if you would retract those which contain a great part of your Errours, the Emperour would not suffer any Injury to be done to such others as are Orthodox and right. You despise the Decrees of the Council of Constance, where many Germans famous both for Learning and Virtue, were present, and revive Errours that were condemned therein, requiring to be convinced by Holy Scripture; you do not well, and are very far out of the way; for what the Church hath once condemned, is not to be brought under Dispute again; nor must every private Person be allowed to demand a Reason for every thing; for should that once be granted, that he who opposes and contradicts the Church and Councils, must be convinced by Texts of Scripture, there would never be any end of Contro­versies. For that Reason, therefore, the Emperour expects to hear from you in plain Terms,Luther's An­swer. What you will do with your Books? I beseech you, said Luther, that by your leave, I may preserve a Sound and upright Conscience; I have an­swered plainly, and have nothing else to say; for unless my Adversaries con­vince me of my Errour, by true Arguments taken from Scripture, it is impossible I can be quiet in mind: Nay, I can demonstrate, that they have erred very often and grosly too; and for me to recede from the Scripture, which is both clear, and cannot err, would be an Act of greatest Impiety. Eckius muttered something to the contrary, That it could not be proved, that ever a General Council had erred: But Luther declared, That he could and would prove it; and so the matter conclud­ed at that time.

Next Day the Emperour wrote to the Princes,The Empe­rour's Letter to the Prin­ces. assembled in Council, That his Predecessors had professed the Christian Religion, and always obeyed the Church of Rome: So that since Luther opposed the same, and persisted obstinately in his Opinion, his Duty required, that following the Steps of his Ancestors, he should both defend the Christian Religion, and also succour the Church of Rome: That therefore, he would put Luther and his Adherents to the Ban of the Empire, and make use of other proper Remedies for the extinguishing that Fire: However, that he would make good the Safe-Conduct he had granted him,And the Princes Dis­agreement about it. and that he might return Home with Safety. This Letter of the Emperours was long and much de­bated in the Assembly of the Princes; and some there were, as it was reported, who following the Decree and Pattern of the Council of Constance, thought that the Publick Faith was not to be observed to him: But Lewis the Elector Palatine, and others also, were said to have vigourously withstood that Resolution, affirming, That such a thing would lye as an eternal Stain and Disgrace upon Germany. Where­fore most were of Opinion, that not only the Publick Faith and Promise should be kept to him; but also that he should not be rashly condemned, because it was a Mat­ter of great moment, whatever should be decreed by the Emperour, whom at that Age they perceived to be incited and exasperated against Luther by the Agents and Ministers of Rome. A Committee of the States for treating with Luther.

Some Days after, the Bishop of Treves appointed Luther to come to him the 24 of April: There were present at that Congress Joachim Elector of Brandenburg, George Duke of Saxony, the Bishop of Ausburg, and some other great Men: And when Luther came, conducted by the Emperour's Herald, and was introduced [Page 45] by the Bishop's Chaplain; Vey, a Lawer of Baden, spake to him to this Purpose; These noble Princes have sent for you,Vey's Speech to Luther, be­fore the Committee. Martin Luther, said he, not to enter into any Dispute, but to treat friendly with you, and to admonish you privately of those Things, which seem chiefly to concern your self; for they have obtained leave from the Emperour to do so: And in the first place, as to Councils, it is possible, that at some Times they have decreed things different, but never contrary; and granting they had err'd, yet their Authority is not therefore so fallen, that it should be lawful for every Private Man to trample upon it: Your Books, if Care be not taken, will be the cause of great Troubles; and many interpret that which you have published of Christian Liberty, according to their own Inclinations and Affe­ctions, that with greater licentiousness they may do what they please: This Age is far more Corrupt than former Ages have been; and therefore requires that Men should act more circumspectly also. There are some of your Works, that cannot be condemned; but it is to be feared, That the Devil hath set you upon it; in the mean time, to publish others inconsistent with Religion and Piety, that so all your Books might be promiscuously condemned together: For those which you have published last, are a sufficient Proof, that the Tree is to be known by the Fruit, and not by the Blossom. You are not ignorant, how carefully the Scri­pture warns us to beware of the Devil by Day, and of the Arrow that flyeth by Night; that Enemy of Mankind ceaseth not to lay Snares for us, and under a fair Pretext, many times, entraps us and misleads us into Error: You ought to think, therefore, both of your own Salvation, and other Mens too, and consider if it be fitting that those, whom Christ by his own Death hath redeemed from everlasting Death, should by your Fault, Books and Sermons, be seduced from the Church, and so perish again; from the Church, I say, whose Dignity all Men ought reve­rently to acknowledge: For in Human Affairs there is nothing better than the Ob­servation of the Laws; and as no State nor Government can subsist without Laws, so also, unless we religiously maintain the most Holy Decrees of our Fore-fathers, nothing will be more troublesome than the State of the Church, which of all others ought to be the most calm and setled. These Noble and Virtuous Princes, here present, out of the singular Love and Affection, they bear to the Publick, and par­ticularly also for your own well-fare, have thought fit to admonish you of these things; for without doubt, if you obstinately persist in your Opinions, and yield in nothing, the Emperour, as he hath plainly enough already intimated his Resolution, will banish you the Empire, and not suffer you to have any footing within the Bounds of Germany; so that it concerns you seriously to reflect upon your own Condition.

To these things Luther made Answer;Luther's An­swer to the Commission­ers. For the Care and Concern ye have for me (most Noble Princes) I give you most hearty Thanks: And indeed, for such Il­lustrious Persons, to vouchsafe to take this Pains and Trouble for so mean a Man as I, is an Act of extraordinary Condescension. But now, as to Councils, I am far from finding Fault with all; yet cannot but blame that of Constance, and have very just Cause so to do. Huss defined the Church to be the Congregation of God's Elect; and both this Doctrin, and that saying of his, That he believed the Holy Church, were condemned by the Prelates of that Council, who themselves deserved rather to have been condemned: For what he said was Orthodox and Christian; I will therefore suffer any thing; yea, sooner lose my Life, than forsake the clear Rule of the Word of God, for we must obey God rather than Men: And as to the Scan­dal, which is objected unto me, I neither can, nor ought to be, accountable for it; for there is a great Difference betwixt the Scandals of Charity, and those of Faith, the first consisting in Life and Manners, which by all means are to be avoid­ed; whilst the other arising from the Word of God, are not at all to be regarded; for Truth, and the Will of our Heavenly Father, ought not to be dissembled, though the whole World should be offended thereat. The Scripture calleth Christ himself, a Work of Offence, and that equally belongs to all who preach the Gospel. I know we ought to obey the Laws and Magistrates; I have always taught the Peo­ple so, and my Writings bear witness, how much I ascribe to the Dignity of the Laws. But again, as to Ecclesiastical Decrees, the Reason is quite different; for if the Word of God were purely taught, if the Bishops and Pastors of the Church, discharged their Duty, as Christ and his Apostles have enjoyned them, there would be no need of laying that hard and intolerable Yoke of Human Laws, upon the Minds and Consciences of Men: I am not ignorant neither, that the Scripture admonishes us, not to trust our own Judgment; which is a true saying, and I shall be willing to comply with it, and not to do any thing obstinately, provided only [Page 46] I may have Leave to profess the Doctrin of the Gospel. Having so said, he was ordered to withdraw; and after some Consultation, Vey, among other things, be­gan to exhort him, to submit his Books to the Sentence of the Emperour and Prin­ces. Why not? said he, I will never seem to decline the Judgment of the Empe­rour and States of the Empire, nor of no mans else, provided they take for their Guide, the Scripture and Word of God, which speaketh so plainly for me; that unless I be thereby convicted of Errour, I cannot change my Opinion: For S. Paul commandeth us, Not to believe, even an Angel, coming from Heaven, if he should preach another Doctrin. Wherefore I humbly beg of you, That you would inter­cede for me with the Emperour, that I may be suffered to live with a good Con­science; and if I can but obtain that, I shall be ready to do any thing. Then said the Elector of Brandenburg to him, Is this your meaning then, That you will not sub­mit, unless you be convinced by Holy Scripture? It is Sir, answered Luther, or else by most evident Reasons. Wherefore, when the Council was broke up, the Archbishop of Treves called him to him, and in presence of some of his Domesticks, made Eckius the Lawyer again admonish him; but he having pleaded much for the Roman Papacy, could gain no ground upon him; and so no more was done at that Time. The next day after, the Elector of Treves plyed him again, urging him to submit, without Condition, to the Judgment of the Emperour and Princes; but that was in vain. In the Afternoon, again, some who were sent for to the Lodg­ings of the Elector of Treves, put it to him, That he would submit, at least, to the next General Council.Luther sub­mits his Works to a General Council. To this he agreed, provided the Controversie should be managed according to the Rule of Holy Scripture. Afterwards the Eelctor of Treves, had a Conference with him in private, all the Company being removed, and asked his Judgment, How that grievous and dangerous Evil could be remedied? The best Counsel that could be given, said he, was that which Gamaliel gave the Scribes and Pharisees, Not to fight against God. In fine, when the Bishop could not prevail, he courteously dismissed him, promising to take care, That he should have a Safe-Conduct for returning Home. Not long after, Eckius the Lawyer came to him, by Order of the Bishop, and told him; Since, said he, you have rejected the Admoni­tions of the Emperour and Princes, the Emperour will henceforth, do what he ought in Duty: And now he commands you immediately to depart, allowing you one and twenty Days to return home in: He will also inviolably observe the Safe-Conduct he gave you; but charges you not to teach the People by Word nor Writing,Luther re­turns Home, accompanied by a Herald. as you are upon your Way homeward. Being thus dismissed, he gave Glory to God, and April 26 departed, being conducted by the same Herald who brought him before.

He wrote to the Emperor upon the Road;Luther's Let­ters to the Emperour and States. and after he had in few words resum'd all that had past, he begg'd of His Imperial Majesty, That since he had been al­waies hitherto, and still was willing to submit to Conditions of Peace and Agree­ment, and desired no more but that the Controversie might be determined by any impartial Judge, according to the Authority of holy Scripture, he would be pleased to Protect him against the violence and fury of his adversaries: That 'twas not his private Cause, but the publick Concern of the whole World, and especially of Germany, whose safety and welfare he preferr'd before his own life. To the same purpose also he wrote to the rest of the Princes and States; and that whensoever it should seem good to the Emperor and them, he would come upon safe conduct, whithersoever they pleased, and debate his cause before impartial and unsuspected Judges.

Whereas in this work,The History of the Coun­cil of Con­stanc [...]e. there is frequent mention made of Huss, the Council of Constance, and the Bohemians, I'll give the Reader a short account of the whole matter. In the year of our Lord 1393, there was one John Wickliff in England, who wrote many things against the Roman Papacy, which were afterwards carried into Bohemia. At that time there was a famous University in Prague; and therein slourished John Huss, a Divine by profession: This man Preach'd up Wickliffs Doctrin, as holy and saving, and dispersed it far and near. But being accused of this, he was cited to appear before Pope Alexander V. he by his Proctors alledged causes why he could not come: And King Wenceslaus also interceded for him, desiring the Pope to send Legats into Bohemia to try the matter there; but that could not be ob­tained.Huss condem­ned for an H [...]retick, first by the Pope. Huss being therefore condemned for an Heretick, published a Book, wherein he appealed from the Pope to Christ as Judge. The Church of Rome at that time was in a very troublesom State. For the Cardinals being divided into factions, had chosen three Anti-Popes, Gregory XII, Benet XIII, and John XXIII, which highly [Page 47] displeased other Kings as well as the Emperor Sigismund; who having solicited Pope John, he at length, called the Council of Constance: Now Sigismund who was the Brother of King Wenceslaus, called John Huss thither, and in October 1414, sent him a safe conduct in due form. Whereupon Huss being accompanied by some per­sons of quality, came to Constance, on the third of November; but three weeks after, being called to a private Conference with the Pope and Cardinals, he was detained prisoner. The Emperor Sigismund was absent then, and being inform'd of the matter, was highly displeased, and came thither: But the Papists urging, that Faith was not to be kept with Hereticks, he not only remitted the offence, though the Bohemians importun'd him to the contrary, and demanded performance of the safe conduct, but was also the first that spake bitterly against him. In fine, on the sixth of July following,And then by the Council: the Council condemn'd him as an Heretick and Seditious Person, and ordered the Books he had written, to be burnt. Being thus condemn'd, he was delivered over to the Emperor,He and Je­rome of Prague burnt. and burnt; his ashes being afterwards cast into the Rhine, that no relick of him might remain. After him Jerome of Prague, his Disciple and Hearer, was put to Death in the same manner. In this Council, besides the Emperour, were the Ambassadours of many Kings, three Electoral Princes of the Empire, Lewis Prince Palatine, Rodulph Duke of Saxony, and Frederick Marquess of Brandenburg, and a vast number of the other Princes, three Patriarchs, of Aquileia, Antioch and Constantinople; eight and twenty Cardinals, an hundred and fifty five Bishops, very many Divines and Lawyers, Italians, Germans, French, English, Hun­garians and Polonians. Wickliff's Do­ctrine con­demned, and his Body ta­ken up and burnt. The Doctrin of Wickliff was here also condemned, and a Decree made that his Body should be taken up and burnt in England. It was besides Decreed that none but Priests should receive the Sacrament of the Lords Supper in both kinds; and that all others should be content with one kind; which had been impugned by Huss. A Law was also made, that Faith should not be kept with He­reticks or persons suspected of Heresie, though they should come under the Empe­rours Safe-Conduct, to be tryed in Council. Lastly, the three Popes were degra­ded, and by common Consent Martin V chosen. When the News of the Execution of Huss and Jerome was brought into Bohemia, it occasioned a terrible Commotion, and afterwards a very cruel and bloody War, under the Conduct of John Zischa, so that Sigismond was forced to beg the Assistanc of the Empire; but the greatest Cruelty was exercised against the Priests, in hatred to the Pope; whom they Cur­sed, whose Dominion they shook off, and embraced the Doctrin of Huss, adoring his Memory.

Much about this Time,The Parisian Divines con­demn Luther's Books. the Divines of Paris condemned Luther's Books, and out of that which is entitled, Of the Captivity of Babylon, and some others also, they gathered certain Heads; as of the Sacraments, the Canons of the Church, the Equa­lity of Works, Vows, Contrition, Absolution, Satisfaction, Purgatory, Free-Will, the immunity of the Clergy, Councils, the Punishments of Hereticks, Philosophy, School-Divinity, and many more of the like sort; admonishing the Reader, and all who professed the Name of Christ, to beware of such pernicious Doctrins: For that it was the Custom of Hereticks, to propose specious Matters at first, which sinking once down into the Mind, could hardly ever be got out again; but that under those alluring Words, present Poyson lay hid: Then they reckoned up in Order the Hereticks of the several Ages; and among these Wickliff, John Huss, and last of all Luther, whom they mightily blamed, as an arrogant and rash Man, that he should imagine himself alone, to know more than all others, contemn the Judg­ments of all the Holy Fathers and Interpreters of all Councils and Schools; and that he should reject the Custom and Consent of the Church, observed for so many Ages; as if it were credible, That Christ would have left all that while, his only Spouse, to wander in so great Darkness of Errour; but that it was the usual way with Hereticks to wrest Scripture to their own Sense. Having then reckoned up some Books written by him, they shew what Hereticks Luther imitated in such and such Opinions; and, that seeing it properly belonged to their Office and Profession to stifle springing Heresies, as much as lay in their Power; they had therefore di­ligently perused his Books, that they might direct all Men how to have a Care of them; and that after much Reading of his Writings, they found that his Doctrin was pernicious, deserving to be burnt, and that he himself ought to be compel­led to renounce and retract the same.

Melanchton afterward answered this Decree of their,Melanchton and Luther answer the S [...]rbonists. and so did Luther too, but in a jocose drolling way. Now the Divines of Paris reckon themselves to be the chief in that kind, of all Europe: They have two Colleges, the Sorbonne, and Col­lege [Page 48] of Navarre, and thither flock Students almost from all Countries. The Bache­lours of Divinity are exercised in frequent Disputations all the Summer time; and must for the space of twelve Hours answer the Arguments of all Opponents. Here are strange Bickerings, and for the most part about matters, which are either Fri­volous, or above the Reach of Human Understanding; loud Bawlings and fierce Contentions often happen, about such Trifles, and are commonly ended by the his­sing or stamping of the Auditors, when one of the Disputants grows either Silly or Tedious. The Doctors of Divinity stand without, and hear through a Grate, and are called Magistri nostri, our Masters: These are the Censurers of all sorts of Doctrin, and are, in a manner absolute, without Appeal; for no Man dares to publish any thing in Divinity, without their Licence: But most of them follow their Ease, and seem to aspire to that Degree, that they may lead a quiet Life, and bear Rule over others. There are, indeed, some excellent Wits amongst them, but others again, that deserve to be sent to School again, and whipt into better Breeding.

Pope Leo had already made a League with the Switzers, The Switzers make Leagues with the Pope and French King; that if at any time he had occasion for them, he should have their Aid: The French King also, who had conclu­ded a Peace with them, as hath been said in the first Book, was solliciting them for a League, and to assist him with Soldiers; but Zuinglius did all he could to disswade them from this in his Sermons; he told them, That it was not only sordid, but an impious thing also, to serve any Foreign Power for Money; and having shewed them the many Inconveniencies thereof, he exhorted them to tread in the Steps, and follow the Frugality of their Ancestors, who minded their Cattle and Husban­dry, and had done many famous Exploits; but all this was in vain, for the Nobi­lity being prevailed with by Importunity, Gifts and Promises, persuaded the Common People; so that all the Cantons of Switzerland made a League with him this Year,But the Can­ton of Zurick refused the League. and promised to assist him with Men; except those of Zurich, who being wrought upon by Zuinglius, refused it, and bound themselves by Oath, not to ac­cept Present or Pension from any Prince, to serve him in his Wars. The King had afterwards a Son born, who was christned by the Name of Charles, the Suitzers by their Ambassadours, standing as Godfathers. Now the whole State of Suitzer­land, consists at present of thirteen Cantons; which are Zurich, Berne, Lucerne, Ʋri, Switz, Ʋnderwalt, Zug, Claris, Basil, Solothurne, Friburg, Schafhausen and Ap­penzil. These are joyned together by Oath, in a most strict League, have equal Rights and Priviledges, and govern the State as a Commonwealth. The first that entered into this League, were the Cantons of Ʋri, Switz and Ʋnderwalt, when hav­ing expelled the Nobles, who oppressed them, they stood up for their Liberty; and this was in the Year 1315. To these afterwards joyned Lucerne, next Zug; in the sixth place, Zurich, and then Berne: Basil was almost the last that entred in­to the Union. There were associated to them afterwards, but not under the same Laws, nor in so strict a conjunction of Friendship, the Grisons, Sionese, Rhinwalders, the Haut Valais, those of Sangall, the Mulhausians, and other neighbouring People.

The Emperour being now past the one and twentieth Year of his Age,The Empe­rour by a publick De­cree Pro­scribes Luther. on May 8, by a Publick Decree put Luther in the Ban of the Empire. He begins his Edict with Considerations taken from his own Person; That it was his Office not only to settle and enlarge the Empire, but to provide also, that no Sect nor Heresie spring up within the Bounds of the same: That his Ancestors had carefully bestirred them­selves in that; and that therefore it was much more reasonable, that he, whom God had blest with so large and ample Dominions, should imitate their Example; for that if he should not restrain the Heresies lately broken forth in Germany, he would both wound his own Conscience, and in the beginning now of his Reign, bring a great Dishonour upon his Name and Dignity: That all Men, without doubt, knew what impious Doctrins Luther for some Years had divulged: That Pope Leo X, to whom the recognizance of those things properly belonged, being moved therewith, had essayed all ways of reclaiming him, and had at first used most gentle Remedies; but that when such Courses could not prevail, he had proceeded to these Methods, which are prescribed by the Ancient Canons and Decrees, and had assign­ed him a certain time to abjure his Errour in, under a severe Penalty, if he obeyed not; but that he was so far from obeying, that he published more pernicious Books still: That the Pope having seriously pressed him, the Emperour, to perform his Duty to the Church, and put a stop to the Proceedings of a hurtful Man, had published that Bull of the Popes against him: But that he grew no better, for all that; nay, on the contrary, that he began to rage, and publish Books full of spiteful Reproaches concerning nothing almost, but Seditions, Wars, Discords, fire and [Page 49] Sword, Murther and Rapin: That he contemned the Authority of the Fathers and Councils, and chiefly of the Council of Constance; casting such Reproaches upon it, as not only reflected upon the holy Men of that Age, but also upon the Emperor Sigismund, and the Senate of the Princes: That his outrageous malice could not be sufficiently expressed: That it seemed not to be a Man who acted so, but rather a Devil in Man's likeness: That it heartily grieved and troubled him to think on these things, for the love he bore to the Publick, and the Papal Dignity: That therefore lest he might seem to suffer any thing unworthy the Vertue of his An­cestors, or inconsistent with his own Dignity and Charge, he had called a Diet of all the Princes and States of the Empire, and had with joynt Councils seriously weighed and examined the whole Matter: And that though the Laws provide that an open Heretick so often condemned and cast out of the Communion of the Church, should not be heard; yet that there might be no place left for cavilling, he had sent his Letters and a Herald with a safe Conduct for him, that he might personally give Account of his actings. (Then he reckons up in order, all that past at Wormes, both publickly and privately, as it hath been mentioned before.) And because he obsti­nately defended his Errours, he cited the Popes Bull, which, he said, he would see put in Execution. Wherefore he condemned and banish'd him, as an Author of Schism, and an obstinate and notorious Heretick. He also charged all Men, under severe Penalties, to look upon him as such; and that the One and twenty days which he had allowed him to return in, being expired, every one should endeavour to apprehend him, and bring him into lawful Custody; Banishing in the same man­ner, all that should any ways aid or assist him. He ordered all his Books also to be destroyed, appointing a severe Penalty for Stationers that should meddle with them for the future: And this Decree, which he said was made with the common Con­sent and Advice of the Princes and States, he commanded to be inviolably observed by all. It was said that there were but a few who had a hand in framing this Decree: For some of the Electors acknowledged that they were not privy to it, as shall be said of the Elector of Cologn in its proper place. The Elector of Mentz, who is Chancellor of the Empire, had a great stroak in Matters of that nature. However it be, the Emperor by this Sentence procured to himself much Favour; so that the Pope fell quite off from the Frienship of France, and made a League with him, as you shall hear by and by.

After the Publication of this Sentence,Luther con­veyed out of the way. Duke Frederick appointed some Gentlemen, in whom he could most confide, to convey Luther into some more private place, remote from the concourse of People, that so he might be out of danger; and this was performed with great secrecy and diligence. In this his Retirement, he wrote several Letters to his Friends, and some Books also, as one for abolishing private Mass, which he dedicated to his Brethren the Augustine Friers: Another concerning Monastick Vows, dedicated to his Father John Luther; and one against James Latome, a Divine of Lovain: He exhorted the Augustines to Courage and Constancy, telling them that they had a strong support in Duke Frederick, who was a wise Prince, a lover of Truth, and most averse from rash Judging. They of all others were the first that began to leave off saying of Mass,The Augu­stines of Wit­temberg for­bear saying of Mass, and therefore it was that Luther com­posed for them the Book we now mentioned, that he might both encourage the weak, and confirm the strong, earnestly exhorting them to persevere in that pur­pose. Duke Frederick hearing of this, and fearing that some great disturbance might thereupon ensue, commanded that the Opinion of the whole University should be taken about the matter, and brought to him. For that purpose the Uni­versity chose four of their Members, Justus Jonas, Philip Melancthon, Nicholas Am­storff, and John Dulce: These having had a Conference with the Augustines, made a report of what their resolution was; and at the same time declared how great injury was done to the Lord's Supper:And give Duke Frede­rick their Rea­sons for so doing. Wherefore they prayed the Duke that he would abolish that great Impiety, not in one Church only, but in all places also; and restore the true use of the Lord's Supper, according to the Institution of Christ, and the Practice of his Apostles, without regard to the Reproaches and Calumnies of Gain-sayers: For that it was the course of this World, that he who would undertake the defence of the true Doctrin of the Gospel, must suffer many things: That he ought to make it his chief study reverently to acknowledg that singular Mercy wherewith God had now blest him,Duke Frede­rick's Answer about abo­lishing the Mass. in making the Light of the Gospel to shine among the People. To these things Duke Frederick made Answer, That he would omit nothing that might conduce to the propagating of Piety; but that since the matter was very difficult, he did not think it fit to make too much haste; and [Page 50] that hardly any thing could be effected by them, who were so few in number: But that if the Matter were grounded on Scripture, many would certainly come over to them; and then such a change as might seem to be pious and necessary, would more conveniently be brought about: That for his own part, who was ignorant of the Scripture, he could not tell when that accustomed Rite of the Mass, which they condemned, was first introduced into the Church; and when that which the Apostles are said to have followed, was left off: That all Churches generally, and Colleges, wer founded for the Mass, being endowed for that end with great Re­venues; so that should Mass be now abolish'd, the Goods and Lands heretofore given for that use, would be taken from the right Possessors: That any Man might see what disturbance and confusion that would breed: And that since they had refer­red the whole Affair to him, it was his advice to them, That having consulted the rest of the good and learned Men of the University, they would proceed in the matter moderately, and devise with themselves such means as might be proper for keeping Peace and Piety among them. The Commissioners having consulted toge­ther, made their Reply, and again advise him to abrogate the Mass, alledging that it might be done without Tumult; and that though it could not, yet that which was just and good, ought not therefore to be omitted: That their being fewer in number, was no new thing; since that from the beginning of the World, the greatest part of Mankind had always opposed the true Religion: That none would accept and approve the right way of administring and receiving the Lord's Supper, but they to whom it should be given from above: That Colleges were founded of old not for Mass, but for the pious Education of Youth; and these Pos­sessions given for the Maintenance of the Masters and Scholars, and for the Use of the Poor; which Custom had lasted almost to the time of St. Bernard; but that about Four hundred years since, this trafficking about Masses came in play, which now ought to be utterly abolished: That though it were of ancient date, yet such a Profanation was not to be tolerated: And that if Stirs and Commotions should arise from thence, it was not to be imputed to the Religion, but to the Wickedness of the Adversaries, who for Gain sake, withstand the Truth against their own Conscience: That however, Men ought not to regard such inconveniences, but to proceed absolutely,The Mar­riage of the Archduke Fre­derick. whatever Tumults the World might raise; for that all these things had been long ago foretold by Christ. This year the Emperor's Brother Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria, married the Lady Ann, Sister to Lewis King of Hungary.

Among so many Adversaries as Luther had,King Henry of England writes against Luther. Henry VIII, King of England, op­posed him also in Writing; and in the first place refuted his Opinion about Indul­gences, and defended the Papacy: Afterwards he censured all his Disputations con­cerning the Sacraments of the Church, taking occasion of writing from the Book of the Captivity of Babylon. When this came to Luther's knowledge, he wrote a most bitter Answer, declaring, That in defence of this Cause, he valued no Man's Ho­nour nor Greatness. However Pope Leo gave the King an honourable Title for this, calling him Defender of the Faith.

How Charles of Austria came to be chosen Emperor,The Empe­ror's War with the French King. hath be shewn before: But some private Quarrels happening afterwards betwixt Him and the French King, it came to a War at last, though first on the Frontiers of Spain, and in Flanders. The French held at that time Parma and Piacenza in Italy; which Pope Leo was much troubled at: But when more lately they had attempted Regio, he fell quite off from them, and made a League with the Emperour; whereof the chief Conditions were, That the Dignity of the Church of Rome should be defended: That what the French had lately taken from it, should be recovered: That Francis Sforza, who was then a banished Man, should be restored to his Inheritance, and the Dukedom of Milan. Having therefore joyned their Forces, under the Command of Prospero Colonna, and Ferdinand d'Aval Marquess of Pesoara, they recovered Parma and Piacenza from the French, took the City of Milan, and beat the Enemy quite out of Lombardy, after they had been six whole years Masters of it. Not long after Pope Leo had the News of this Overthrough,Pope Leo dies. he Died, not without the Suspicion of Poyson. He was the Son of Laurence de Medices, and had to his Great-Grandfather Cosmo, who raised that Family to its Splendour. At Thirteen years of age Leo was made Cardinal by Innocent VIII.Adrian suc­ceeds Leo. He lived not above Seven and forty years; and had for Successor Adrian VI, a Hollander, who had been the Emperor's Tutor.

Much about the same time, Solyman lately made Emperor of the Turks, under­took a War against Lewis King of Bohemia and Hungary, who had married the Lady [Page]

LEO X. PAPA. ANTEA IOANNES MEDICES FLORENTINVS

Natus Ao. 1474.

XIII▪ An Adolescens Alectus fuit in Ordinem Cardinalium

Electus XIo. Martij Ano. 1513.

Obijt 1o. Decemb, 1521.

Sedit An. 8 Men. 8. D. 21

[Page] [Page 51] Mary, the Emperor's Sister; and having gained many Towns and Castles, he took Belgrade, the Bulwark of Hungary, situated at the Confluent of the Danube and Save, The Turk takes Bel­grade. which he fortified, and put a strong Garison into.

While the Emperor spent his time in Germany and the Netherlands, there hap­pened great Seditions in Spain: The Empe­ror returns to Spain, to appease Se­ditions there. Therefore to prevent the growing evil in time, having first setled a Council and Supreme Court of Judicature, to administer Justice, and in his absence, to order the Affairs of the Empire, he returned into Spain by Sea: But before his departure, the States of the Empire had met at Norimberg; among other things, to consult about the Turkish War; and the Emperor having emitted a Proclamation towards the end of March, enjoyned chiefly the Church­men to pray to God, say Masses,1522. and make Processions for the Publick Safety, and for atoning the Sins of Men.A Diet at Norimberg. Now the grand result of this Diet was, that on the First of May after,A League betwixt the Emperor and King of Eng­land. they granted Aid to King Lewis against the Turk. The Emperor upon his return home, visited once more the King of England; and to secure him for a firm Friend against the French King, he promised to pay him yearly an Hundred and Thirty three Thousand Ducats. For the French King, by Agreement, paid so much yearly to the King of England, and his Sister Mary Queen Dowager of France; so that unless he might be saved harmless, the King of England would attempt no­thing against him. This Treaty was concluded betwixt them June the Thirteenth, at Windsor. For a greater Confirmation of their Friendship also,Mary the King of England's Daughter, betrothed to the Emperor. it was agreed, that the Emperor should Marry his own Cousin-german, Mary the King of England's Daughter, a young Lady then of Seven years of age, when she should come to Ma­turity: And that he who failed in performance of this, should pay the other Four hundred thousand Crowns. In the mean time the French King bends all his Force to the recovery of what he had lost in Italy.

Of Zuinglius you have heard before. Now Hugh Bishop of Constance, to whose Spiritual Jurisdiction Zurich belonged, addressed himself to the Senate, acquainting them with what Complaints he heard of Zuinglius, who had started a new kind of Religion: But Zuinglius being called before the Senate, defended his own Cause, and satisfied them.The Letter of the Bishop of Constance to the Ca­nons of Zu­rich. Afterwards the Bishop wrote to the College of Canons, of whom Zuinglius was one; and having said many things of new Teachers who di­sturbed the Peace of the Church, he entreats them to take heed and beware of such: And because Pope Leo, and then the Emperor, had by most severe Bulls and Decrees condemned that Doctrin, he admonishes them to obey the same, and not to make any Changes or Innovations, till they whom it concerned should by common advice and consent determin what was to be done: This was in the Month of May. After this Letter had been read in the Convocation, Zuinglius, against whom it was writ­ten, wrote an Answer to the Bishop,Zuinglius writes to the Bishop of Constance, That he knew very well who they were that put him upon these things, and advised him not to follow their Counsels; for that Truth was invincible, and could not be resisted: But he wrote a longer Letter after­wards to those whom he supposed to be the Authors of that Epistle. After this, Zuin­glius, and some others there joyned with him, wrote a Letter to the Bishop, wherein they prayed him not to act any thing against the Doctrin of the Gospel; nor to suffer any longer that filthy and scandalous life of the Priests, but allow them Mar­riage.And to the Switzers. To the same purpose Zuinglius wrote to all the Switzers, and counselled them not to obstruct the course of the Reformed Religion, nor any ways molest the Married Priests; for that the Devil was the Author of that single Life of theirs: That it was a Custom in some of their own Cantons,The Custom of some Can­tons about Priests Con­cubines. when they received any new Curate, to enjoyn him to keep a Concubine, lest he should attempt upon the Cha­stity of other Mens Wives: That the Custom was laugh'd at by many, but that it was prudently established at that time, and in that darkness and depravation of Religion: And that what they did then as to Concubines, ought now to be put in practice as to lawful Wives.

Luther in the mean time having absconded,Luther re­turns to Wit­temberg, as we said, for some Months, returned to Wittemberg; and because he had not been recalled by Duke Frederick, fearing that he might take it ill at his hands, he wrote to him in the Month of March, assuring him that it was out of no Ill-will or Contempt of his Authority,And by Let­ters aquaints Duke Frede­rick with the Reasons of it. that he was re­turned without his Command: That he was sensible enough, some would not fail to represent it as a dangerous thing to his Highness, in regard that he stood Out­lawed and Condemned both by the Pope and Emperor, whose Power was not to be slighted: That he had indeed seriously reflected on these things before hand; but that for three chief Reasons he had been moved to do what he did. First, That he had been earnestly solicited by several Letters from the Church of Wittemberg, to [Page 52] turn; and that they were a People whom God had committed to his Charge, and therefore could not be neglected: That many, without doubt, spoke bitterly and reproachfully against this Reformation of Religion; but that he was certainly con­vinced that this his Profession was most acceptable unto God: That, in the next place, through the craft and subtilty of the Devil, who could not endure this Light of the Gospel, many troubles, in his absence, had been raised in his Church; which unless he were there to teach them in Person, could not be composed: And that that was to him so weighty a Cause, that it out weighed all other Reasons whatsoever; so that so soon as he came to know it, he had returned without farther Deliberation; for that nothing was so dear unto him, as the Salvation of his People. But that if the thing could have been done by Letters, he could easily have dispenced with his absence from Wittemberg. That, lastly, he was very apprehensive of, and did in a manner foresee a dreadful Tempest like to fall upon Germany, which so securely slighted the present Mercy of God: That many indeed did very zealously embrace the true Religion, but exceedingly disgraced it by their Lives and Manners; turn­ing that liberty which ought to be of the Spirit, into a licentiousness of doing whatever they pleased: That others again made it their whole study and endea­vours, by any means to suppress the sound Doctrin; and these together tended di­rectly to the stirring up of Seditions: That the Tyranny of the Churchmen was now weakned; which was all that he proposed to himself at first; but that since the Magistrate despised so great a gift of God, his Divine Majesty would punish that ingratitude and contempt of his Word; and by sending one Judgment upon the heels of another, utterly destroy all, as he had done Jerusalem of old: That now it was his duty, and the duty of all others whom God had any ways enabled, to use their utmost diligence in Teaching and Exhorting; and that though perhaps they might take all that pains in vain, nay and be laugh'd at too by many, yet they ought not therefore to desist, because their labour was pleasing to God. That, in short, whatever the Decree of the Diet of Norimberg might prove to be, they would set no limits to the Counsel and Will of God: That he had besides, other causes for his return, which were of less moment: But that as to this which he had alledged, the asserting and vindicating of the Gospel, it was of so great weight and consequence, as to make him contemn all human counsel, and to look up only to God: That therefore he prayed his Highness not to be offended, that he was come back again without his Call or Command: That he, as their Prince, had Power over the Bodies and Fortunes of his People; but that Christ bore Rule over their Souls; and that since the Care of these was committed to him from above, and that it was Christ's work wholly, he supposed his Highness could incur no danger, upon the account of his return.

Now as to the Troubles which he said were raised in his Church in his absence, the matter was this.Carolostadius casts Images out of the Churches of Wittemberg. While Luther was out of the way, Andrew Carolostadius, who hath been mentioned before, preached a different Doctrin, and stirred up the People in a tumultuary manner to cast the Images out of the Churches: This being the chief cause why Luther was recalled by his Friends: So soon as he came back, he condemned that Action of Carolostadius, shewing that that was not the way they ought to have proceeded in, but that Images were first to have been removed out of the mind, and the People taught, that by Faith alone we pleased God, and that Images availed nothing: That if they had been in this manner removed, and the Minds of People rightly informed, there would have been no more danger of any hurt from them, and they would have fallen of themselves: That he was not indeed against the removing of Images, but that it ought to have been done by the Authority of the Magistrate, and not by the Rabble and promiscuous Multitude.

At this time there sprang up a secret Sect of some People that talked of Confe­rences they had with God, who had commanded them to destroy all the Wicked, and to begin a new World, wherein the Godly and Innocent only should live and have Dominion. These clandestinly spread their Doctrins, in that part of Saxony chiefly which lyes upon the River Saal; and, as Luther affirms, Carolostadius also favoured their Opinion; but when borne down by the Authority of Luther, he could not bring to pass what he intended at Wittemberg, The Sect of Muncer, and other Enthu­siasts. he forsook his Station, and went over to them. Thomas Muncer was one of this Herd, who afterwards raised a Popular Insurrection against the Magistrate in Thuringe and Franconia; of which in its proper place.

Luther being now informed, that in the publick Assemblies of the Bohemians, there were some who urged the Re-establishment of the Authority of the Pope and Church [Page 53] of Rome, without which there could be no end of Controversies and Debates; wrote unto them, in the latter end of July to this Effect. That the Name of Bohemians had been some time very odious unto him,Luther's Let­ter to the Bohemians. so long as he had been ignorant that the Pope was Antichrist: But that now, since God had restored the Light of the Gospel to the World, he was of a far different Opinion, and had declared as much in his Books; so that at present the Pope and his Party were more incensed against him than a­gainst them: That his Adversaries had many times given it out, That he had re­moved into Bohemia, which he oftentimes wishes to have done; but that lest they should have aspersed his Progress, and called it a Flight, he had altered his Resolution: That, as matters stood now, there was great Hopes, That the Germans and Bohemi­ans might Profess the Doctrin of the Gospel, and the same Religion: That it was not without Reason that many were grieved to see them so divided into Sects among themselves: But that if they should again make Defection to Popery, Sects would not only not be removed, but even be increased and more diffused; for that Sects abounded no where more than among the Romanists; and that the Franciscans alone were an Instance of this, who in many things differed among themselves; and yet all lived under the Patronage and Protection of the Church of Rome: That his King­dom was, in some manner, maintained and supported by the Dissentions of Men; which was the Reason also that made him set Princes together by the Ears, and af­ford continual Matter of Quarrelling and contention: That therefore they should have special Care, lest whilst they endeavour to crush those smaller Sects, they fall not into far greater, such as the Popish, which were altogether incurable, and from which, Germany had been lately delivered; That there was no better way of re­moving Inconveniences, than for the Pastors of the Church to preach the pure Word of God in Sincerity: That if they could not retain the weak and giddy People in their Duty, and hinder their desertion, they should at least endeavour to make them stedfast in receiving the Lord's Supper in both kinds, and in preserving a Venerati­on for the Memory of John Huss and Jerome of Prague; for that the Pope would la­bour chiefly to deprive them of these two Things; wherefore if any of them should relent, and give up both to the Tyrant, it would be ill done of them: But that though all Bohemia should Apostatize, yet he would celebrate and commend the Do­ctrin of Huss to all Posterity: That therefore he prayed and exhorted them to persevere in that way which they had hitherto defended with the loss of much Blood, and with highest Resolution, and not cast a Reproach upon the flourishing Gospel, by their Defection: That although all things were not established among them, as they ought to be, yet God would not be wanting, in time, to raise up some Faith­ful Servant of his, who would reform what was amiss, provided they continued constant, and utterly rejected the Uncleanness and Impiety of the Romish Papacy.

Now as to the Bohemians, Three Sects in Bohemia. the case standeth thus; after the death of John Huss, whom we mentioned before, the people were divided into three Sects; the first of those who own the Pope of Rome to be Head of the Church and the Vicar of Christ: The second, those who receive the Sacrament in both kinds, and in cele­brating Mass, read some things in the vulgar tongue, but in all other matters differ not from the Papists. The third are those who are called Picards or Beghardi; these call the Pope of Rome and all his Party Antichrist, and that Whore that is de­scribed in the Revelations: They admit of nothing but the Bible; they chuse their own Priests and Bishops; deny no man marriage; perform no Offices for the Dead, and have but very few Holy Daies and Ceremonies.

Luther afterwards published a Book against the Order of Bishops falsly so called;Luther's Book against false Bishops. and in the Preface, taking to himself the name of Minister or Preacher, at Wittemberg, he saith, That it was no wonder to him, nor indeed contrary to expectation, if for that title he should be scoffed and laughed at by them, from whom he had met with violence in far more weighty concerns: That they had nothing but Tyranny and Oppression to stop his mouth with, and that when he was ready to justifie his Doctrin by Argument and Reason, they did but slight and reject him: But that on the other hand, when they themselves were put to it, to prove the truth of their Doctrin, they stopt their ears: That it was a great shame and reproach, that so many of them, who besides many other splendid and magnificent Titles they bore, professed themselves Masters of the whole Scripture, being so often challenged by him alone, durst not joyn issue, and come to a fair tryal with him about the matter; that therefore, since they behaved themselves haughtily towards him, he was resolved to yield to them in nothing, and had taken to himself that name of Minister or Preacher, as not doubting, but that he might with far better conscience arrogate to [Page 54] himself that Title, than they could the Name of Bishops: That the Doctrin which he professed, was not his, but Christs; so that they needed not to put any trust in violence or oppression, thinking thereby to daunt him, for that the more hatred and rage they vented against him, the more resolutely was he resolv'd to proceed, in spight of all their fury and madness: That though they should even cut his Throat, yet his Doctrin would prove immortal: That Christ lived and reigned for ever, who would in his own due time, put a stop to their outragios and bloody Desings: That by the Emperors Edict, and the Bull of the Pope, his name was lately taken from him, and that charactar of the Great Beast wholly blotted out: Which he was so far from taking ill, that he heartily thanked God, for delivering him out of the dark dungeon of so many filthy Errors, and false Doctrins, and enlightning him with the true Knowledge of his Word: That since it was so then, and that God had committed to him the Office of Preaching the Gospel, it was but reasonable that he should take to himself a Title, when false Teachers gloried so much in such gawdy Names: That therefore, he would not for the future, submit his Writings to their Censure; that he had condescended too much at Wormes: But that now he was so certain of his Doctrin, that he would not submit it to the Judgment, no not of an Angel; but by the Evidence thereof, would judge, not only himself, and them all, but even Angels also: That they who rejected this Doctrin, could not attain to Salvation, nor Life Eternal, because it proceeded not from Man, but from the Eternal God: That if it pleased God to bless him with longer Life, he would use his utmost Diligence, that the Gospel should be preached to all people: That they, indeed, sought after their own Ease and Quietness, and to lead an Idle and Voluptuous Life, being mightily troubled at the Disturbance of the State; but that he would make it his Business, that they should not enjoy that Peace, which they so earnestly coveted; and that though he might be killed by them, yet that would not ease them of Troubles and Disquiet; and that what way soever they might deal with him, yet God would never cease to prosecute them, 'till he either utterly destroy­ed them, or made them humbly to confess their Fault, and beg pardon of the invin­cible Lord of Hosts: That he heartily wished they might repent, and submit to sound Counsel in time; but if that could not be obtained, he bad them everlasting Defiance, and was resolved never to be reconciled with them: That whereas some also made his freedom of Speech a Crime, as if by libelling and scribling, he design­ed to raise Stirs and Commotions, they did him a great deal of Wrong; since that he could make it out by several Texts of Scripture, and many Instances, that it was necessary to take this Course, when the Governours of the Church were unlearned, impious and obstinate, and would neither do their Duty themselves, nor suffer others to do it for them, who were both able and willing to set about it.

Mention hath been made before of the Dyet of Norimberg: Hither Lewis King of Hungary, and the Peers of that Kingdom sent also Ambassadours, who made sad Complaint of the Cruelty of the Turk, and begged strong and lasting Aids against him. Pope Adrian sent thither a Legate also; but before he came into Germany, October 5,Pope Adrian's Brief to the Elector of Saxony. one of the Popes Bed-Chamber-Men, delivered a Brief from his Holiness to Duke Frederick, wherein he tells him; That it had been acceptable News to him, to hear of the Dyet of Norimberg; but that he had been overjoyed, to understand, that he was resolved to be there in Person, for that there was great Hopes, that some things might be enacted there, that would tend to the Honour and Welfare, both of Church and State: That for that Reason also, he had, with the Advice and Con­sent of the College of Cardinals, resolved to send a Legate into Germany; but that whilst his Legate was preparing for his Journey, he had thought fit, to send be­fore the Bearer, whom he had charged to wait upon his Highness, for whom he had always had a very great esteem, and acquaint him with the Care and sincere Inten­tions he had for the Concerns of the Publick, as he might more amply be informed by the Legate, who was to come after: That, in the mean time, he prayed and exhorted him, who was a Prince of the Empire, under the Protection whereof the Church of Rome subsisted, that he would in his Actions and Consultations use all En­deavours, That such things might be promoted, as should conduce to the Honour of the Apostolick Church, and the Peace and Quiet of the Publick, and therein follow the Foot-steps of his Ancestors; from whom, as in no other Virtue, he did degenerate, so it was his Hopes, he would not be unlike to them in this Particular neither: That he had ordered the Bearer, to discourse him about these Affairs, and desired that he would give Credit to what he said. Ferdinand Archduke of Austria, was very strict in executing the Sentence pronounced against Luther the Year before; [Page 55] and in the Dutchy of Wittemberg, which then he had in Possession, he emitted a Pro­clamation, November 26, promising Rewards to Informers; and throughout his own Dominions, he severely punished all that did not obey the Laws and Canons of the Church. This Year died John Reuchline, being a Man of great Age; whom Erasm [...] of Roterdam celebrated in a most excellent Dialogue, attributing unto him Immortality and supreme Knowledge in three Languages.

About the latter end of November Pope Adrian wrote to the rest of the States as­sembled at Noremberg, Pope Adrian's Letter to the States of Ger­many. to this Effect. That from the time he had been chosen to the Office of Apostleship, he had desired nothing more, than that he might in all things discharge the Duty of a good Pastor, and suffer none of his Flock to go astray, if by his Vigilance and Care it could in any wise be prevented; and that of his sin­cerity herein, he called God to witness, who had raised him to that Charge, when he did not at all deserve, and as little expected any such Promotion. That for the more easie accomplishment of what he proposed to himself, he had earnestly exhorted all Kings and Princes to abstain from Civil Wars; and that if they must needs make War, that they would turn all their Force against the Enemies of the Christian Faith, he having himself performed, what he had persuaded others to do; and gi­ven a great Sum of Money to the Knights of Rhodes, who were at present mightily straitned by the Grand Seignior. That his Thoughts being called home again from Foreign Dangers, he began to look about him nearer hand, and perceived domestick Evils to threaten the Publick; for that to his great Grief he heard, That Martin Luther, who after many gentle and fatherly Admonitions, when no Remedy could prevail with him, had been Condemned and Proscribed by several Universities, by Pope Leo, and by the Emperour also, with their unanimous Consent and Advice was not only not restrained, but raged more furiously than ever, publishing daily new Books, to the great decay not only of the Christian Regligion, but also of Morality and all good Living: That it was a great addition to his Grief, to understand, that many of the Nobility favoured him, and that the Mischief was spread so far, that not only the Dignity of the Clergy in Germany was lessened, but that they were in danger also of being deprived of their Lands and Livings, and that a Civil War was bro­ken forth among some. That is was truly, indeed, said by S. Paul, That heresies must needs be; but that as Affairs now stood, it was most unseasonably fulfilled; That the Devil was busie at work to involve us in many Calamities: That he had stirred up the Turk to vent his Fury against us far and near, whilst at the same time he plagued the most Valiant Nation of Germany with the Heresie of Luther. That no Man was ignorant how powerful an Enemy the Turk was, and that, though he might be overcome, yet the Affairs of Christendom would be in no better condition, so long as that Domestick Enemy remained unconquered: That during his abode in Spain, he had heard many things of Luther's false Doctrins; and that though it grieved him, that this Evil seemed to arise in that Country, to which he himself owed his Birth, yet he had been comforted by two things: First, Because he hoped that so frivolous and impious a Doctrin would be despised by all Men: And then, because he thought that that poysonous Weed, being brought from abroad, could not take rooting in that Country, which had always produced Champions against Heresies: But that since it had happened far otherwise, either through the just Judg­ment of God, or the Carelesness and Neglect of those, who ought to have applyed the proper Remedies in time; it was their part to look to it carefully, lest that whilst they acted more slowly and remisly, they might seem to have forgot their an­cient Virtue, and to approve so great a Villany: That it would be a very disgrace­ful thing, for so Valiant and constant a People, to make desertion from that Reli­gion, which was decreed by Christ and his Apostles, embraced by so many Martyrs and Famous Men, and professed also by our own Progenitors, at the Instigation of a sorry Fryer, who had himself, for many Years followed and professed the same; as if, forsooth, the Church had erred for so many Ages; as if Christ, who promi­sed to be with us for ever, had suffered his Church to continue in so great Igno­rance and Darkness, and as if he were the only Wise-man raised up by God, to dis­close the Errors of all Mankind; that doubtless these things seemed very Ridiculous to all wise Men: But that nevertheless they were Popular and Specious, and to those that delighted in Novelties, gave great Occasions of Undertaking, was it not easie to be seen what they drove at? it was only their Intention, That under a pretext of Christian Liberty, they might trample upon all Law and Justice; for how was it possible that they should Reverence and Honour the Civil Magistrate, who made no scruple to use disgracefully; nay, and to burn the Laws and Consti­tutions [Page 56] of most holy Popes and Councils? It was not certainly to be believed, That they who boggled not at Sacriledge, but with Impure and Bloody Hands seized and robbed the things that were consecrated to God, would at length forbear to invade the Rights and Possessions of their Neighbours: That they who stood not in awe, not only to Strike, but also to Kill Priests, were, doubtless, ready and had it in their Thoughts, to violate and abuse any other State of Men whatsoever: So that this so great Licentiousness and Impunity, in committing Wickedness, would at length rest upon Princes themselves, their Children, Wives, Families and Possessions: That therefore he prayed and exhorted them, and by virtue of the Power and Authority he had, as the Successor of S. Peter, and Vicar of Christ, also required and charged them, That laying aside all Quarrels and Animosities, with united Hearts and Hands, they would endeavour to quench that Common and Do­mestick Fire, and reclaim Luther by moderate and fair ways: Or if that could not be done, that then they would punish him according to the Laws, and the late De­cree of the Emperour and Empire: That by so doing, they would not only wash away that Stain which now stuck to Germany; but also contribute to the Salvation of many, who were much damnified by his Contagion: That for his own part, his Natural Disposition and Profession inclined him to Mercy, rather than any kind of Severity: But because this was a Distemper, not to be cured by gentle Medicines, there was a Necessity of applying more Violent Remedies: That Testimonies and Instances of this, more than one, might be had in Holy Scripture; and that their own Predecessors, in the Council of Constance, after this manner punished John Huss and Jerome of Prague, according to their Deserts: That if they would imitate them in this Virtuous Course, God would not be wanting; and that then there might be greater Hopes, that the Cruelty of the Turk, would be restrained: And that, in fine, he was ready to bestow all he had; nay, and to lay down his Life, for the Welfare of the Flock committed to his Charge; referring what else he had to say, concerning Luther, to his Legate Francis Cheregate Bishop of Teramo, to whom he prayed them to give Credit.

What he said of a Civil War raised among some,A War be­twixt the Archbishop of Treves, and Francis Sick­ing. related to Richard Archbishop of Treves, who was then in a War with Francis Sicking, a Valiant Man, and great fa­vourer of Luther: However Religion was not the Cause of that War; but it was, because the Bishop would not suffer two Men within his Jurisdiction, for whom he had been Bail, to answer the Law; for so it is specified in the Letter of Defiance, which Sicking sent him,Adrian writes to the Senate of Strasburg. towards the latter end of August. Pope Adrian at that time wrote Private Letters to some others, to the same effect; and having much inveighed against the Doctrin of Luther, he required the Senate of Strasburg, Not to suffer any of his, or his Adherent's Books to be printed; and not only to Suppress, but also to burn those which were already published; for that he heard, That such kind of Books were printed by their Printers, who refused to meddle with any thing written against them; threatning the Senate with the Wrath and Vengeance of God, if they did not obey him; for that, although they persevered in the Ancient Established Religion; yet unless they took from others the Liberty of Offending, and Occasion of Errour, they were not to promise to themselves impunity. Now for the better understanding of what he said, that he had heard of Luther, when he was in Spain, we are to look back a little into the History of his Life.

Adrian was a Poor Man's Son of Vtricht, A short Hi­story of Pope Adrian. a Town upon the Borders of Holland; he followed his Studies in the University of Louvain, and for his Learning and Pro­bitie, was recommended to Maximilian the Emperour, to be Tutor to his Grand-Son Charles; with him he continued, till he was grown up, and became fit to learn more Manly Exercises, and then was sent Ambassadour into Spain, to King Ferdi­nand, who made him Bishop of Tortosa; but after the Death of the King, when the Government fell to his Grand-Son Charles, of Ambassadour that he was before, he was made Privy Counsellor. There was a Difference at that time betwixt Pope Leo and the Cardinals, who had conspired his Death, so that having dispatched a great many of them, some by Exile, and some by loathsome Imprisonment; he created one and thirty new Cardinals at the same time, partly for his own Defence, and partly to raise Money; among whom also was Adrian: and this was in the Year 1517. Charles came afterwards into Spain, upon the Death of his Grand-Father Ferdinand, whose Heir and Successor he was. In the mean time, Maximilian the Emperour dying, Charles was chosen Emperour, and upon that account, being obliged to go to Germany, he left the chief Care of the Government of Spain to Adri­an, during his Absence, and not long after there happened a great Insurrection in [Page 57] that Kingdom. Now upon the Death of Pope Leo, when Julius of Medices, and Alexander Fernese, Adrian being declared Pope, writes to the Col­ledge of Car­dinals. canvassed for the Papacy, and were making all the several Inter­ests they could to be chosen Pope; Adrian, who was both absent and unknown, was elected January 9, this Year, to the great Displeasure of the Romans, who took it extreamly ill, That so high an Office should be conferred upon a Stranger, whom they had never seen. He having received the News of his Promotion, and being therewith acquainted, that three Cardinals were designed to come as Ambassadours to him into Spain, who nevertheless were not as yet come, he thought fit March 8, to write to the Colledge of Cardinals, from the Town Victoria, and gave them his hearty Thanks, that they had conceived such an Opinion of him; telling them, That though at first he had been terrified at the greatness of the Charge imposed upon him; yet that looking upon it as a Call to him from Heaven, in those Distract­ed and Divided Times, he had taken Heart, and hoped the best: That moreover, since he heard that the Cardinals, who were to come to him, had not as yet parted from Rome, and could not so soon perform the Journey, and that, in the mean time, unless he himself approved the Election, he could not be invested with Authority for Governing the Church: Besides it being a Long and Dangerous Journey for the Ambassadours to undertake; therefore to ease them of that Trouble, and at the same time to declare his Mind, he had before some honest and proper Persons, whom he had called together for that purpose, signified his Resolution, and approved the Election: Wherefore he required them to make the same known to all Men, espe­cially in Italy; and in the mean time, to take care that Justice should be admini­stred; he being now wholly taken up in preparing a Fleet, and other things neces­sary for his Passage to Rome, with the first Opportunity. He wrote also to the Se­nate and People of Rome, bidding them to expect all Good Will and Favour at his Hands.Adrian goes to Rome. And so some Months after, the Season offering fair, he put out to Sea, on his Voyage: And though the Emperour, at the same time was returning to Spain, from the Netherlands, to appease an Insurrection that had happened in his Absence, yet he departed without saluting him, but wrote to him a most kind Letter, where­in he gave him the Reasons, why he made so much hast. Thus about the latter end of August, The Turk tak­eth Rhodes. he arrived at Rome; it being then the third Month, that Solyman, Emperour of the Turks, had besieged Rhodes, which, at length, after a seven Month's Siege, wherein the Knights had most valiently defended themselves, though destitute of all Succours,1523. he took by Composition, December 25, not only to the great Prejudice, but Disgrace also of Christendom. Much about the same time Cheregate the Pope's Legate, we mentioned, came to Norimberg; and January 1, sent from thence the Pope's Letters we spoke of, to the Senate of Strasburg, offer­ing his Service, if they pleased to write him an Answer.

Zuinglius began now to give great Offence, and whilst many both within and without the City preached against his Doctrin, as Impious and Erroneous, but espe­cially the Dominican Fryers, and that he justified the same, offering to prove it to be consonant to the Holy Scriptures; the Senate of Zurich called a Convocation of all the Clergy within their Jurisdiction to meet at Zurich, January 29, about the Dif­ference in Religion, where all men should be heard, as much as was Requisite. They invited also the Bishop of Constance, by Letters, either to come himself, or send one in his Place.The Assem­bly of Zurich. So then, a numerous Assembly met at the Day appointed, and among others John Faber, whom the Bishop sent to represent him, to whom the Burgomaster of the Town made a Speech to this Effect: That because there was a great Dissension arisen about Religion, the present Assembly had been called; That if any man had ought to say against the Doctrin of Zuinlius, he might freely propound the same. Now Zuinlius had before comprized his Doctrin into certain Heads and common pla­ces, to the number of sixty seven Articles, and had published them, to the end that all might come prepared to Argue and Dispute the Matter openly in the Assembly: Wherefore, when now the Burgomaster had done speaking, he again propounded them, and invited them to fall to the Dispute. With that, Faber having declared the Cause of his being sent, endeavoured to persuade them, That that was a Debate not proper for such a Place, and that it belonged to a General Council, which was shortly to be called: But Zuinglius urging him to Dispute, and if he had any thing to say, not to dissemble it: He made answer, That he would refute his Doctrin in Writing.The Refor­mation re­ceived at Zurich. Thus they two having exchanged many Words, and no Body else appearing to take up the Cudgels, the Senate dissolved the Assembly; and proclaim­ed throughout their Territories, That the Traditions of Men being laid aside, the Gospel should be purely taught from the Books of the Old and New Testament.

THE HISTORY OF THE Reformation of the Church.

BOOK IV.
The CONTENTS.

Pope Adrian by his Legate propounded several things, confessing that now for many Years there had been various and grievous Corruptions in the Court of Rome. The Princes of Germany, answer him; and declare upon what Conditions they would have a Council. An alteration of Affairs in Denmark: King Christiern flyeth. The Imposts of Ger­many, First-Fruits and Vacances are treated of. Mention is made of the Pall of Arch­bishops. Two Augustine Fryers are burnt at Brussels. Luther interprets the Decree made at Norimberg: He publishes some Books. The King of England makes a heavy complaint of Luther. Pope Adrian dies; to whom Clement succeeds. Troubles arise in Switzerland about the Doctrin of Zuinglius; and at Strasburg about the Marri­age of Priests. Campegius is sent by Pope Clement, Legate to the Dyet of Norim­berg; where he writes to Duke Frederick; and then exhorts the Princes, in a Speech he made to them: To which they answer, and he again replies thereunto. The Switzers expostulate with those of Zurich, who answer the Ambassadours of the other Cantons, The Bishop of Constance's Book in defence of Images: Which nevertheless are thrown down and burnt throughout all the Canton of Zurich. The Emperour sends an Ambassa­dour to the Dyet of Norimberg. The Senate and Bishop of Strasburg bring their Con­troversie before Cardinal Campegius. After the Dyet is over, Ferdinand and others make a League against the Reformation.

BEsides the Letters,Pope Adrian's Instructions about the re­straining of Luther. we mentioned, Pope Adrian gave his Legates Instructi­ons in Writing, that he should signifie to the Princes, How much he was grieved at the Troubles and Seditions which were occasioned by Luther: not only because of the Damage that thereby accrued to mens Souls, and the Ruine and Dissipation of the Flock which Christ had committed to his keeping; but also because such a mischievous thing should have happened among that Nation and People, from whom he derived his Birth and Being, and who had always been a People free from the very least Suspicion of Heresie: That therefore it was his most earnest Desire, That some speedy Remedy might forthwith be applyed to the Evil, lest by longer Delay, the same thing might happen to the Germans, which hereto­fore befel the Bohemians: That for his own part he would spare neither Pains nor Charges in that Affair: That therefore he besought them, that according to their several Abilities, they would do the same, there being many and weighty Reasons for their so doing; as the Glory and Honour of God, which was chiefly violated by that Heresie, all the Ceremonies and Rites of the Church, being thereby not on­ly impaired, but in a manner quite abolished: Charity and Brotherly Love; since he that directed not him into the right way, who was gone astray; must be ac­countable to God for his Omission: The Shame and Disgrace of the Nation; since Germany, which was wont to be chiefly praised for Religion, was now by reason of that Defection, fallen into Contempt and Ignominy: Their own Fame and Reputa­tion; for since they might easily make an End both of Luther and of his Heresies, if they did it not, they would seem to be very sickle and inconstant, and to degene­rate from their Ancestors, who left behind them at Constance a noble Instance of their Virtue; and was it not a most heinous Injury that he did both to themselves [Page 59] and their Fore-fathers? for since these followed the Religion of the Roman Catho­lick Church, they were, in his Judgment, who condemned that Religion, all debar­red from Salvation: That they should consider and weigh with themselves, what the Purpose of these Men was; and what their Doctrin drove at: Which was no­thing else, than under a Colour of Christian Liberty, to endeavour the Subversion of all Laws, and all Respect and Obedience to Magistrates; and that though Luther seemed at first only to impugn the Ecclesiastical Power, as Impious and Tyrannical, yet it was his Drift, that having once persuaded People, That Christians were by no Laws obliged to obey the Magistrate, he might open a way for all Men, to break out into what extravagant Courses they pleased: And that therefore they them­selves lay thereby exposed to great Dangers: That as yet, indeed, they cunningly and craftily disguised their Purpose, flattering the Magistrate, That with impuni­ty they might be suffered to wreak their Spleen and Malice upon the Church-men: But that these being once oppressed, without doubt they would try their Fortune also with the rest: That they themselves now plainly saw, and felt by Experience, the Animosities, Hatred, Quarrels and Troubles which that Heresie had already occa­sioned in the State; and it was to be feared, That if these Evils were not timely repressed, God who had given them the Power of the Sword, might severely punish so great a Negligence both by publick and private Calamities: That Luther's way was not unlike to the Sect of Mahomet, which allows Men to marry several Wives, and afterwards to put them away; by which Law that villanous Juggler bewitched Men, and drew the greatest part of the World over to his Religion: That Luther did not indeed expresly allow that, but that he absolved all those who had made to God Vows of Chastity, from the obligation of the Law, exhorted them to Marriage, and let loose the Reins to Men's Lusts; that so he might allure more People into that Association and Confederacy, which he was hatching to the Ruine of Christen­dom, and particularly of Germany: That therefore it was their Parts punctually to put into execution the Sentences of the Pope and Emperour, that they might avenge the Glory of God, wipe off the Reproach that stuck to their Country, and remove from themselves an infectious Pestilence: That nevertheless, such of them as should retract, and return into the right way, might be pardoned, and received again in­to Favour; but that they who obstinately maintained their Errors, ought to be pu­nished with the utmost severity, that the rest being terrified by such an Example, might learn to persevere in the true Faith and Religion: That if it should be object­ed by some, That Luther was condemned before he had been heard, and that it was Reasonable that he should be tryed, before he suffered, such men reasoned amiss; for that Christ himself had laid down a Rule of Faith and Religion; whose Autho­rity we ought to submit unto, and not dispute about Articles of Faith, nor enquire into the Reasons of this or that Precept: That he was to be heard, indeed, when he was examined, Whether in his Sermons he had said so or so, or whether he had pub­lished this or that Book; but that he ought not to be admitted to defend those things which he had broached concerning the Faith and Sacraments; for here the Custom and Doctrin of the Church was to be observed, and not to be deviated from: And since most of his Opinions were already condemned by the Authority of Coun­cils, no regard ought to be had unto them: That there could not be a greater In­jury done to Ecclesiastical Assemblies, than to cavil at or reject their Decrees; nor could there be any End of Controversies, if what Learned and Wise Men had, after long and serious Deliberation, determined, should by every Private Person, be questioned and examined: That all Societies of Men had certain and fixed Laws, which they were bound to observe; how much more then, ought not that to be done, when any thing is established by Publick Authority in the Church? That see­ing, then, these Men did not only reject, but even burn the Decrees of the Coun­cils and Fathers, they ought certainly to be punished as Disturbers of the Publick Peace: That, in the mean time, it was not to be dissembled, nor past over in Si­lence; that God who is the Revenger of all Iniquity, did in this manner afflict his Church for the Sins of the People, but chiefly of the Rulers and Ministers of the Church; since the Scripture saith, That the iniquity of the people proceeded from the priests: For that, in Truth, for these many Years past, the Sins of Rome had been manifold and grievous, and that even from the Head, down to the inferior Clergy, that Evil and Contagion had been propagated; that no Man did his Duty, all had gone astray, and that none were free from Guilt, no not one: So that all Glo­ry was to be given unto God alone, from whom Pardon and Remission was humbly to be implored: That since things were then in such a State, he would take care, [Page 60] That the Court of Rome, which, perhaps, had given occasion to so great Evils, should first of all be strictly reformed, that so the Cure might begin at the Root, and Cause of the Distemper; which he thought himself the more obliged to do, in that it was most earnestly desired by most Men: That for his own part, he was against his Will, and with Reluctancy promoted to the Chair, and would have been far bet­ter pleased with a Private Life: But that being moved by the Fear of God, and pre­sent State of Affairs, he could not at length decline that burthensome Care: That, indeed, no desire of Dominion and Rule had been a Motive to him to accept of that Charge, but only that he might have an Opportunity of consulting and doing what he could for the Publick Good and Welfare of Christendom: Now that he did not instantly reform the Vices and Abuses, which he plainly saw, the Reason was, because the Disease which he designed to cure, was very inveterate and Com­plicate also; so that he must proceed gently and by degrees, lest by attempting too sudden and speedy a Cure, he should increase the Distemper: For that all sudden Changes were dangerous, and it was an old Proverb, That he who blowed his Nose too hard, would squeeze out Blood.

This Writing Luther translated afterwards into High Dutch, Luther's In­terpretation of the Pope's Instructions. and illustrated with Marginal Notes; wherein he observes, That what the Pope said of Proceeding in the Reformation gradually, and by little and little, ought so to be understood, as that for the space of every Step, an interval of some Ages ought to be allowed: Howe­ver, it was said, That his Holiness had but little Thanks from the Cardinals, for that he so plainly acknowledged the Corruptions of the Court of Rome: Although this be reported to be a common Fetch of the Popes, when they would delay or break the Measures of calling a Council, or bringing Matters to a Hearing, to make fair and large Promises; that they may have time to ingratiate themselves with Kings and Princes, till an Opportunity offer of Deciding the matter by the Sword; for by Promises they raise Hopes and Expectations in Mens Minds, and in the mean time take Measures for retaining their Power and Dignity, which they know to be indangered by General Councils. In the mean time, whilst the Legate proceeded in this manner, the Princes complained, That the Compacts and Agreements which they had heretofore made with the Popes, were many ways violated at Rome. The Pope being acquainted with this, by Letters from his Legate, ordered him to tell them, That he could not help what had been done by his Predecessors: But that he had ever been, even whilst he was a Private Man, much displeased with that usual way of Proceeding of the Court of Rome; and that he had already resolved of him­self, though no Application had been made to him about it, to reform all these things, and not to suffer any Man to be wronged; far less them, whom for Coun­trys sakehe desired chiefly to gratfie: That, as to what they demanded, That all Law-Suits commenced at Rome, might be remitted to Germany; he told them, That most of the Judges and Advocates had left the City, because of the Plague; but that so soon as they were returned, upon Enquiry into the Case, he would do what should be thought Just and Reasonable: He had given his Legate in Charge al­so, to require an Answer from the Princes; since he had written to them with De­sign, first, That he might know of them, what they thought might be the fittest Course for quelling that pestiferous Sect; and then, that he might understand in time, what was to be done therein, on his part.

These things being brought into Deliberation,The Princes Answer to Pope Adrian's Legate. the Princes and States return an Answer; and having begun with a short Repetition of all his Demands, they pro­fess the great Satisfaction they had, to know that God had been pleased to set him over the Church, which in so dismal a Time stood much in need of such a Govern­our, who had so great a Zeal for the Welfare of Christendom, took so much Pains to compose the Differences of Kings and Princes, and was at such Charges for put­ting a stop to the Progress of the Turk, as much rejoyced them to hear of from him, and for which they gave his Holiness their most hearty Thanks: For that cer­tainly, by these Civil Wars, the Empire was exceedingly weakned, and the Pow­er of their most cruel Enemy, the Turk, increased, whilst there were no Forces on Foot, to make Head against him: That there were Ambassadours come to the Dyet from the King and Nobles of Hungary, who had given a sad and lamentable Relation of the Cruelties they had suffered, and of the great Dangers they were at present exposed unto: That therefore they most earnestly prayed him, who was their Common Father and Pastor, That he would persist in that most holy Resolu­tion, and use his best Endeavours, that either a firm Peace or long Truce might be made, that so, at length, measures might be taken, both for Resisting the Violence [Page 61] of the Turks, and recovering the lost Provinces of the Empire; for effecting where­of no Aid nor Assistance should be wanting on their Parts: That as for Luther, they were heartily sorry, as, indeed, it became them, for the Troubles that his Doctrin had raised in Germany, and were very desirous to apply a Remedy to the Evil; acknowledging it to be their Duty, to obey both him and the Emperour, wherein they resolved not to degenerate from their Ancestors; but that as to the punishing of him, according to the Emperour's Decree, which his Holiness com­plained was not done, it had been omitted upon no slight Considerations: For that all Ranks and Degrees of People heavily complained of the Court of Rome, and most Men were now so well instructed by Luther's Sermons and Books; that should that Decree be put in execution against him, it would, without doubt, occasion grievous Commotions, and be so construed by many, as if it were done with intent to suppress the true Light of the Gospel, and to countenance and maintain such open Crimes, as could no longer be suffered nor dissembled; which Persuasion would unavoidably stir up the People to a Rebellion against their Magistrates: And, indeed, it could not be denyed, as he himself frankly confessed, but that there were many things scandalously and irregularly done at Rome, to the great Prejudice of other Nations and Provinces, and no less Decay of Religion: That therefore his Holiness was highly to be commended. That he did not palliate nor excuse the Dis­orders of the Court of Rome, but promised to reform those Abuses, and render Justice to all Men, without respect; but that he would deserve far greater Ap­plause, if he really performed, what in Words he promised, which they earnestly begged of him he would; since otherwise no firm nor lasting Peace could be ex­pected: That Germany was much impoverished by Wars and other extraordinary Imposts and Charges; so that hardly were they able to support the necessary Ex­pences of the Publick, and give Assistance to the Hungarians and other neighbour­ing People, against the Turk: That now it was well known to his Holiness, how in former Years the Germans had suffered their Bishops and other Church-men, to become Tributaries to the Pope for a certain time; how that then it was conditi­oned, That all that Money should, when occasion served, be employed in the War against the Turk; but that now the Time limited was expired, and the Popes his Predecessors had not laid out the Money to the Use it was designed for; so that when Taxes were imposed on the Provinces of Germany for the Turkish War, Men fretted and grumbled, thinking that those vast Summs of Money, which for many Years had been publickly collected, and kept for those Uses, ought to be employed this way, and that there was no Reason why they should be charged any further: That they therefore, desired he would not for the future exact that Tribute, but suffer it to be brought into the Publick Treasury of the Empire; that by that means many Grievances in Germany might be quieted, and a Publick Stock be always in readiness for assisting Foreign Nations against the Hostilities and Invasions of the Turks: That furthermore, as to their Counsil and Advice, which he craved in this Change of Religion, and which they were both willing, and obliged in Duty to give; it was their Opinion, That since not only the Opinions of Luther were now to be enquired into, but also many other gross Errours and Corruptions, which had prevailed by long Custom and Continuance, and through the Depravation of Men's Lives and Judgments, were now excused, as he himself confessed; There could be no better way thought on for remedying all these Disorders, than by a free and General Council, which he and the Emperour, the chief Magistrate of Christendom, might easily call in some City of Germany, as Mentz, Strasburg, Metz or Cologn, the sooner to begin, the better, and within a Year at farthest; but with this Con­dition, That all who should be present thereat, whatever their Degree and Quality might be, should take a solemn Oath to speak freely, and not dissemble, whatever they should think expedient for the Glory of God, and the Peace and Well-being of Church and State; for that otherwise the Council would be lookt upon as partial, and would do more Hurt than Good: That in order thereunto, it should be their Care, to hinder Luther and others from publishing, in the mean time, any more Books; and that therein they made no doubt, but the most Noble and worthy Frederick Duke of Saxony, would gratifie them: That they also take Care, That the Preachers should meddle with nothing in their Sermons, but only Mo­destly and Sincerely teach the Gospel according to the Interpretations approved and received by the Church: In like manner, That they should utter nothing in the Pulpit, that might either stir up the People against their Magistrates, or lead them into any Errour: Besides, That they should not insist upon deep Controver­sies, [Page 62] which were not necessary to the People, but reserve them to the Determina­tion of the Council: But that for judging in that Matter, the Bishops ought to appoint able and fit men, who, when need should require, might rebuke them mildly, and so correct them, as not to give Ground to the least Suspicion, that they endeavoured to stop the Course of the Gospel: That such as did not take Ad­monition, should not go un punished: That, in the last place, they would make it their Business, That Printers should print no new things for the future; and that some Holy and Learned Men, appointed for the Purpose, by the Magistrates, with­in their several Jurisdictions, should peruse and examine what came from the Press, and that what they disapproved should not be sold. That these things seemed to them proper for uniting People's Minds, and setling a Reformation: For that though all things were not out of hand reformed, yet some Progress might, in the mean time, be made therein, till the rest should be determined by the Authority of a Council: That whereas among other things, his Legate had spoken of Priests, who married Wives, because there was no Punishment appointed for them by the Civil Law; it seemed not amiss to them, That such as had offended that way, should suffer according to the Prescript of the Canon Law. To conclude, they pray his Holiness to take in good part their Judgment as to those several things, for that it proceeded from a true and sincere Mind, which tendered the Publick Wel-fare, and concerned the Dignity of the Holy See.

About this Time there happened a great Alteration of Affairs in Denmark, Troubles in Denmark. which was briefly thus: Christiern, the first of that Name, King of Denmark, Norway and Sweden, had two Sons, John and Frederick; upon the Death of the Father, John succeeded, who had Wars with the Swedes that had rebelled; however the Quarrel was taken up and ended: John had a Son named Christiern, who at six Years of Age was proclaimed King, and upon the Death of his Father, six and twenty Years af­ter, succeeded to the Crown, in the Year of our Lord 1514. During his Reign the Swedes again rebelled, and set upon one Steno Stura to be their Governour: King Christiern, in the mean time, employed all his Force against them, and after many Battles and Sieges, at lenth, obtained the Victory, causing the Body of Steno, who had been killed in Battle, to be raised out of the Grave and Burnt: And this happened in the Year 1520. The Swedes being thus subdued, one Gustavus Erixon, a Nobleman of the Kingdom, incited, as it is believed, and aided by the Lutbeckers, again stirred them up to Rebellion, and that successfully too: At first he pretended to act for the Children of Steno; but growing stronger, he invaded the Throne, and to confirm his Title, married the Daughter of Steno. Christiern having lost this Province, was ill beloved at home also; for he governed tyrannically, and by his Cruelty offended all his Subjects: Wherefore fearing that these Clouds which were a gathering, might at length break out into a Storm, to his ruine and destru­ction, and the rather, because the Lubeckers and his Unkle Frederick were arming against him;Christiern King of Den­mark banish'd. this Year, which was the ninth of his Reign, he fled with his Chil­dren and Queen Isabel, the Sister of Charles the Emperour, and arrived first in Zea­land, a Province belonging to his Imperial Majesty. Immediately after, the States of the Kingdom assembling,Frederick Duke of Hol­stein made King of Den­mark. and, and being assisted by the Lubeckers, created Fre­derick his Unkle, Duke of Holstein, an aged Man, their King; and then having published a Declaration to the Emperour, the Pope, and to the rest of the Princes of the Empire, they give Reasons for what they had done, accusing him of most grievous Crimes; for which, they said, he was justly Banished. Frederick did the same, which was imitated by the City of Lubeck, a Commonwealth of the greatest Power and Authority in all those Parts.King Christi­ern in a pub­lick Declara­tion answers the Accusati­ons of the Danes and Swedes. But Christiern finding an able Pen-men, Cornelius Skepper a Flemming, a very learned Man, answered the Accusations that were brought against him, and begged Assistance from the States of the Empire as­sembled at Norimberg. He had one Son, whom the Emperour afterwards took, and two Daughters, Dorothy and Christian. The same Year his Friends and Relati­ons undertook a War for his Restauration, but in vain, the Emperour being then engaged in a War with France.

The Popes Legate had accused the Ministers of the Church of Norimberg of Preaching impious and unsound Doctrin,The Ministers of Norimberg accused by the Pope's Legate. and demanded that they might be com­mitted to Prison: But the Princes told him, that they believ'd, he had been mis­inform'd: That the Preachers also were highly honoured and esteemed by the people; so that if any thing were attempted against them, the Mobile would look upon it as done purposely to suppress the Truth, which might cause some insur­rection: That nevertheless they would appoint a Committee, to enquire into all [Page 63] matters for the future, and do whatever should be thought just and reasonable. When they had in this manner answer'd all demands,The Grievan­ces of Germa­ny presented to the Legate. they on their parts, proposed what they would have had done by the Pope, and the Bishops in Germany, and drew up their grievances into certain Heads and Articles, which they delivered to the Legate; praying the Pope that since the things they complained of were altogether unjust, and could no longer be suffered, that his Holiness would with all speed abolish them, for that otherwise they themselves must needs take some course, to shake off from them that burden, and recover their ancient Liberty. They had made the same complaint in the Diet at Wormes, and having presented the same Articles to the Em­peror, they prayed him to interpose his Authority. Neither did they at that time conceal those things from the Bishops, who having hitherto made no refor­mation therein, they made their application to the Pope, because as we said before, he had given them ample and generous Promises by his Legate. Now the things which they desired might be redressed, were all such as encroached upon the rights and liberties of the Princes, drained Germany of Money, and kept men under most heavy Bondage. As to the Tribute payed by the Clergy, the case in short is this, The power of the Pope daily increasing, and growing to a head, among other ways of raising Money, this also was found out, That the Bishops and other Ec­clesiastical Persons, should according to the Rate of their Benefice, pay such a Summ of Money yearly to the Pope, which was commonly called First-Fruits and Tenths: Some do ascribe this Device to Pope John XXII, and others to Boniface IX; the pretext was Specious and Popular, to wit, That there might always be a Trea­sure in readiness to be employed in the Wars against the Saracens and Turks: And because at that time the Authority of the Popes was a Sacred thing, they easily persuaded all People, the English only excepted, who for small Benefices refused to pay: Now this Law continued in Force until the Council of Basil; where, because of the many Complaints brought from several Places, concerning that, a Decree past, That no more Money should upon that account be exacted for the future; but Eugenius IV, evacuated the Decrees of that Council, as hath been said before, and the Popes who came after him, that would not part with any thing, have kept up the Custom, and would not confirm Bishops and other Clergy-men in their Liv­ings, but upon condition that they duly paid their First-Fruits and Tenths; so that the Custom is continued to this very Time, though not without much repin­ing and many Quarrels: For in the Year of our Lord 1500, when the Emperour Maximilian held an Imperial Dyet at Ausburg, among other Matters, concerning a Turkish War; it was decreed that Ambassadours should be sent to Pope Alexan­der VI, to sollicit his Aid, and that he would employ those Revenues to this Use, for which chiefly they were in times past granted: Furthermore, the Pope bestows upon the Archbishops and Metropolitans, a certain Badge of Honour and Dignity, made of Flax and Wool, which is called a Pall; but the Purchase of it costs a round Summ of Money, to be paid within three Months too, according to the Constitu­tions of the Court of Rome: Nor is it lawful for Archbishops to Consecrate any Bishop, till first they have got their Pall, which is chiefly used in saying of Mass; neither is that delivered before he who receiveth it, hath sworn Fidelity and Obe­dience to the Pope. Now the First-Fruits, we mentioned, are so called, because every new Bishop or Abbot is obliged to pay one Years Rent of his Living to the Pope. When all Debates were concluded, the Princes framed a Decree, relating in short, what had past, and what Methods had been proposed by them for Con­cord and Reconciliation, which were those we mentioned before, charging all Men, under severe Penalties to observe the same.The Acts of the Dyet of Norimberg published. This Decree was on the sixth of March, published in the Emperour's Name; for upon his Return into Spain, he had ap­pointed a Council and Judicature to govern in his Absence, as hath been said above. In this Dyet Frederick Prine Palatine represented the Emperour's Person.

About this Time two Augustine Fryers, John and Henry were apprehended at Brussels: Hogostrate a Dominican, among others, had the Examination of them: The first Question put to them was, What they believed? They made answer, That they believed the Books of the Old and New Testament, and the Apostles Creed, which contained the Articles of our Faith. Again, Whether or not the Decrees of the Councils and Fathers? Such of them as agreed with the Holy Scriptures. Whether they did not think it a Mortal Sin, to transgress the Decrees of the Fa­thers and Pope of Rome? That God's Commands alone had the Prerogative of Condemning or Absolving? Seeing they persevered herein, they were condemned to die: But they gave Thanks to God, That they were accounted worthy to suffer [Page 64] any thing for the Glory of his Name. Being brought to the Place of Execution, they moved all the Spectators by their Constancy; and were burnt the first Day of July: But before they suffered,Two Augu­stine Friers burnt at Brussels. they were degraded, as in the like Case Priests com­monly are, and that is performed in this manner; He that is condemned of Here­sie by the Ecclesiastical Judge, is cloathed in the sacred Vestments of a Priest, and hath a Chalice with Wine and Water, and also a gilt Pattin, with a Wafer, put into his hands; so being made to kneel down, the Bishop's Vicar taketh from him the things above-named one after another, commanding him at the same time never to say Mass more for the Living and the Dead. Then with a piece of Glass he scrapes his Fingers, enjoyning him never to consecrate any thing for the future; and after­wards strips him of all his Vestments, using certain Curses and Imprecations at every several action. Being thus degraded from the Order of Priesthood, he is likewise deprived of all the inferior Orders that are antecedent to it. When he is thus stripped of all his Sacerdotal Ornaments, he is cloathed in Secular Apparel, and delivered over to the Civil Magistrate; the Bishop's Vicar in the mean time inter­ceding with him, that he would not use any severity against his Persons, nor put him to Death: For this Ceremony is used, lest they who deal in holy things, should seeem to have a hand in taking away the life, or shedding the Blood of any Man.

The Decree of Norimberg being variously interpreted by many, and slighted by some; Luther wrote to the Princes, acquainting them that he had reverently and with great pleasure read it,Luther's In­terpretation of the Decree of Norimberg. and also proposed it to the Church of Wittemberg; but that through the craft and snares of the Devil, it had not the authority which it ought to have; for that there were some of the highest Quality, who both refused to obey it, and put various Constructions upon the same: Wherefore he thought fit to declare in Writing how he understood it, trusting that his Opinion was consonant to their meaning and intentions. That whereas they command the Gospel to be taught according to the Interpretations received by the Church, most Men thus understood it, That Ministers were to Preach according to the manner hitherto in use, and the Rules prescribed by Thomas Aquinas, Scotus, and Others, who have been approved by the Popes of Rome; but that he took it to be meant of the more ancient Authors, as St. Hilary, St. Cyprian, St. Austin, and the like; and that neither were those so much to be depended upon, but that the holy Scriptures ought to be preferred far before them: That he made no doubt but this was their sense; and it was to him an argument to make him believe so, that some who could not endure to hear of a true Reformation of the Church, refused to subscribe to this Edict, and suffered it not as yet to be proposed to their People. In the next place, That Bishops should appoint fit Men to be present at Sermons, and mildly admonish, if there were occasion for it: It was well decreed on their parts, but that they to whom the Charge was given, though they were willing, could not fulfil the Decree, because they wanted learned Men, and made use of those who had never learned any thing but Sophistry: That whereas also they decreed, That no more Books should be published, unless they were first approved and licensed by learned Men chosen for that purpose: He was not indeed against it; but however that he understood it so, as not at all to be extended to the Books of the Holy Scripture; for that the publishing of those could not be prohibited: That what, in the last place, they had enacted concerning Priests that married Wives, or for­sook their Order, That they should be punished according to the Canon Law, it was too hard; for if the Gospel was to be taught in purity (as they themselves confessed) then ought that Pontifical Law to be qualified. Then he goes on, and bewails the misery and obstinacy of our times, that when the Light of the Gospel shon out so clear, that Law of Single-Life was not abrogated, which gave occasion to so many grievous and scandalous Crimes: That they nevertheless who were sa­tisfied with the Punishment enjoyned by the Canon Law, were much to be recom­mended for that Moderation; but that they who clapt up in Prison and in Chains, Rack'd, Tormented, and put Priests to Death for contracting Marriage, or for­saking their Order, were greatly to be detested. Wherefore he besought the Princes, that seeing their Adversaries did not obey the Decree they had made, but boldly and licentiously opposed it; they would also pardon those, who through frailty of Nature, that they might not wound their own Consciences, or run into manifest Sin, should not exactly observe that last Clause of the same; for that it was very unreasonable that their potent Adversaries should have liberty to violate those things which they ought and might most easily observe; and that other poor Men should be punished, for transgressing a Law, which it was not in their power to [Page 65] observe, since all had not the Gift of Continence; and that Vows of Chastity were not only foolish, but contrary also to good Manners, and honest living. Afterwards he published a Book, at the desire of some, about the Ordaining of Ministers, and dedicated it to the Magistrates of Prague; to which he annexed a Treatise, wherein he proved, that the Church had the Right and Power of judging all Doctrins, and of appointing Ministers. In the first place he defined the Church to be, where­ever the purity of the Gospel was taught; but that Bishops, and such other Pre­lates, were Images, and Heads without Brains; that none of them did their duty in any Nation, or among any People, and especially in Germany. Not long after, he wrote about avoiding the Doctrins of Men; affirming nevertheless in the Preface to his Book, that he did not at all justifie those who boldly despised all Human Laws and Traditions, and in the mean time did nothing that belonged to the duty of a true Christian. Afterwards he prescribed a Form, how Mass and the Communion should be celebrated in the Church of Wittemberg, saying, That hitherto he had proceeded leisurely, because of the infirmity of many; and being satisfied only with Doctrin, had made it his aim to root out Errours and pernicious Opinions of Mens minds: But that now when many were confirmed, it was time not to suffer ungodly Rites and Ceremonies any longer in the Church; but that the purity of Doctrin should be accompanied with sincerity of Worship, without Hypocrisie or Superstition. To this Piece he subjoyned another Treatise, concerning decent and pious Ceremonies to be observed in the Church; and another of the Abomination of Private Mass, which they call the Canon; in the Preface to which, he mentions how that in his Books and Sermons having often exhorted Men to the Abrogation of the Popish Mass, he had been therefore called Seditious; but that it was an injury done unto him; for that he had never taught the People publickly to abolish false Worship by their own authority; nor had he indeed allowed that to the Magistrate, unless the Rulers of the Church should obstinately maintain Errours; and because that was a horrid Profanation of the Lord's Supper, as the more learned now acknowledged, he had therefore been at the pains to write that Piece; that the People might also understand, and that they might avoid those usual Sacrifices of the Mass, as they would the Devil himself; and to confirm what he said, he set down the whole Canon of the Mass, and shewed it to be full of Blasphemies against God.

Among the other learmed Men of Germany that favoured Luther, Vlrick Hutton dies. Vlrick Hutton, a Nobleman of Franconia, was one; who about the latter end of August this year, died in the Territory of Zurich. There are some Pieces of his extant, which shew him to have been a Man of an excellent and sharp Wit.

In the former Book we mentioned, how Luther answered Henry King of England; which when the King had read,Henry King of England's Letters of Admonition to the Dukes of Saxony. he wrote to the Princes of the House of Saxony, Duke Frederick, his Brother John, and to his Cousin George; and having made a heavy complaint of Luther, he represented to them the great dangers that his Doctrin was like to bring upon them and all Germany; and that they were not to be slighted and neglected; for that the prodigious success of the Turks, whose Cruelty spread now so far, owed its Rise to one or two profligate Wretches; and that the neighbouring Bohemia was a warning unto them, how much it concerned them to prevent an Evil in the beginning. He also admonished them not to suffer Luther to publish the New Testament in the Vulgar Tongue; for that his Artifices were now so well known, that there was no doubt to be made, but that by a bad Translation he would corrupt and pervert the purest Orignals.George Duke Saxony An­swers the King of England. To that Letter Duke George wrote a very kind Answer, bitterly inveighing against Luther also, whose Books he said, as the most pernicious of Enemies, he had prohibited in all his Territories; for that ever since he had allowed him to Dispute at Leipsick, he well perceived what he would come to at last: That it heartily grieved him also that he had writ so bit­terly against his Majesty; which Libel he had prohibited to be Sold or Read within his Dominion, having punished the Bookseller who first brought the Copy of it into his Country.

In the former Diet of Norimberg, besides Matters of Religion, the Princes took also into deliberation, how they might settle Peace and establish Judicatures; what Punishments were to be inflicted on those who obeyed not the Laws of the Empire; and how they might raise present and constant Aids against the Turk. But as to these two last Points nothing could be concluded; wherefore they were put off to another time and Diet: And because some things were enacted in that Diet, which the Cities of the Empire perceived would redound to their prejudice, they all sent [Page 66] Embassadors upon that account to the Emperor in Spain. These arriving at Valladolid, August the Sixth, and having Audience three days after, the Emperor gave them a very Gracious and Princely Answer within a few days, but withal told them, That the Pope had complained to him by Letters, of Strasburg, Norim­ber and Ausburg, as if they favoured the Doctrin of Luther: That he expected better things of them; but that however he could not pass it by in silence; that they might have a care to obey his and the Pope's Edicts, which he was consident they would do. They justified themselves, assuring his Majesty that their Cities were no ways wanting in readiness to fulfil his Will and Pleasure. In the mean time,Pope Adrian dies. September the Thirteenth, Pope Adrian dies; to whom succeeded Clement. VII, of the Family of Medices. Of all the Switzers, none but the People of Zurich followed the Doctrin of Zuinglius; most of the other Cantons vexed and mur­mured at it: And therefore in a Convention of States, held for that purpose at Berne, there were some who grievously accused Zuinglius; and to raise the greater hatred against him, affirmed, that he had been often heard to say in the Pulpit, That they who entred into a League with Foreigners, sold Blood, and fed on Mens Flesh. When upon the return of the Deputies of Zurich, Zuinglius came to know of this, he justified himself by Letter, declaring that he had not spoken so; but that in general he had said, That there were some who abhorred, as a wicked thing, the eating of Flesh, because forbidden by the Pope's Law; but thought it no Crime to sell Mens Flesh for Mony, and to destroy it with the Sword: That he had named no Nation in particular, nor was it his custom so to inveigh against his Brethren the Switzers, whom, for Country sake, he tenderly loved: That it be­hoved him necessarily to reprove Vice, which now exceedingly abounded, but that good and harmless People were no ways concerned therein. Among other things, Zuinglius preached that Images were to be removed out of Churches, and that the Mass was to be abrogated as a wicked thing. For which the Senate called another Assembly in their City; whither in the Month of October many repaired, and for three days the Disputes lasted. However the Senate, that they might do no­thing rashly, wrote to the Bishop of Constance, who had sent none to the Assembly, praying him that he would also give them his Judgment in the Matter.

Much about this time,Priests Marry at Strasburg. several Priests married Wives, both in Strasburg, and in other places also; which occasioned much Strife and Contention: For when they were accused for it, they made answer, That they had done nothing contrary to the Commands of God; and that all Men indifferently were permitted by the Law of God to Marry. The Senate of Strasburg had a long Debate about this matter with the Bishop of that City; who at length, on the Twentieth of January, cited the Priests to appear before him by a certain day, at Saverne, there to hear Sentence pronounced against them,1524. for having contracted Matrimony; whereby he said they had transgressed the Law of the Church and holy Fathers, of the Popes, Emperor and Empire, done the highest injury to their Order, and were guilty of Treason against the King of Heaven. The Priests having received this Citation, petitioned the Senate that they might make their defence, and plead their Cause before them; protesting that they were willing to suffer Death, if they were found to have done any thing against the Commandment of God. The Senate therefore again interceded with the Bishop; and that seeing they declined not a lawful Tryal, and that nothing could be attempted against them, without some dangerous Commotions, especially since others of their Order, who publickly kept their Concubines, were not punished for it: They prayed him that he would at least delay the matter till the Conclusion of the Diet which then was held at Noremberg; for that there was no doubt but there were actions of the like nature in other places also, which they had reason to expect would all be Tryed and Adjudged in that Assembly. This is the same Diet, which being prorogued to ano­ther time, as was said before, happened to meet again this year. Hither also Pope Clement sent his Legate Cardinal Campegio, and with him a very loving Brief to Frederick Duke of Saxony, dated the Thirteenth of January: Therein he tells him, that he was very glad to hear of this Diet, and that he particularly was to be present in it; for that he conceived great hopes that some things might be done there, which would tend to the welfare of Christendom; and that therefore he had sent Cardinal Campegio, a Man of great Vertue, who would inform the Princes how solicitously he was concerned for the Publick good, and discourse privately with him about the measures of setling Peace, which he earnestly exhorted him to endeavour, and to be Assistant to his Legate therein; since at that time nothing [Page 67] could be more Necessary and Laudable, nor more for the Dignity and Prosperity of all who were in Magistracy: That he bore singular Love and Affection towards Germany, which he hoped would not deviate from its Ancient Virtue, but forget­ting present Discontents and Animosities, contribute to the quieting the Disorders of Christendom: Wherefore he prayed him kindly to receive his Legate, from whom he would have a further Account of all things.

January 26 the Switzers held an Assembly at Lucern: An Assembly of the Swit­zers at Lucern. There a Decree was made, That no Man should presume to scoff at, or despise the Word of God, which had been taught for above these fourteen hundred Years, nor the Mass, wherein the Bo­dy of Christ is consecrated to his own Honour, and the Comfort of the Quick and the Dead: That all who being of Age, received the Lord's Supper, should in Lent time Confess their Sins to Priests, and perform all other things in the accustomed manner: That all the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church should be observed: That every one should obey their own Pastors, receive the Sacraments from their Hands, and pay them yearly the Money which they ought, and used to pay: That Priests should be reverenced and honoured: That no Flesh should be eaten on Days prohibited; nor Eggs and Cheese in Lent: That nothing of Luther's Doctrin against the received Practise and Custom of the Church should be publickly or privately taught: That in Taverns and Publick-houses, at Feasts and Entertainments, no mention should be made of Luther's, or any other New Doctrin: That no Indig­nity should any where be offered to the Images of Saints: That the Ministers of Churches should not be obliged to give an Account of their Doctrin to any but to the Magistrates: That in case of any Troubles or Insurrections, they should be protected and defended: That such as carried about the Relicks of the Holy Ghost, the Virgin Mary, or S. Anthony, should not be jeered nor laughed at by any: That the Laws concerning Religion, made by the Bishop of Constance, should be observed: And that they who transgressed this Decree, should be presented to the Magistrate and punished.

Before Campegius arived at Norimberg, Cardinal Cam­pegius's Letter to Frederick Duke of Saxony. Duke Frederick was gone from thence; wherefore on the last of February he wrote him a Letter, and therewith sent the Brief which he had received from the Pope: In his Letter he tells him, That it fell out very unluckily, that he could not have the Opportunity to Discourse with him; for that he had many things to impart to him in the Pope's name, which could not so conveniently be done by Letters or Messengers; and that the Affair was such, as could hardly admit of any Delay: But that since it could not be helped; after kind Salutations both from the Pope and himself, he comes to tell him, at length, That though it was a common Report, that he was a Favourer of the new He­resies that now were broaching, yet neither his Holiness nor he, could as yet be persuaded of it; for that from the very first time he had known him, he had ob­served many Noble and Excellent Virtues in him, and especially that he was De­vout in his Religion, and a most obedient Son of the Catholick and Apostolick Church: So that he would not trust the Judgments of others, nor have the former good Opinion he had of him, before he understood the Matter from himself: That within these few Years, Germany, indeed, was in a manner transformed, and had taken to it self new Rites; but that he very well knew what difference to put betwixt the Mobile and the Nobility and Princes, the Dispencers of Laws, a­mong whom he had the Preheminence both for his own Virtue atd Desert, and the Merits of his Ancestors, who had always much honoured the Church of Rome: That therefore it was the Desire and Wish of his Holiness, That in these troublesome Times, he would imitate the Examples of his Fore-fathers, and by his Carriage and Conduct, make that Virtue more Illustrious and Conspicuous: For that since Seditions and dangerous Commotions followed the Heels of one another, there was a Necessity of Fortitude and Resolution in the Magistrate; not only in dislik­ing the Licentiousness of the People, but also in severely punishing the same: That this Severity of Discipline, was the rather and the more exactly to be practi­sed in his Country; that a greater Combustion might arise there, if not timely prevented: For it was obvious enough to be understood, what they themselves were to expect, if the Reformation of the Laws and Ceremonies of the Church, were left to the Discretion of the People; and that Bohemia and Hungary were sad Instances of that, in which Places the Troubles and Seditions that were here­tofore raised for the like Causes, were not to this very present quieted, as they ought to be: That the States of Germany would be much the same, if the Rash­ness and Boldness, rather than Liberty of the People, were not repressed: That [Page 68] they who wantonly contemned the Laws and Constitutions of the Church and Church Men, would without doubt, at length, attempt upon the Civil Magistrates also, whom otherwise they had no great Kindness for: That some took delight to see the Prelates of the Church, and the Court of Rome so tossed and despised; But in the mean time considered not, in how great Danger they were themselves: But that the Pope, who as the Pilot of a Ship, sat aloft to watch and look carefully out, foresaw this approaching Storm, and had therefore sent him as his Legate, to fore­warn all the Princes, and himself in particular, of their Danger, and to stir them up to the suppressing of those Disorders, which threatned not so much the City of Rome, as Germany it self, with Ruine: That for the same Cause he had received Letters from him and Injunctions, to treat with his Highness about all these things, that so Peace and Tranquility might be restored to Germany: For that he was sent for this Purpose, that he might raise up those that were fallen, and receive Peni­tents again into Favour; and that though he was not altogether so fit for these things, yet trusting to his Highnesses Favour, he resolved to set about them with all Diligence: That since then, he had undertaken so painful and tedious a Jour­ney, wholly upon that Design, he prayed his Highness, That he would be pleased to favour and assist him, and send him a speedy Answer, what he thought best to be done; and that for his own part, he would be ready to do any thing for his High­nesses sake.

He made afterwards a Speech in the Colledge of the Princes,Campegius's Speech to the Princes of the Empire. and having pre­mised some Apologies for himself; told them, That no Man could be found at Rome, who was willing to undertake that Legation; but that, at length, he had been charged therewith, who owed all his Fortune and Promotion to the Germans: That he had Instructions to treat of two things chiefly, to wit, of Religion, and the Turkish War: And that in the first place, he did, indeed, very much wonder, That so many great and honourable Princes, should bear with this Change of Do­ctrine, and suffer the Religion, Rites and Ceremonies, wherein they were born and bred, and their Fathers and Progenitors died, to be thus abolished and trampled upon at the Humour and Persuasion of a few Men; without considering with them­selves, What would be the End and Event of such an Innovation; which certain­ly, if it were not timely prevented, could not but produce most dreadful Troubles, and the Rebellion of Subjects against their Magistrates: That his Holiness having ground to fear these things, had sent him as his Legate, to joyn with them in devi­sing of Means to Remedy this Evil; not that he would prescribe to them, or de­mand any thing of them; but only assist with his Counsel, and apply some healing Medicine to the publick Sore: That if they refused the good Offices of the Pope, who as a kind Father and dutiful Pastor, wished well to his Children and Flock, the Blame could not be hereafter laid at his Door. That as to the Turk, he did not deny, but that all the Money which had been raised and carried to Rome for these Wars, had not been employed that way; but that therefore the Publick ought not to be neglected in these Calamitous Times: That no Man was ignorant of the Mis­chiefs that most cruel Enemy had done; that the thing it self spoke, and it was plain to be seen by all Men; how that through the Security and Slothfulness of the Christians, he had lately taken Rhodes, and the chief Strength of Hungary, and had now opened to himself a Way to advance whithersoever he pleased: That the Knights of Rhodes had, indeed, endured a long Siege, till being destitute of all things necessary, and no Relief sent them, they had been fored to surrender: That the like was the Fortune of Hungary, which if wholly subdued, and brought under Subjection to him, it was to be feared, would become a more terrible Enemy to Christendom, than the Turks themselves were: But that after all, it was his Opinion, That unless the Differences about Religion were once removed, the Affairs of State could never prosper.

To these things the Princes made Answer;The Princes Answer to the Pope's Legate. That they thanked him for the Good-will he bore towards Germany, and were very glad that the Pope had employed him in that Legation: That they would chuse some of their Number, with whom he might treat, and communicate his Thoughts to: That however, they supposed, he had Instructions and Orders of Proceeding, prescribed to him by his Holiness, and the Colledge of Cardinals, who were acquainted with the whole State of Affairs; wherefore it was their Desire to hear what Counsel he had to give them: That they very well understood, and saw the Danger, which that Change of Religion threatned them with; and that therefore, when the Year before, there was ano­ther Legate from the Pope there, they had proposed a Way and Method for Accom­modating [Page 69] the Affair: That they had also given to the same Legate their Demands to the Pope, in Writing, to be by him delivered unto his Holiness; which he pro­mised to do accordingly: That, therefore, if he had any Instructions in relation thereunto, they prayed him to declare them, that so they might have surer Grounds to proceed on: That the Turkish Affairs were, indeed, such as he had described them to be, which was no small Grief unto them: But that that Difficult and most Important War concerned not the Empire alone, but also all the Kings and Prin­ces of Christendom; for that unless they would be at Peace among themselves, and contribute their Aid and Assistances, no lasting Measures could be taken: That nevertheless, since the Turk was making vast Preparations both by Sea and Land, they desired also to know his Judgment as to that matter.

Hereunto, the Legate replyed,The Legates Reply. That whether or not any Method, for compo­sing the Differences of Religion, had been proposed by them, or delivered to the Pope and Colledge of Cardinals, he knew nothing at all of it: That his Holiness was in a Disposition of doing any thing that was convenient, and had given him full Power and Commission to act; but that it belonged to them who knew the Men, and the Customs and Condition of the Country, to find out a Way, that might lead to the desired End. That in the Dyet of Wormes, the Emperour, with their unanimous Consent, had made and published a Decree, which was renewed again last Year; and that then it was judged convenient, that it should take place all over Germany; but that nevertheless, some had obeyed it, and some not: That now he was ignorant of the Reason of that, and why there should be so great a Diversity and Incongruity in the Empire: That therefore it was his Opinion, That before any thing should be decreed, they would consider how it was to be executed: That he was not come thither to blow the Coals of Strife and Dissention, (as some said) but that all the Popes Thoughts and his tended to Unity, Peace and Concord, that those who had erred and gone astray, might be reduced into the right way, and that the Decrees of Councils, and the Edicts of the Emperour and States might be observed: That as to their Demands, whether they were made to be sent to Rome or not, he could not tell: That there had been only three Copies of them brought privately to Rome, whereof one had fallen into his Hands; but that the Pope and Colledge of Cardinals could not be persuaded that they had been framed by the Princes; but thought that some private Persons rather had published them in hatred to the Court of Rome; And that he had no Instructions, as to that Particular: That however, he was not to be so understood, as if he had not full Power and Commission to act in that Affair; but that there were many things in these Demands, which did both derogate from the Pope's Authority, and savoured also of Heresie, which he could not meddle in: But that for those other Matters, which did not intrench upon the Pope, and were grounded on Justice, he did not refuse to treat of them: That nevertheless, he thought, That what they had to say to the Pope, might have been more modestly propounded: That the Spaniards had lately done so, who having sent Ambassadours to Rome, respect­fully represented their Grievances: But that to Print and disperse them among the People, seemed to him to be a little too much; though there was no Doubt to be made, but that the Pope would do any thing for the sake of Germany: That his Holiness was not ignorant neither of the great Power of the Turk, and of his Pre­parations in this time of War, and thought that Peace and Concord among Chri­stian Princes was at present absolutely necessary; for effecting whereof he would use his utmost Endeavours: That he had also great Summs of Money in Readi­ness, and made it his Business to raise more, which he designed wholly for this War; but that it was their Part, because of the Neighbourhood of Hungary, to assist the young Prince, who was related to them, both in Blood and Affinity: That the Pope would also supply him with Money, and had laboured from his first Entry into the Pontificate, that having made Peace betwixt the Emperour, the Kings of England and France, the Turkish War might be prosecuted with united Forces: That as the chief Pastor, he made Peace his chief Care and Study; but that if the Sheep would not follow the Voice of the Shepherd, he could do no more: That for the same Cause, he had been sent Legate into Germany; and that if all the Pains he had taken, must be in vain, his Holiness and he both, must bear it patiently, and commit the whole matter to God's Providence.The Cantons of Switzerland expostulate with those of Zurich about Religion.

In Switzerland, the Animosities and Clashings about Religion increased daily, and the rest of the Cantons, by their Ambassadours, made their Lamentation to those of Zurich; That in times past, all things were Quiet, and no Contention [Page 70] about Religion; but that now some rash, hot-headeded Men, had troubled that lovely Peace and Tranquility both of Church and State, and sowed among them the Seeds of Discord: That it had been well done, to have remedied this growing Evil in the beginning, and in imitation of their Ancestors, vindicated the Glory and Honour of Almighty God, the Virgin Mary, and other Saints, and therein have spent their Lives and Fortunes; and that now also the State of the Times re­quired the same chiefly at their Hands; for that otherwise the Disorder would bring upon them all, unavoidable Ruine, besides the Loss of their own Souls: That the Fruits of Luther's new Doctrine, began now sufficiently to appear: That the Rable and Mobile would hardly now be restrained: That they behaved themselves Insolently and Sawcily, grew Stubborn and Unruly, and seemed ripe for Rebellion, as they had plainly enough intimated of late: That the Contagion of this Evil had been conveighed to them by means of Zuinglius and Leo Jude, who so taught the Word of God, which ought to bring Peace and Concord with it, and inter­preted it according to their own Fancy, that they opened all ways to Broils and Dissentions: And that though they were not certain what their Doctrin was, yet they had daily Experience of the Abuses which attended it: That on Days pro­hibited by the Church, Men did eat Flesh and Egs without any distinction: That Priests, and the Religious of both Sexes, breaking their Vows, forsook their Pro­fession and Orders, and married: That the Service and Worship of God was whol­ly laid aside: That there was no more Singing nor Prayers now in Churches; Priests were Dishonoured, Monasteries Dissolved, Confession and Penance neglect­ed; so that some, without any regard to these, stood not in awe to come and re­ceive the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper: That Mass was railed at, the Virgin Mary and other Saints reviled, Pictures and Images pulled down, torn and bro­ken, no Reverence nor Honour shewn to the Sacraments of the Church; and that Licentiousness and Impurity was now grown to such a height, That the most Holy Host, that Unleavened Bread which represents the Body of Christ, was scarcely safe in the Priest's Hands. That these were matters of such moment, as justly de­served to be bewailed: That, for their parts, they could no longer endure them, especially, seeing lately in their last Convention, some of the Clergy, their Confe­derates, had by a common and publick Deputation, implored their Aid. That these things being so, they prayed them, To leave their new Doctrine, and conti­nue in the ancient Religion of their Fore-fathers: But that if they thought them­selves in any thing agrieved and oppressed by the Pope, and those that depended on him, as Cardinals, Bishops, Prelates, and the like, for that they invaded, sold or exchanged Church-Livings, or that they usurped to themselves too great a Juris­diction, and applyed that Power, which ought only to be exercised in Spiritual, to Civil and Temporal Affairs; That if these and many other things of that kind, were burthen some and uneasie unto them, they were not against the having of them reformed; for that they themselves were extreamly displeased thereat, and would willingly consult with them, how they might cast off that Burthen.

On the one and twentieth day of March, The Answer of the Senate of Zurich. the Senat of Zurich gave their Answer; That for these five Years now past, their Ministers had preached the Gospel among them; which in the beginning seemed to them to be a new kind of Doctrin indeed, because they had not heard the like before; but that when they came to under­stand that the scope and end of it, was only to shew, That the only Author and Fi­nisher of Man's Salvation, was Jesus Christ, who shed his precious Blood, and laid down his Life for the Sins of the World, and alone delivered wretched Men from Eternal Death, being the only Mediator betwixt God and Man; they could not but with servent Desires imbrace such glad Tydings: That great had been the Harmo­ny and Consent which was in ancient Times among the Apostles, and those, who in the Ages after them embraced the Doctrine of Christ; which they hoped would be new also among all, who applyed their Minds to it, rejecting Human Traditi­ons, that had no Ground in the Word of God: That if Luther, or any Man else taught so, it was well done; and yet his Name ought not to be objected to any, as if they believed the Doctrine only because he taught it; for that that was a ma­licious Aspersion, and reproachful to the Word of God: That, moreover, though they adored Christ alone, and had their recourse to him, yet did they not there­fore offer any Injury either to the Virgin Mary or the other Saints; for that all these when they were upon Earth, expected Salvation only through the Name of Christ: That there was now such a Light revealed, that most People within their City di­ligently searched and read the Scriptures; nor could the Ministers of the Church [Page 71] wrest the Scripture, which all Men had in their Hands; so that Schism and Heresie ought not to be objected to them, but might be justly imputed to those, who for worldly Gain, Pomp and Honour, turned the Word of God to what Sense they pleased: That they were charged with Errour, indeed, but that it could not be made out; that the Bishops of Constance, Basil and Coyre, and some Universities also, had been several times desired to do it, but nothing of that kind had been hi­therto performed: That besides, to their last Assembly, none came from the Bi­shops, nor from them neither, except some from Schafheusen and San Gall; that they, who were then present, having diligently considered the matter, agreed in Opinion with them: That as to what the Bishops said, That it was not lawful for them to make the Scriptures so common, it was unreasonable; for it being their Duty to take heed that the Sheep should not go astray, it was but just that they should bring into the Way such as were out of it; but that seeing they did not do it, and referred all things to the Fathers and Councils, they were resolved to hear­ken not to what Men decreed, but to what Christ commanded: That their Teach­ers and Ministers gave no Cause to Divisions in the State; but that that Fault lay at their Doors, who for their own Profit and Advantage taught Doctrins contrary to the Word of God, for that they were those who led Men into Errour, and grievously offended God, who was therefore provoked to punish that Boldness with various Calamities: That all that Difference and Dissension proceeded from their Covetousness, who were afraid to lose any of their Profits: But that if these Men followed the true Doctrin, and made it their Task, to enquire what God's Will was, and not what Men willed; there was no doubt, but that they would cast off all Lust, Pride and Avarice, and apply themselves to the Study of Peace and Con­cord: That many Vices, unknown in former Ages, had now overspread the World, which the Ministers of their City freely reproved, exhorting Men to the Fear of God; but that if most People were not reformed by their Sermons, and did not bring forth Fruit worthy of that Doctrin, it was not the Fault of the Seed sown, but of the Ground that received it: That it was plainly to be seen, That the Peo­ple within their Territories, did not live in that Rioting and Intemperance, which reigned every where else; and that particularly the Men of their Country followed not, as heretofore, Foreign and Mercenary Wars, which doubtless cherished and fomented many Vices: That as to the eating of Flesh and Egs, though it might be lawfully done, and was not prohibited by Christ, yet they had made a Law to re­strain the rashness of the People, who might thereby give Offence: That God was the Author of Marriage, who allowed it to all: That S. Paul also enjoyned, That a Minister of the Church should be the Husband of one Wife; and that seeng Bishops for a little Money, gave Priests leave to keep Concubines, a thing of foul Exam­ple, and that they neither could nor would be without Women; they thought it not good to resist God, who instituted Matrimony: That the Case was the same with the Women, who are said to have vowed Chastity; for they lookt upon that kind of Obligation and Vow not to be pleasing to God; and that since all People had not the Gift of Continence, it was, in their Judgment, far better for them to marry, than to live in impure Celibacy: That Convents and Colledges of Regu­lars, were heretofore instituted for the Poor and Needy; but that now these Reve­nues were for the most part enjoyed by those, who had enough of their own besides to live on: Nor was it reasonable that one Man should possess alone what was sufficient for the Subsistence of many: That therefore it seemed just to them, that these Goods should be again converted to the use of the Poor; where­in, nevertheless, they used that Moderation, that the present Possessors should enjoy them during Life, that no Man might have cause to complain: That the Ornaments of Churches belonged not to the true Worship of God, but that God was exceeding well pleased, when the Necessities of the Poor were relieved: That Christ commanded the Rich Young Man, in the Gospel, Not to hang up his Wealth in Churches for a shew, but to sell all his Goods, and give unto the Poor: That they did not despise, but highly esteemed the Order of Priesthood, when Priests did their Duty, and taught the People aright; but for the rest of the Rabble, that did no publick Good, but rather Harm, if by little and little they were diminished without giving Scandal, and their Possessions converted to pious Uses, they made no doubt but that it would be very acceptable Service to God: That it was to be questioned, Whether their Singing and Prayers were pleasing to God or not; for that most of them understood not what they said, and besides were hired to do it: That what tacit and Auricular Confession, which muttered [Page 70] [...] [Page 71] [...] [Page 72] over Sins, was good for, they would not undertake to determine; but that they reckoned the other, whereby true Penitents confessed their Sins to Christ, their Mediator, to be not only profitable, but necessary also to Consciences troubled, and born down under the Pressure of Sin: That that usual way of Satisfaction, which was very gainful to the Priests, was both Erroneous and Impious; that this was truly to Repent and make Satisfaction, when men reformed their Lives: That the Orders of Monks was a Human Invention, and no Ordinance of Gods: That they highly Reverenced and Honoured the Sacraments, which had God for their Author, and would not suffer any Man to despise them; but that they were to be used according to the Word of God, and Divine Institution, and the Lord's Sup­per not so to be applyed, as if it were an Oblation or Sacrifice: That if the Cler­gy, who lately sent Deputies to complain, could prove that they had molested them, or that they were guilty of any Errour; they did not refuse to make them Satisfaction: But if otherwise, that it seemed reasonable to them, that they should be enjoyned to do their Duty; that's to say, Teach the Truth, and to abstain from standering of others; that they had been extreamly glad to hear from them, that they were desirous to be delivered from the Rapine, Extortions and immode­rate Power of the Pope and his Dependents; but that there was no better way of accomplishing that, than to follow in all things the Word of God; for that so long as their Laws and Decrees should be in force, there was no Deliverance to be ex­pected; but that the preaching of the Word of God was the only means to shake all their Power and Dignity: That they were sensible enough of the great Force and Efficacy of the Gospel, and of the Truth; and because they distrusted their own Strength, therefore they had recourse to Kings and Princes for Aid: That if in this Particular the Assistance of Scripture was to be made use of, the thing it self required, That the same should be also done in other matters, and that all things whereby God was offended should be abolished; that for the Reformation of all these Abuses, they would freely bestow not only their Labour and Counsils, but their Estates and Fortunes also; for that it was a thing, which ought to have been done long since: That therefore they prayed them to take in good part what they had said, and seriously reflect upon the same; that for their parts, they de­sired nothing more earnestly, than that all might live in Peace: That, in like man­mer, they would do nothing contrary to the Articles and Conditions of the League; but that in this Cause, which concerned their Eternal Salvation, they could not do otherwise than they did, unless they were convinced of their Errour: That there­fore, as they had lately, so again they earnestly desired them, if they thought their Doctrin to be repugnant to Holy Scripture, that they would make it so appear to them, within a certain time, to wit, before the End of May; for till then they would expect an Answer from them, and from the Bishops, and from the Univer­sity of Basil.

In the mean time the Bishop of Constance having held a Synod,The Bishop of Constance's Book to those of Zurich. made Answer to those of Zurick, in a little Book composed for that purpose; wherein he treats of Idols and graven Images, what they were of old; how the Jews and Gentiles wor­shipped them; why the Church received Images and Pictures, what time they were first introduced, wherein the Idols of the Jews and Gentiles differed from the Images of Christians, and concludes; that when the Scripture speaks of putting away graven Images, it was only to be understood of the Idols of the Jews and Gen­ttiles, and that therefore, the Images received by the Christian Church, were still to be retained. In the next place, he handled the Mass, and alledging many testi­monies of Popes and Councils, endeavours to prove it to be an Oblation and Sacri­fice. This Book which was pretty long, he sent to the Senate about the begin­ning of June, and seriously exhorted them not to suffer Images to be removed, the Mass abolished, nor the people to be any otherwise taught. He caused the Book to be afterwards Printed, and sent it about, and among others, to the Canons of Zu­rick; giving for his Reasons, that though it had been written for the private use of the Senate, who craved it of him, yet because he had heard that questions and ani­mosities did arise in other places also upon the same account, he was willing to make but one business of it, and to consult the interest of the rest also; that there­fore he advised them to follow the received custom of the Church, and not to be persuaded by any mans Reasons to the contrary.Their An­swer to it. The Senate replied to this, Au­gust the eighteenth, that they had carefully read the Book over and over again, and were extremely glad that he had published it; for that so it would appear which of the two maintained the better Cause: Then they tell what was the opinion of their [Page 73] Doctors and Learned men, and confute his Arguments by Scripture: But before they wrote back unto him,Images abo­lished at Zurich. the Senate had already commanded that all Images both within the City, and in all other places also within their Jurisdiction, should be pulled down and burnt, but all without tumult: This was done on the fifteenth of June, and some months after, the Canons treated and came to a composition with the Senate, who both together agreed upon a way how the goods and revenues of the College should be disposed of.

The Emperor sent John Haunart to the Diet of Norimberg, before mentioned, to complain that the Decree of Wormes, which was made with their unanimous advice and consent, had been to the great prejudice of Germany, infringed, and to com­mand that it should be carefully observed for the future: To which the Princes Answered, That they would observe it, as far as they could. At length, April the eighteenth, it was Decreed, That with the Emperors consent, the Pope should, with all convenient speed,The Recess or Decree of the Dyet of No­rimberg. call a free Council in some proper place in Germany; that November the eleventh, the States should assemble again at Spire, to consult what was to be followed, until the Council should commence; and that the Princes in their several Provinces, should appoint some pious and learned men, to collect out of the Books of Luther and others, all disputable points, to be presented to the Princes in the next Diet, that they might proceed more orderly, when they should come to be examined in Council: Furthermore, that the Magistrates should take special care that the Gospel should be purely and soberly taught, according to the sense and interpretation of Expositors approved by the Church; that no infamous Libels and Pictures should any more be published; and lastly, that those things wherewith the Princes had lately charged the Court of Rome and the Clergy, should be treated of and discussed in the next Diet of Spire. As concerning the Council Campe­gius promised to make a Report to the Pope, as the Princes at this Dyet had desired him; who were Lewis Prince Palatine, William and Lewis Dukes of Bavaria, Frederick Prince Palatine, Casimire Marquess of Brandenburg, the Bishops of Treves, Bamberg, Wurtzburg, Trent and Brixen, and Albert of Brandenburg, Master of Prusia.

You have heard before what the Senate of Strasburg offered to their Bishop,The Bishop Strasburg's Complaint to Cardinal Cam­pegius. con­cerning the Priests, whom he had cited to appear before him at Savern: But they not appearing at the Day, he wrote to the Legate Campegius, complaining, That he was hindered by the Senate, in the execution of his Jurisdiction; so that he could not punish those who contrary to the Sacred Canons, had married Wives: And be­sides that, contrary to the Pontifical Constitutions, the Senate made Priests Free-men of the City. Thomas Murner, a Franciscan Fryer, went at that time from Strasburg to Norimberg, and made a grievous Complaint of the Senate to the Car­dinal:The Senate's Justification. But the Deputies of the Republick that were sent to the Dyet, hearing of the Bishop's Complaint, went to the Legate to purge themselves, and justifie the Se­nate, who, they said, had not hitherto, nor were they yet purposed to be any Lett or Hindrance to the Bishop; but on the contrary, that they had expresly sig­nified to him by Letters, That if he had any Action against married Priests, ground­ed on the Law of God, he might freely put it into Execution; and that he would be assistant to him therein: That however, the Senate took it ill, that the Bishop should flinch from his Agreement; for that it had been stipulated, That when he had any Action against a Clergy-man, he should try it before his City-Official: but that without any regard to this Agreement, he had cited the Defendants to ap­pear out of the City; and that when in their own Defence, they pleaded the Ar­ticles of the Compact, and did not appear, they had been condemned without a Hearing: That if the Senate should now suffer any Sentence to be executed against them, whilst they appealed to Law and Equity, there was no doubt, but that it would occasion a Tumult and Uproar among the People: That as to their making Priests Free-men of the City, it had been an ancient Custom so to do; that the Senate al­so had not long since been desired by the Bishop, to take the Clergy into their Pro­tection,Campegius's Plea with the Deputies of Strasburg. and that that was the usual way of doing it. To these things the Legate made answer, That having read the Bishop's Letter, and the state of the Case which he had sent him, he found that their being cited to appear without the City, was not contrary to the Order and Course of Law, and that the Bishop had the same Power that his Vicar had; that therefore he prayed, That the Senate would assist the Bishop in punishing them. After a great deal of Discourse, wherein the De­puties maintained that Justice was to be administred in the Capital City; they fur­thermore told the Legate, That the greatest part of the Clergy of Strasburg gave very bad Example by their lewd and scandalous Lives, keeping Concubines in their [Page 74] Houses, to the great offence of the People, which was altogether connived at, and no Man as yet punished by the Bishop for the same: That if now, the Se­nate should suffer him to punish those who observed not the Pope's Law, whilst they who broke the Law of God, had liberty to Whore, and give all the bad Ex­amples of a most filthy and vicious Life; who would doubt but that they would thereby expose themselves to a great deal of Danger? To this he replyed, That he knew not what Agreements there were betwixt them; but that the Crime of those Men was notorious, and needed not any great Tryal at Law; since they were, ipso facto, excommunicated: That therefore, the Bishop was to be assisted: That the Whoredom and dishonest Lives of other Men, did not excuse their Crime: That they who lived so did very ill, and that the Bishop neglected his Duty in conniving at them: That he knew it to be a received Custom in Germany, That the Bishops for Money allowed Fornication to the Priests; for which they were to render an account some time or other; but that it was not Lawful therefore, for those to marry: And that it was a far greater Sin for Priests to have Wives, than to keep several Concubines; for that the one were persuaded that they did right, and the other knew and confessed that what they did was sinful: That all Men had not the Continence of S. John Baptist; and that no Instance could be given, That it was lawful for them to forsake Single Life; no not among the Greeks, who in Rites differed from the Church of Rome: That therefore, he again intreated them to aid and assist the Bishop. To these things the Deputies said, That if the Bishop would begin, and punish the Whoring Priests first, then the Senate could much more con­veniently assist him afterwards in any lawful Proceeding against the others. But he again urged, That they should first assist their Bishop, and if he punished not the Fornicators, that he would come in Person, and see it done, as they several­ly deserved.

After the Diet of Norimberg, The Resolu­tion of some Catholicks at Ratisbone. and Archduke Ferdinand, Campegio Archbishop of Salisburg, the Dukes of Bavaria, the Bishops of Trent and Ratisbone, with the Depu­ties of the Bishops of Bamberg, Spire, Strasburg, Ausburg, Constance, Basil, Freisingen, Passaw and Brixen, met at Ratisbone, and on the Sixth of July, came to this Resolution: That whereas the Emperor, in compliance with the Opinion and Desire of Pope Leo X, had by a publick Decree, at Wormes, condemned the Doctrin of Luther as impious and erroneous; and that whereas it had been decreed both in the former and last Diets of Norimberg, That all should obey it, as much as lay in their power. They therefore, at the Suit of Cardinal Campegio, who had full Power and Commission from the Pope in that Affair, did will and command, that that Edict, and the De­crees lately made in the Diet, should be observed throughout all their Dominions and Jurisdictions: That the Gospel and all other Scriptures should be taught in Churches, according to the Interpretation of Antients, who were conspicuous for purity of Life, and confirmed their Doctrin by Sufferings and Martyrdom: That all who taught old Heresies, or any thing else that was reproachful to Christ, his Mother, or the Saints, or which tended to Sedition, should be punished according to the Tenor of the Edict: That no Man should be admitted to Preach, without a Licence from the Bishop: That they who Preach'd already, should be Examin'd, and that no Place should be given to private and clandestine Sermons: That the Ecclesiastical Regulations made by Campegio, with common consent, against Vice, and for reforming of Manners, when once they were published, should be ob­served: That [...] Alterations should be made in the Sacraments, Mass, and other Rites of Worship, but all things done as formerly, in the times of their Ancestors: That they who without Confession and Absolution, received the Lord's Supper; they who on days prohibited, did eat Flesh and other forbidden Meats; all Monks and Nuns who forsook their Order; and all Priests, Deacons and Subdeacons that Married, should be severely punished: That nothing should be Printed with­out the Magistrates leave; but especially, that none of the Books of Luther and his Adherents should be Published or Sold: That those within their Dominions who studied at Wittemberg, should within three Months after they had notice of this Decree, return home, or go some where else, where Luther's poysonous Doctrin had not reached: That they who were disobedient herein, should be deprived of all their Benefices, and lose their Inheritance: That they who con­tinued in that University, should be incapable of any Church-Living, or of the Privileges of Teaching Youth. And that for the more effectual putting these things in execution, some fit Men should be commissioned, to make diligent enquiry into all Matters, and therein assist the Governors of Places: That the guilty should be [Page 75] committed to Prison, and punished according to their Deservings: That they who should be proscribed and banished, should have no place of refuge within their Terri­tories: And that if any Stirs or Insurrections happened within any of their Limits, by reason of this Decree, that they should mutually help and assist one another; but so, that it should be no derogation to any League that they might have with others.The Regula­tions for Re­formation of the Clergy. Moreover, because, as they said, the vicious Lives of the Priests had given cause to Luther's Heresie, by the Advice of the Legate Campegio, they made these following Laws, for Reformation of the Clergy: That they should live Ver­tuously, be cloathed Decently, not Traffick, avoid Taverns and Publick-Houses, not be Covetous, nor extort Money for administration of holy Things: That such as kept Concubines should be turned out of Place: And that the number of Holy­days should be moderated. Campegio had a great mind to have had these things enacted in the Diet of the Empire; but seeing he could not accomplish that, by reason of the aversion that some had to Popery he held this separate Con­vention.

When Luther understood that the Emperor and most part of the Princes urged the execution of the Decree of Wormes, Luther's Ad­monition to the Princes of Germany. he bewailed the state of Germany, which being so often admonished, neglected its own Interest: He expostulated also with the Princes themselves, that being so palpably and grossly cheated by the Popes of Rome, they should so zealously maintain their Dignity, and attempt the Destruction of him a single Man, who wish'd their Welfare and Prosperity: Wherefore in regard of their high Ingratitude, and inexcusable Obstinacy, he said there was a dreadful Tempest hanging over Germany: He admonished them also not to be rash in engaging in a War, or contributing Money against the Turk, who in Counsel and Moderation far exceeded our Princes: That while our Lives and Manners were such, there was no Victory to be expected: That it was a very ridiculous and absurd thing, for the Emperor, who could not add a minutes time to his own Life, to call himself Defender of the Faith and Church: That the King of England was guilty of the like boldness, in taking to himself the same Title: But that he prayed God to set such Magistrates over his People, as might prove zealous in promoting the Glory of his Divine Majesty.

The Pope sent the Golden Rose,The Pope sends a Gol­den Rose to the King of England. Erasmus his Book of Free-will. which he had lately consecrated; as the Custom is, three Weeks before Easter, to Henry King of England, as a certain Pledge, in token of his singular Good-will and favour towards him.

At this very time came forth a Treatise, written by Erasmus, concerning Free-will; which Luther afterwards answered in a Book, entituled, de Servo Arbitrio, or Bond-will. The King of England and Cardinal of York put Erasmus upon the hand­ling of that Subject, as he himself acknowledges, in a Letter to the Cardinal, which is printed. Now also, Anthony Duke of Lorrain, ordered by Proclamation, That since Luther's Doctrin was condemned by the Pope and Emperour, and by the most famous Universities, none of his Subjects should in their Sermons teach any such Doctrin; that they also who had any of Luther's Books, should bring them in by a Day prefixt, or otherwise incur a Penalty by him appointed.

This Year Henry of Zutphen, Henry of Zut­phen suffers. was for preaching the Gospel, put to a sad and painful Death at Dietmarsh, upon the Borders of Germany; he had gone thither upon a Call, after he had preached two Yers at Bremen.

We told you before of a Dyet that in November was to be held at Spire; but that Design was altered, and when the Emperour knew of the Decree which ap­pointed it, he wrote from Spain to the States of the Empire on the thirteenth of July, and blamed them very much for so doing: For that since some Years be­fore, he had with the Advice and Consent of all the States, in the Dyet of Wormes, solemnly condemned the Doctrin of Luther as pestilent and Heretical, and had commanded his Books, which upon due examination, had been condemned by the Pope, to be burnt; he could not, he said, but think it very strange, and be trou­bled, that they should only prohibit Scandalous Books and Pictures to be sold; as if the Edict of Wormes had been illegally made: That he was also somewhat more troubled, that they should both desire to have a Council in Germany, and also make address to the Legate Campegius, to write to the Pope about it, as if that did not concern the Pope or him, more than them; for if they thought it so much for the Interest of Germany to have a Council, why did they not make their Application to him, that he might obtain it from the Pope? That now, though he was sensible, how much that Decree of theirs entrenched both upon the Pope's Authority and his own; yet considering with himself, That the Course proposed [Page 76] might be profitable and advantagious to the Publick, he therefore, approved of a Council also, but conditionally, That it were called by the Pope's Authority, and held in Time and Place convenient, so that he himself might be present thereat, as he was fully resolved to be: But, that they had appointed another Dyet to be­gin the eleventh of November, wherein they resolved to adjust matters of Religion, until the sitting of the Council: That they had also appointed some learned Divines to collect and judge of the chief Points of Doctrin, he could by no means, nor would he consent to it; but as by Duty he was obliged, being Protector and De­fender of the Roman Church, he utterly disapproved that Decree, left he should of­fend both God and the Pope: For what could be more Reproachful to the Church of Christ, than to see the Reverence which was done to the Supreme Power thus prostituted? to see Germany, which had been ever celebrated above all other Nations for Piety and Obedience, alone to attempt so weighty an Affair, as no Princes, no not the Pope himself durst undertake; which was to renounce and abolish that Religion, which had so long flourished in the Christian World; from which Religion no Man ever made defection, but he felt the heavy Hand of God punishing him for his Crime? That Luther, indeed, now opposed it, and by alluring Words and crafty Insinuations, seduced Men into Snares, and made himself Popular; just so as Ma­homet formerly had done; who by his Doctrin wrought more Mischief to Chri­stendom, than any armed Force could ever have done; but that when Errours of that Nature, under a Colour of Truth, once made an Impression upon the Minds of Men, it was not easie to efface it again: That he prayed God, to look favour­ably upon Germany, and not to suffer so great a Calamity to overspread it during his Life. That therefore they should obey the Edict of Wormes, unless they would smart for it, and not to meddle in Controversies about Religion, till the Pope and he, who were their chief Magistrates, should think fit to call a Council. To the same purpose also, he wrote privately to some of the States, and among others to the Senate of Strasburg, so that that Decree for a future Dyet, was vacated; for the Emperour being ingaged in a War with France, endeavoured by all means to gain the Pope.

This Summer Charles Duke of Bourbonne, The Duke of Bourbonne Be­sieges Mar­seilles. Constable of France, who the Year be­fore, partly of himself, and partly at the Emperour's Sollicitation, had revolted, besieged Marseilles; but in vain: Upon his Retreat from thence into Italy, the King pursued him in great haste, and having seized most of the Places in Lumbardy, and taken the City of Milan it self, towards Winter he laid Siege to Pavia, a Town upon the River Tesino.

In the Month of November the Boors of Schwabenland began to rise against their Lord,An Insurre­ction of the Boors. the Count of Lupsie, pretending to be overcharged by him. The same did afterwards some of their Neighbours also, against their several Magistrates; so that the Council of the Empire, which, as we said, managed the Government in the Emperour's absence, and sate then at Esling, were obliged to send Commission­ers to compose some Controversies: However, this Tumult ceased not, for all that, as we shall shew hereafter, but was the beginning of an extraordinary and dangerous Commotion, which in process of time imbroiled a great part of Germany.

As Luther's Doctrin began more and more to spread,Complaints of the Popish Clergy a­gainst the Se­nate of Stras­burg. so the Clergy bestirred themselves more vigorously to oppose it, finding that their Goods and Fortunes lay at stake: And some of the Church-men of Strasburg, made a heavy Complaint to the Council of the Empire, That the Senate did many ways invade and in­fringe their Liberties and Priviledges, that they promoted married Priests and Monks, as Capito, Bucer, and others, to Churches: That they received the Sacra­ment of the Lord's Supper in both Kinds,1525. and that they had in a tumultary man­ner cast the Images out of their Churches. Wherefore Frederick Prince Palatine, and Philip Marquess of Baden, two of the chief of the Council of the Empire, which then was at Esling, wrote to the Senate of Strasburg, in the Month of January, admonishing them to desist, and to restore all things as they were before.

Some of the Switzers, as particularly they of Schafhausen and Basil, Oecolampadius preaches at Basil. where John Oecolampadius preached, began by little and little to relent in their spight against the Zurichers; but the rest, especially Lucerne, Vri, Switz, Vnderwaldt, Zug and Friburg could by no means be appeased. And when the Governor of Turegie, to which Country Zurich adjoyns,A Tumult at Zurich. was carrying off a Priest whom he had apprehended in the Night-time, he called out for help, and presently raised a Tumult of the [Page 77] People, as is usual in such cases; so that the Allarm flying into the Country, all were presently in Arms. The Zurichers alledged that this was an injury done unto them, because the Man had been taken within their Jurisdiction: And having received many other Affronts besides, on the Fourth of January they wrote to all their Confederates and Allies to this effect; Christ, say they, commands, That if one smite us on one Cheek, we should turn up to him the other. In obedience to this Doctrin, we have indeed suffered many things, and that patiently too: But now that there is no end nor measure of Wrongs and Injuries, we are forced to betake our selves to that which Christ himself made use of; and if we have done any evil,The Zurichers expostulate with the rest of the Can­tons. we desire to be convicted of it. Since then we lye obnoxious to so much envy, and are every where evil spoken of, the thing it self certainly requires and extorts an Answer from us. And therefore we will shew the Causes of this hatred, refute the Accusations brought against us, and make it appear how we stand affected towards the common Country. And in the first place, when Francis King of France had long and earnestly solicited a League, and had therein obtained your consents; though you had often dealt with us to engage therein, yet we abso­lutely refused it; and that for divers reasons, but chiefly this, That we did not like that course, of letting out our Men to others for Money, that they may fight against those who never did them any injury; for that it was a thing of bad Example, and accustomed them to idleness; and if they should chance to die in the Wars, they must leave their Wives and Children in extreme poverty: Nay we looked upon it also as base and unworthy with our own loss to sneak so to any King, as in a manner to enslave our Countrymen to his Will and Pleasure: Wherefore we judged it our Duty to retain the liberty of Bodies and Estates which our Ancestors with great Valour and bloody Hands purchased for us, and to defend it with the like Courage and Constancy. Now this seemeth to be the source and cause of all the grudge and prejudice that is entertained against us; for we verily believe, that if we had approved the League with the rest, we should not have heard of any Quarrels nor Animosities: For when ye often dealt with us, that we would not separate from the rest, we always told you what our Thoughts were, That we would live quietly, and entertain friendship with the King, according to the Treaty of Peace long ago concluded, and would observe the Conditions of our ancient League contracted for the defence and welfare of our common Country: And because we stuck to that, we have drawn upon our selves hatred from abroad. After that the Light of the Gospel began to shine among us, we have shaken off that Burthen which the Pope and his Party had laid upon us ignorant Men, and abolished manifest Errors. Some of you have laid hold on this occasion, and by your Deputies required us to reform: But we made answer then, as we had done many times before, That we acted according to the Prescript of God's Holy Word: That if any Man could convince us of Error, we would change our Purpose; but if not, that it was but reasonable that we should obey God rather than Man. With that, Egly the Governor of Lucern stood up and told us, That unless we did renounce the Sect of Luther and Zuinglius, those of Lucern, Vri, Switz, Vnderwaldt, Zug and Friburg would sit no more in Assembly with us. And not long after they had made a Law among themselves to that purpose, the Governor of Turegie apprehended John Oxline, a Minister of the Word, in his own House, in the Night-time, and carried him away Prisoner; whereby we have received a double injury: First' in that it was a Trespass not only upon a Man of ours, but also upon our Limits: And then, in that, when upon his crying out for help, many armed Men flocked together, and, as it is usual in such cases, committed many Insolencies; our Men, who crouded out promiscuously with the rest, and we who were innocent, bear all the blame of the Fact. Now the second thing wherewith you charge us, proceeds from that Convention which last year Ferdinand Archduke of Austria held at Ratisbone with the Governors of his Country, the Bishops and others, who cannot endure the pure Doctrin of the Gospel. But it is plain enough that for a long while it has been their design to raise Dissenssions among us, and, to divides us one from another: And it grieves us the more, that ye should trust such; for there are some among them, whom you have sometimes accounted lewd and wicked Men, and whom we, understanding their snares and treachery, banished out of our Territories. These very Men now, finding that we would not give ear to their tricks and artifices, are fled to you, and now accuse us, as if we had broken that League, which was once made with the House of Austria. They say that we gave aid to our Neighbors of Waldhust against Ferdinand their Prince, but [Page 78] it is false. For when they of Waldhust were in danger for the profession of the Reformed Religion, and were not admitted to plead their own Cause; some of our Men of their own accord, unknown to us, ran thither to defend harmless People from violence and force; but so soon as we were informed of it, we recalled them: So then that head of Accusation falls of it self. But if Ferdinand have any thing else to object unto us, as to the violation of the League, let him alledge it, and he shall have an Answer; so that all Men shall plainly see, which side hath kept to their Articles. But that you should have treated privately with Archduke Fer­dinand's Embassadors, our Deputies being excluded from the Conference, is a thing that we have good reason to wonder at; for if the Treaty had been about the old League, it was but just that we should have been admitted; but if it was about Religion, why do ye not proceed with us upon the conditions that we have many times offered unto you? There was a strong report, that you have com­bined together for the Subversion of the Lutheran Religion; which if true, yet seeing we are joyned in League, as well with him as with you; and that we follow not the steps of Luther, but the dictates of holy Scripture, we ought not to be reckoned of that number: But since we are ignorant of what was done betwixt you, and yet are maliciously accused, as if without your knowledge we had solicited some Cities for Aid; we protest it is a meer Calumny. Of the same nature is that other report also, That we resolved, by a Signal given, to Muster Men together of a sudden, and to surprize Baden and some other places; for these are Lyes devised by them to incite you to seize those places, and to put Garisons in them against us: And if that were once done, they make no doubt, but that it would raise such Stirs and Commotions, as may kindle a Domestick and Civil War among us. There are besides many other Calumnies forged against us; as, among others, That we teach, that Mary the Mother of Christ, had several Sons; and that it was James the Younger, and not Christ himself that died for us. These and such other Slanders we would have refuted at Lucern, but our Men were hindred by you from speaking to the People. When Eckius also gave it out, that he would convince Zuinglius of his Errors, we were very glad of it, and gave him and others also a safe Conduct, earnestly exhorting him to come, and pro­mising to receive him with all Good-will and Affection. We are told also, that our pulling down of Images and Pictures hath given very great offence; but we have already given Reasons for our so doing. Since therefore we have done nothing against the Articles and Conditions of the League; since we refuse no danger for the safety and welfare of our common Country, and that we have the same Love and Affection for you, that we have always had, as far as you give us leave, why do we suffer this Division among us? It is well known, what the state and condition of some of our Ancestors was, who being content with their own Limits, and by hard labour getting a Livelyhood for themselves and Families, were oppressed by the Nobility with heavy Bondage: But God looked favourably upon them; for having driven out the Tyrants, they recovered their liberty; and being inriched by the Goods of those whom they ejected, they strengthned themselves by a League, under the Protection whereof they valiantly defended them­selves against all Foreign Force, and have many times triumphed over their Enemies: Many have also laboured to infringe and dissolve that Society, but in vain: Now what Aid and Assistance our Ancestors contributed in those difficult times, we doubt not but you will remember. And this, in short may suffice to be said of the Original and Beginning of our League: Nor do we think it needful to relate what Diligence, Fidelity and Zeal we have ever since shewn in promoting the Honor and Dignity of our common Country; for we still retain the same good Intentions that hitherto we have had: Which being so, it exceedingly grieves us, that at the instigation of others, who seek their own Ends, you should be so exasperated against us. Consider rather with your selves what Friendship hath always been among us, when in several places, as well at home as abroad, we ran the same Fortune of War, and did many brave Actions. Certainly the thoughts of these things ought to unite not only us, but our Posterity also, in the strictest Bonds of Amity. If the cause of Religion, or any thing else that we have done, give you offence, why do we not amicably debate the matter among our selves, as it becomes Allies and Confederates, linked together in a kind of Bro­therly Fellowship? We shall not be morose, obstinate or perverse; but willingly submit to better Information, as we have often declared. Now therefore, since the Profession of the Reformed Religion, the Refusal of the French League, be­sides [Page 79] many other Calumnies forged against us, have alienated your Minds from us, and changed your former Good-will; we were necessarily obliged to write these things, to clear our Honor and Reputation: For unless, as it hath been often said already, it be proved by Scripture that we have erred, we cannot part from those Decrees which we have made about Religion, what Force soever be bent against us for the same.

The Senate of Strasburg, The Senate of Strasburg gives an An­swer to the Council of the Empire. by Letters which on the Thirteenth of February they wrote to the Imperial Council, refuted all that had been laid to their charge, affirming that three Informers had falsely taken to themselves the Name of the Representatives of a Party; when indeed no Man moved in the matter, but they only who were restless busie Men that had left the City, to raise Disturbances: That for their own parts, they had done nothing but what they might do by Law; and that for avoiding of greater Commotions, they could not but allow the People the exercise of the Reformed Religion, which grew now daily more and more pub­lick: That they begg'd therefore that they would not give credit to those Infor­mers, but judge so of them, as of those who in imitation of their Forefathers, directed all their Thoughts to the Peace and Welfare of the Empire. The Preachers also and Ministers of the Churches, whom these had informed against, as was said before,The Apology of the Mini­sters of Stras­burg. wrote at the same time a long Apology for themselves, giving the same Counsellors the Reasons of their Doctrins and Practices: And seeing they had acted nothing contrary to the Law of God, they earnestly pray them not to give credit to malicious Informers, nor to come to any Determination, before the Matter were fully examined.

The War was hot at this time in Italy, betwixt the Emperor and Francis King of France, who marching thither, as I said, and having in the Winter-time laid Seige to Pavia, about the latter end of February they came to a Battel; where he was made Prisoner,The French King made Prisoner. and carried to the Emperor in Spain. In this War, Pope Clement secretly sided with the French, but upon the change of Fortune, he gave the Officers of the Imperial Army a great sum of Money to pay off their Soldiers. Pavia was kept out by Antonia di Leyva, and a Garison of Spaniards and Germans. The King had a vast Army before it, insomuch that the Imperialists, almost in despair of preserving Lombardy, were thinking of drawing off their Forces, and marching to Naples for the defence of that Kingdom; but being encouraged by the Speech of Ferdinand d'Avalos Marquess of Pescara, they engaged in Battel; and having routed the Enemy, and taken Prisoner a most powerful King, obtained a most glorious Victory, and rich Booty. Charles de Lanoy, a Dutchman, Com­manded in Chief; who pretending at first to carry the King to Naples, when he was out at Sea, changed his course, and sailed streight to Spain, that so the Treaty of Peace might be the more expeditious. This Battel was fought on the Twenty fourth of February, the Emperor's Birth-day.

A little before we took notice of the Insurrection of the Boors, which was quieted; but this Year, in the beginning of the Spring, there happened in Schwabia, and the neighbouring Parts of Germany that lye upon the Danube, another Rising of the Common People against some of the Prelates of the Church; and these had sworn a League and Covenant, for the defence, as they pretended, of the Doctrin of the Gospel, and the delivering of themselves from Bondage. The Magistrates offered to examin their grievances, and to reform what was amiss; but they con­tinued, and daily encreased: However they did not as yet take the Field, but met now and then on certain days, upon occasion of Weddings, and such like publick Feasts. And at the same time some of their Demands, to the number of twelve, were published; wherein they desired Satisfaction from the Magistrates, as you shall learn in the following Book: These being forthwith communicated to others, occasioned new Stirs in many places.

While these things were a brewing,Ʋlrick Duke of Wertemberg in vain at­tempts to re­cover his Country. Ʋlrick Duke of Wertemberg, whom some years before the Confederates of the Schwabian League had driven out of his Coun­try, as shall be mentioned hereafter in its proper place, got together an Army of some thousand Swisses, for the recovery of his own; and besides other places, took the Suburbs of Sutgart, and there possessed himself, that he might also make himself Master of the Town: But the States of the Schwabian League, and Ferdi­nand's Officers also, who were in Possession of that Country, raising Soldiers; the Officers and Soldiers in like manner being tamper'd with to desert him, and he wanting Money, he was forsaken, and forced to desist. In the mean time, the Army of the Boors much encreased; and the Schwabian Confederates, whom we named, [Page 80] having repulsed the Duke of Wirtemberg, and regained the Towns which he had ta­ken, marched to Ʋlm, with their Forces against them, who then also had taken the Field,The Boors take the Field. and divide their Army into three Bodies, posting them, one near to Bi­brach, another in Algow, and the third by the Lake of Constance: But upon the Me­diation of the Citizens of Ravensburg and Kempen, some of the Commanders of the Boors Army coming with Safe-Conduct to Ʋlm, a Cessation of Arms was agree­ed upon for some Days, but not observed, for which they mutually blamed one ano­ther, and so fell to Hostilities; wherefore the Council of the Empire fearing the Danger of this popular Tumult, sent Deputies to Ʋlm, to the Commissioners of the Schwabian League, to treat of a Peace, and these were Simon Pistorius, in the Name of George Duke of Saxony, and James Stu [...]ey, a Nobleman and Senator of Strasburg, in the Name of his own City; and sent Letters in the Emperour's Name, commanding both Parties, under the highest Penalties, to lay down their Arms. The Deputies at first proposed a Truce, but that was in vain, because the Confederates alledged, That the Boors, breaking the Cessation, had given cause to the War: Nevertheless, at the interposition of some of the Cities of Schwabia, of which number were Constance, Memminghen, Kempen, and Bibrach, the chief Com­manders of the Boors, came again to Ʋlm, on the second of April; to them the Deputies of the Empire shewed their Commission, and told them, That they were come to treat of a Peace; but they alledging, That no Treaty of Peace could be set on Foot, unless a Truce were first agreed upon; said that they were therefore come, that they might know what their Enemy's Intentions were as to that; but when a Truce could not be obtained, and all things tending to Action, next Day they returned to the Camp: And the same Day some Troops of Horse and Foot, marching from Ʋlm to Elching, a Town upon the Danube below Ʋlm, killed a great many of the Boors,The Boors worsted. and brought several Prisoners also to the Town. Afterwards George Truchses of Walpurg, General of the Schwabian League, marching with his Forces to Lippen, a small Town near the Danube, two Miles below Ʋlm, where a great number of the Boors lay, without staying for the Foot or great Guns, charged them with a Brigade of Horse, and cut off a great part of them; the rest threw them­selves into the River, and there were drowned; the Town was surrendred and plundered, and many of the Enemy beheaded. After that Victory, when Truchses would have marched against the rest, the Foot, who were commanded by William of Fustemberg, refused to march, and as if they had fought a Battle, demanded their pay: This Matter having been debated for some Days, and it being alledged, That it was no Battle, and that the Enemy was fled before they came, was at length taken up.

The Mediators of the Cites of Schwabia, which we named before, again moved for a Truce; but the Confederates would not hear of any new Agreement with them, who had lately broken it, though they did not refuse a Truce with those who were in Algow and the neighbouring Places, and were Levellers; all Proposals of a Truce being then laid aside, the Confederates told the Mediators and Deputies of the Council of the Empire, and of the Cities, That if they had any thing to offer concerning a Peace,The Boors Army in Al­gow dispersed▪ they should propose it. The matter being long and much de­bated, when the Confederates persisted in their Resolution, and advanced with their Army in order to an Ingagement, the Boors in Algow dispersed themselves, some flying for it, and others yielding upon Discretion, and delivering up their Colours, which happened April 13.

In the mean time,The Cruelty of some Boors at Winsperg. in another part of Schwabia, about Hall, and in Franconia, the Boors were got together again in vast Numbers; and on the sixteenth Day of April, which then was Easter-day, they surprized Winsperg, where they took some, and killed other Gentlemen, who were in Garrison in it; of the Prisoners, they put William Count Helfenstein and others to Death, in a Military but most cruel man­ner, running them through on all Hands with their Spears; and this they did with the greater Cruelty and Inhumanity, in that they would not be moved to Pity by his Lady, the Natural Daughter of the Emperour Maximilian, who carrying a young Infant, a Son of his in her Arms, fell at their Feet, in a most forlorn Dress, and with Floods of Tears begged them to save the Life of her Husband, and of the Father of the poor Babe. Afterwards they divided their Forces; whereof one Body marched into the Country of Wirtemberg, and having possessed themselves of ma­ny Places there, advanced streight to Esling, where the Deputies of the Council of the Empire, James Sturne, and Mangolt a Lawyer, in vain treated with them about a Peace; and from thence they removed to Ʋlm; but Truchses the General of the [Page 81] Schwabian League, whom I mentioned before, having forced those that were in the Territory of Ʋlm, Algow, and at the Lake of Constance, to yield themselves, as we said before, marched streight against these, and put them to flight also, having slain some thousands of them: He severely punished the Prisoners, especially those who murdered Count Helfenstein; and one of them he fastened to a Stake by a Chain, that was long enough to let him run about, and he himself, with some other Persons of Quality, fetching Wood, made a Fire about him, and burnt him: Afterwards he burnt the Town of Winsperg to the Ground, commanding that it should never be built again. The other Body marched into Franconia, and having there burnt above two hundred Castles, besides Noblemen's Houses and Monaste­ries, they took the Town of Wirtzburg, and besieged the Castle: But Truchses coming upon them, out of the Country of Wirtemberg, at the Village of Englestadt, charged, discomfited, and put them to flight. Afterwards he retook Wirtzburg, raised the Siege of the Castle, and put a great many to Death, being assisted by Ludovick Prince Palatine, who was there in Person.

This Combustion spread it self as far as Lorrain also;An Insurre­ction of the Boors also in Lorrain. so that Anthony the Duke thereof, attended amongst others, by his Brother Claude, Duke of Guise, who had gathered together the remains of the French Army, after the Battle of Pavia, ad­vanced as far as Saverne; at which Place the Lorrainers as well as Alsatians, were in great numbers assembled; and some thousands of Boors coming in to their Assi­stance, he detached some Troops of Horse and Foot, which near the Village Lupf­stein killed fifteen hundred of them, putting the rest to flight: Next Day he made a great Slaughter of those who were gathered together about Saverne; wherein, ne­vertheless, he kept not his Word; for having promised them Pardon, if they would lay down their Arms; whilst they were marching homewards unarmed, and passed through the Lines of the Horse and Foot, upon some slight Occasion of a Quarrel, most part of them were killed: Afterwards the furious Soldiers plunder­ed the Town and the Bishop's Palace, killing Citizens and all pell-mell, without any distinction, When the Duke was returning home, after this Slaughter, ano­ther Army of Boors had posted themselves in the Streights of the Valley of Wilet, with design to intercept his Passage; but having joyned Battle, above four thou­sand of them were killed. In that Fight he lost the Count Isenburg; but returned home with much Spoil and many Prisoners.And 18000 of them are slain. In those three Places we named, eigh­teen thousand were reckoned to have been slain, and this was in the Month of May. The like Success they met with every where else; and at Petersheim, a Town of the Territory of Wormes, Another Slaughter of the Boors at Wormes. a great number of them were killed by the Soldiers, after they had yielded, and thrown down their Arms: At this Slaughter the Prince Pala­tine, and Richard Archbishop of Treves were present, and the Prince did what he could to restrain the Rage of the Soldiers, but the Archbishop is reported, not only to have approved what they did, but also to have killed many with his own Hands. However, in some Places, through the dextrous management of the Ma­gistrates and Mediators, matters were peaceably accommodated: And when, upon an Insurrection in Brisgow, they had surprized Friburg, the chief Town in those Pla­ces, Ernest Marquess of Baden, who had great Possessions there, fled to Strasburg, and prayed the Senate to intercede for him; whereupon James Sturney and Conrad Joham were sent as Deputies from the Senate, who with the Deputies that came from Basil, and some other Places, dealt fairly with them, and persuaded them to return home; so that after the Difference had been debated and concluded at Basil, on the twenty fifth Day of July, they broke up from Lava, four Miles from Stras­burg and dispersed; but Promises were not punctually observed to them neither, for many of them were executed after they came home. The Switzers also zealously bestirred themselves in quieting an Insurrection in Sontgow, a neighbouring Pro­vince, belonging to Archduke Ferdinand, and the Dominion of Austria, making it appear to the Seditious what the Magistrates Duty was, and what the Peoples. Now their Demands were almost the same in all Places, which beginning first in Schwabia, ran immediately all about like Wild-fire, as we told you before; so that from Thuringe, and the Borders of Saxony, as you shall hear hereafter, it reached as far as the Alpes; there having been a Rising also in the Country of Saltzburg. But all things being setled in Franconia and Schwabia, the Army of the Schwabian League marched thither also,Geismeier the General of the Boors as­sassinated. and destroyed and banished many; among whom was their General Geismeier, who with part of his Forces, by difficult and inaccessible Paths, crossed the Alpes, and fled to the Venetians; who having bestowed a yearly Pension upon him, he went to live in Padoua, where he was at length treacherously as­sassinated [Page 82] in his own House. And this was the end of the Boors War, which from a small beginning grew to such a height, and spread so far; for the Contagion was diffused over most parts of Germany, and not only in the Country, but also in Ci­ties and Towns,A Sedition in Cologn. many Tumults and Riots happened, as particularly in Cologn; where for the space of a whole Month, almost, the City Companies daily met in Arms, continuing so, even in the Night-time also, and were designing the Destru­ction not only of the Clergy, but of the Senate likewise; but the Tumult was quieted without any Blood, save of one or two Seditious, who many Months after were executed for it.The number of those that were killed. All do not agree upon the Number of those that were slain in this War, which lasted but one summer; they who speak the least say, That in all places there died fifty thousand.The Princes and Cities in­gaged in the Schwabian League. That Schwabian League, so often mention­ed, was made long before, first for eight Years, then for three, afterwards for twelve, and then again for ten; but in the year of our Lord 1522, it was renewed for eleven Years, a little before the Emperour returned to Spain. Those who ingaged in this League, were, first, the Emperour as Archduke of Austria, and his Brother Ferdinand, who had been lately possessed of the Dutchy of Wirtemberg, the Archbishop of Mentz, the Prince Palatine, the Bishops of Saltzburg, Bamberg, Wurtz­burg, Aichstadt and Ausburg, the Brother William and Lewis Dukes of Bavaria, Otho, Henry and Philip, the Prince Palatines, Brothers, George Marquess of Brandenburg, and Albert his Nephew, Philip Landgrave of Hesse, besides many others of the No­bility and Clergy, to whom were joyned most of the Cities of Schwabia, and among these all Norimberg.

April 13,Mass abolish­ed at Zurich. Mass was abolished in Zurich, by Command of the Magistrates; and that not only in the City, but over all their Territory also, in place whereof the Lord's Supper was appointed, all Ceremonies being laid aside; the Reading of the Scriptures, Prayers and Preaching succeeded; and a Law was published against Fornication and Adultery, and Judges were appointed to determine Matrimonial Causes.

THE HISTORY OF THE Reformation of the Church.

BOOK V.
The CONTENTS.

Thomas Muncer broaching a new kind of Doctrin, That all Goods should be had in Common, drew a vast number of Country People after him, one Phifer being his Companion and chief Counsellor. After the Death of Duke Frederick, the neighbouring Princes raise an Army against the Muncerians, nor did his Seditious Preaching, nor vain Promises hinder, but that many of his Companions were killed, and he himself lost his Head. Luther had al­ready written against him to the Senate of Mulhausen. Here are recited the Demands of the Boors; to which Luther answers, shews the Nature of the Disorder, and exhorts the Magistrates to punish such Villains. The Emperour knowing of these Troubles and Disor­ders, calls a Dyet at Ausburg. Caralostadius leaving Wittemberg, endeavours to purge himself, in a Book that he published. Luther marries a Nun, and comes to Marpurg, that he might confer with Zuinglius about the Lord's Supper. Whilst the French King was Prisoner, Pope Clement having received Letters from his Mother, incites the Parlia­ment of Paris against the Lutherans. Le Fevre was forced to fly out of France; the King being informed of that, sent Orders, That they should not molest Men of Learning. The Master of Prusia is made Duke, and receives the Reformed Religion.

THIS great and terrible War,Muncer a great Secta­rian. was in a great measure occasioned by busie and pragmatical Preachers, of whom Thomas Muncer, mentioned before, was the Ring-leader; who at length leaving off the Preaching of the Gospel, broached an odd and new kind of Doctrin, at Alstet, a Town belonging to the Elector of Saxony upon the Borders of Thuringe: There he began to teach, first of all, not only against the Pope, but against Luther also; condemning both their Do­ctrins, as Corrupt and Erroneous: That the Pope bound Men's Consciences with strict Bonds and hard Laws; which Luther did, indeed, loose, but then run to the other Extream, allowing too much Liberty, and not Teaching those things which were of the Spirit: That it was lawful to neglect the Decrees of the Pope, as not conducing to Salvation; for obtaining whereof, Men must, said he, first of all avoid manifest Sins, as Murther, Adultery, Blasphemy, Incest, and Mortifie the Body by Fasting and simple Cloathing; look gravely, speak little, and wear a long Beard: These and such like things he called the Cross, the Mortification, and Discipline of the Flesh. Those, he said, who were in this manner prepared, must retire from Company, and the Speech of Men, and fix their Thoughts upon God, that they may know what he is, if he taketh any Care of us, if Christ suffered Death for our sake, and if our Religion be to be preferred before that of the Turks: That we were to crave of God a Sign also, to assure us that he taketh care of us, and that we are in the true Religion; that if he did not presently give us a Sign, we must nevertheless persevere in instant Prayers, nay, and expostulate seriously with God, that he dealt not well with us: For that since the Scripture promiseth, That he will grant such things as are asked of him, it was not just to deny a Sign to Man that sought after the true Knowledge of him; This Expostulation and Anger, said he, was very acceptable unto God, who thereby perceiv­ed the fervent Zeal and Inclination of our Minds, and that there was no doubt, but that being importuned in this manner, he would discover himself by some manifest Sign, quench the Thirst of our Souls, and deal with us as he did with the Patriarchs of old: [Page 84] He also taught, That God revealed his Will in Dreams, laying in them the Foundation of his Designs; and if a Man dreamt a Dream, that he could make any thing of, he would run out upon his Praises in his Sermons. When, by this means, he had drawn many over to his Party, he proceeded by degrees to what he had long before intended, and in the Town we mentioned before, he began to make a List of the Names of those who entred into an Association by Oath, and promised their Assistance to destroy all wicked Princes and Magistrates, and set up new ones in their Places; for he pretended to have a Command from God to do so. So long as he talked only of Dreams, and the like, Frederick Duke of Saxony bore with him, especially seeing Luther wrote in his behalf; but when he began to preach Seditiously, he was banished, and after he had absconded for some Months, came to Norimberg; and being shortly after sent packing thence, he came to Mulhausen, a Town of Thuringe; for whilst he lived at Alstet, he had perverted some Citizens of Mulhausen, Muncer preaching at Mulhausen, got new Ma­gistrates cre­ated, and the Monks eject­ed; whose Monasteries he and others took possessi­on of. by whose means afterward he obtained the Liberty of Preaching there; and because he was disliked of by the Senate, he got the Rabble in a Tumultuary manner to make new Magistrates, which was the beginning of great Troubles. After that the Towns-people cast out the Monks, and seized their Houses; of which the chief and richest Monastery fell to Muncer's share; who now acted the part, not only of a Preacher, but Magistrate also; for all things he said were to be determined by the Bible and Divine Revelation, and he arbitrarily de­cided all Cases; so that what he said, was lookt upon as Sacred and Holy. He taught also, That it was most consonant to Human Nature, that all Goods should be common, and that without any distinction of Dignity and Quality, they should be indifferently enjoyed by all Men. This Doctrin took mightily with the common People, who leaving off their Work, made bold with the Rich, taking from them what they want­ed, without asking their Leave. Thus he went on for some Months: And when now the Boors of Schwabia and Franconia had got together, to the Number of forty thou­sand, and had driven out a great part of the Nobility and Gentry, taken, plundered and burnt, several Forts and Castles, as hath been said; he himself began to set Hand to the Work, thinking the time now come of doing his Business; and having cast some great Guns in the Monastry of the Grey Fryers, he allured to him many Country People,Phifer, Mun­cer's Compa­nion, and his enthusiastick Pretences. in hopes of bettering their Fortunes. He was assisted in all his Counsels by one Phifer, a bold and desperate Fellow, who bragged much of Dreams and nocturnal Visions; and among others, they gave it out, That he had in his Sleep seen a prodigi­ous number of Mice in a certain Stable, and chased them all away, which he interpret­ed to be a Command from God, to take up Arms, and march into the Field, for the extirpation of all the Nobility and Gentry. But though Muncer preached seditiously to the People, yet he was somewhat more reserved, and was not willing to hazard all, before the whole Country was up in Arms: And that he might the more easily accom­plish this, he wrote to all the Labourers, who wrought in the Mines in the Country of Mansfield, advising them by all means to fall upon their Princes, without any respect, for that those who were up in Franconia, would draw nearer to Thuringe. In the mean time Phifer, who was impatient of all Delay, marching out with his Men, wast­ed the neighbouring Country of Isefield, spoiled Castles and Churches, drove away many of the Nobility and Gentry, and put some of them into Irons; after which he returned home, loaded with Booty. This happy Success encouraged the Rabble ex­ceedingly, especially seeng their Neighbours were also in Arms, and invaded the Country of Mansfield: Wherefore Muncer thinking that the Insurrection was now Universal, set out from Mulhausen with three hundred Men, and joyned those of Franckhausen.

At the same time dyed Frederick Duke of Saxony, Frederick Ele­ctor of Saxony dies. without Issue, having never been married, to whom succeeded his Brother John. In the mean time Albert Count Mansfield, having speedily raised some Troops of Horse, fell upon the Boors, and killed two hundred of them:The Princes Forces a­gainst the Boors. This so terrified them, that they proceeded no further, but went to Franckhausen, and there waited for more Forces; so that being thus stopt in their Carere, by this small ruffle, the neighbouring Princes raised fifteen hundred Horse, and a few Foot-Soldiers: These were John Elector of Saxony, and his Cousin Duke George, Philip Landgrave of H [...]sse, and Henry Duke of Brunswick: The Boors had posted themselves on a Hill, not far from Franckhausen, and so fenced themselves with Waggons and Carts, that it was hard to attack them; but they wanted great Guns; were, besides, ill armed, and for most part unskilful in Fighting; so that the Princes moved with Compassion, sent Messengers unto them, and advised them to deliver up the Authors of the Sedition, lay down their Arms, and go home, promising them Pardon, if they would do so.

[Page]

FRIDERICUS III. DICTUS. SAPIENS. SAXONIÆ DUX &c S.R. IMP: ARCHIM. et ELECTOR.

Successit Ernesto Patri. Ao. 1486.

Witteburgensem Academiam Instituit Ao. 1502.

Imperium R: oblatum contemsit. Ao. 1529.

Obijt Coelebs▪ 5. Maij. 1525.

[Page] [Page 85] Muncer being now apprehensive of his own Danger, came forth, and with a grave and demure Countenance, spake to them as follows: Ye see, said he, my Brethren and fellow Soldiers,Muncer's se­ditious Speech. Tyrants not far from you; who, though they have conspired our Destruction, yet are so faint-hearted, that they dare not attempt any thing against us; but offer idle and ridiculous Conditions, that they may persuade you to lay down your Arms. Now it is well known to all of you, That I undertook not this Enter­prize by my own private Authority (for I never applyed my self that way) but at the Command of God: Which being so, it is the Duty of you and me to obey, and not to forsake this Station, where God himself hath placed us: He commanded Abraham of old to Sacrifice his own Son; and he, though ignorant what might be the Event, dis­posed himself to Obedience, without gainsaying, wherefore God both preserved his Son, and conferred great Blessings also upon himself: So we in like manner, who are exactly in the same Condition, ought to perservere and commit the Event to God, and there is no Doubt to be made but all things will succeed according to our own Hearts Desires: Ye your selves shall plainly see God's helping Hand with you, for we shall put all our Enemies to flight. In several places of Scripture God hath promised to assist the poor and wretched, and to bear down the Ungodly: Now this Promise belongeth properly to us; for we are poor and afflicted; and because we desire to maintain and set forth the Knowledge of God, we cannot doubt of Success and Victory: Let us on the other hand, consider the Condition of our Enemies; They are called Princes, in­deed, but in reality are Tyrants; they take no Care of you, but deprive you of your Goods, which they squander away in most wicked and unlawful Courses. Among God's peculiar People, which he chose of old, Kings were not to spend their Wealth un­profitably; but were commanded rather to be diligent in turning over the Book of the Laws, which God himself made: But what do our Tyrants, or how do they spend their Time? they think not themselves at all concerned with the Publick, they hear not the Causes of poor afflicted Men, they neglect Justice, suffer the High-ways to be infested by Robbers, punish not such, nor other Offenders neither, defend not the Fa­therless and Widow, and take no care of the Education of Youth: They not only neg­lect God's Worship themselves, but also hinder others, and mind nothing but the get­ting of all other Men's Estates to themselves; and therefore they daily devise new ways of raising Money, not directing their Counsels to the maintaing of Peace; but that having enriched themselves, they may live in Pride and all sorts of Voluptu­ousness; for it is but too well known, what great Stirs and Wars they have raised for very idle and slight Causes, whereby, at length, all that poor Men had left is utterly con­sumed and destroyed. These, these are the noble Arts and Virtues of your Princes, where­in they exercise themselves; it is not therefore to be imagined that God will bear any longer with those things, but that as of old he destroyed the Canaanites, so will he now root out these. For granting that what we have now mentioned, might be born with, do you think that they'll go unpunished, for defending and maintaining that most abominable Impiety of the Clergy? for who knoweth not how great Wickedness is committed in that Trafficking and Bartering with Masses? not to mention other things. Surely as Christ of old cast the Buyers and Sellers out of the Temple, so now also will he drive out these Mass-Priests and their Defenders: Be therefore strong and valiant, and do God good Service, in destroying this unprofitable Rout; for we see not how we can lawfully and with Safety make Peace with them; since they will not leave off their old Courses, neither restore to us our Liberty, nor suffer the true Worship of God: Now it is far better to die, than that we should approve their Wickedness, and suffer the Doctrin of the Gospel to be taken from us: Be then assured that God will be with us, and that the Victory will be ours; for he himself hath so promised to me; he, I say, who cannot lye nor be deceived, commanded me to proceed in this manner, and to punish all Magistrates; for in this the Power of God is chiefly magnified, when a vast multitude of Enemies are destroyed by a small handful of Men: It is known to you what Exploits Gideon did with a few, Jonathan accompanied only with one Servant, and David all alone, when he fought against the Giant Goliah, who was so terrible in his Looks and Stature: Now it is not to be doubted, but this Day will be made Famous by a like instance, and be spoken of to all Posterity; for though we seem not to be so well provided of Arms and other things necessary, yet shall we overcome the Enemy; and this Frame of Heaven and Earth will sooner change, than God will forsake us: So was the Nature of the Sea changed of old, that the Israelites might escape from Pha­raoh, who pursued them. Be not now moved at the suggestions of your own Reason, neither be troubled at a certain Shadow and Appearance of Danger that stands in your way; but fight valiantly against poor wicked and accursed Enemies, and be not afraid [Page 86] of their great Guns, for in my Coat will I catch all the Bullets that they shall shoot at you. See ye not how gracious God is unto us? behold a manifest Sign and Token of his perpetual Good-will towards us; lift up your Eyes, and see that Rain-bow in the Clouds; for seeing we have the same painted in our Banner, God plainly declares by that Representation, which he shews us from on high, That he will stand by us in the Battle, and that he will utterly destroy our Enemies; fall on then couragiously, and with certain Hope of Divine Aid, for God will have us to have no Peace with the Wicked.

For all this Speech,A Consterna­tion in Mun­cer's Camp. his Men were generally in horror and consternation, because of the greatness of the present danger; but all things were carried on in a tumultuary manner, without Order or certain Command: Besides, there were some bold and profligate Rogues among them fitted for any villany: These being naturally inclined to all sorts of mischief, were the more inflamed by that Sermon: But nothing excited them more than the Rain-bow, which, as has been said, appeared in the Clouds, and which they lookt upon as a certain Sign of Victory. Besides, they were about Eight thousand strong, and the place commodious for making a Defence. Where­fore these Blades I now mentioned, gave a shout, calling to all to Arm and bravely advance against the Enemy; and withal singing a Hymn, wherein they implored the assistance of the Holy Ghost. There had been sent to them before, a young Gentle­man of Quality, whom Muncer, contrary to the Law of Arms and of Nations, caused to be put to Death. The Princes being the more exasperated by this, gave the Signal of Battel,The Speech of the Lan­grave of Hesse to his Soldiers▪ and drew up their Men in order. Then Philip Langrave of Hesse, though the Youngest, rode about the Army, exhorting the Soldiers to behave them­selves valiantly; for that though all they laid to their Charge were true, yet it was not lawful for private Men to rise in Arms against their Magistrates, as might be proved by many places of Scripture: That however he would not excuse neither his own Faults, nor those of other Princes: That he confessed there were failings, and many things that ought to be reformed; but that nevertheless Men ought to abstain from Rebellion; for that God hath strictly commanded, that the Magistrate should be honored: That whereas they complained that they were overcharged with Burthens; that could be no lawful ground for them to renounce their Duty and Alle­giance; though yet if things were rightly examined, it would be found that they had no cause of Complaining: That they paid indeed Subsidies and Customs; but for that, they enjoyed on the other had many Advantages: That they had Houses, Wives and Children, laboured the Land, bred up Cattel, and many ways got Estates by the favour of the Magistrate, under whose Protection they were: That what they alledged moreover, that they were not allowed to have the Doctrin of the Gospel preached among them; that was no just cause neither of Rising in Rebellion: That when Peter smote with the Sword, Christ sharply rebuked him for it: That if any Princes did persecute the true Religion, yet ought they rather to submit and suffer Punishments, than resist by force of Arms: That they pretended Religion and the Gospel, but in reality intended nothing but Robbery, Rapine, and such like villanous Crimes: And that they were the greater Villiains, in that they impudently cloaked their wicked and bloody Designs under so specious a Title; for that they aimed at nothing less, than to seize other Mens Goods and Estates, destroy all Magistrates, force others Mens Wives and Children, and to have free liberty to commit all sorts of Crimes: And that seeing they committed such horrid Abominations under a veil of Purity and Sanctity, it was not to be doubted but God would revenge that Blasphemy: That therefore they ought to fight valiantly against them, as against notorious Robbers, in defence of the publick Peace, their own private Fortunes and Estates, Wives and Children: That the cause of the War was most just; and that they would never have taken up Arms, if they had not known it to be acceptable Service to God, who put the Sword into the hands of Magistrates; not that they should Rob others, but defend their Sub­jects from unjust Force,The Princes Army over­come the Muncerian [...]. Robbery and Oppression. This Speech being made, they charged the Enemy, and first played upon them with their great Guns; but the poor Wretches stood like Men amazed and out of their senses, neither defending them­selves, nor flying for it, but singing that Dutch Song wherein the Assistance of the Holy Ghost is implored; for most of them trusting to Muncer's Promises, expected Aid from Heaven. After the great Guns were discharged, when they began to break into their Camp, and put all they met to the Sword; then at length they fled towards Franckhausen; but some of them betook themselves to the other side of the Hill, and for a short time made Head against a few Horse, and skirmished with them in an adjoyning Valley, killing one or two of them: For when the Enemy was every where [Page 87] put to flight, the Horse dispersed themselves to follow the pursuit where-ever they saw any running for it; But having lost some of their Men, as has been said, Anger and Revenge made them more eager in pursuing, so that they killed about five thou­sand of the Fugitives. Presently after the Battel, Franckhausen was taken, and therein about Three hundred seized and put to death. Muncer had fled into the Town, and hid himself in a House not far from the Gate; whither a Gentleman accidentally came, and his Servant going up to view the House, found a Man lying abed in a Garret: Having asked who he was, if he had fled from the Fight, and if he was one of the Rebels; he denied, and said he had been a long while sick of a Fever and Ague. His Purse by chance lay by the Bed; which the other snatched up, that he might take what was in it; and having opened it, he found therein a Letter written by Albert Count Mansfield to Muncer, wherein he admonished him to desist from his Enterprize, and not inflame the Common People into a Rebellion. After he had read it, he asked him if the Letter were directed to him; but he denying, the other offered him violence; whereupon he begg'd quarter, and confessed himself to be Muncer. Being therefore taken,Muncer ta­ken; His Discourse to the Prin­ces; he was carried Prisoner to George Duke of Saxony, and the Langrave; who asked him, why he had so seduced poor miserable Men? To which he answer'd, That he had done nothing but his Duty; and that the Magistrates, who could not endure the Preaching of the Gospel, were in that manner to be curbed. The Langrave re­plied, and prove [...] by Texts of Scripture, that Magistrates were to be honoured; That all Sedition and Rebellion was prohibited by God, and that it was not lawful for Christians to revenge Wrongs by their own private Authority. To that he was silent, and crying out for pain upon the Rack, George Duke of Saxony told him, Thou art now (said he) in pain Muncer, but consider on the other hand the slaughter of those poor Wretches, who being basely abused by thee, have perished to day. At which, bursting out in laughter,His unseaso­nable laugh­ing upon the Rack. he said, They would have it so. Being afterwards carried to Heldrunghen, a Town in the Dominion of Mansfield, and there severely tortured, he confessed his Design, and discovered many of his Accomplices in the Conspiracy. The Princes going from Heldrunghen to Mulhausen, put a great many of the Rebels to death, and among the rest, Phifer, whom we named before. Hither also Muncer was shortly after brought into the Camp; who in those streights was mightily dejected and troubled in mind, and could not rehearse the Articles of his Creed, as is usually done on such occasions, but as Henry Duke of Brunswick said it before him. However, when he was about to die, he openly acknowledged his Error and Crime; and being invironed with Soldiers, exhorted the Princes to shew more Mercy to poor Men, which would be a means to prevent the like danger for the future; advising them likewise diligently to peruse the Chronicles and Books of Kings that are contained in the Scri­ptures. Having made an end of his Speech, his Head was struck off, and for an Example set upon a Pole in the open Fields. When Muncer, as we said before, being banished Saxony, wandred up and down, and that there was a report that he intended to go to Mulhausen; Luther being informed of this, wrote to the Senate, seriously admonishing them not to receive him:Luther advises to have a care of Muncer. That he was a seditious Person, and designed nothing but Robbery and Violence: That it was known what he had at­tempted at Alstet and Zwikaw: That he had Spies and Emissaries, who every where crept into the Congregations of Men: That they could not be prevailed with so much as to come to a fair Tryal: That their Doctrin was not only Seditious, but Fri­volous also, Silly, and full of Nonsence; which they should therefore carefully avoid, for that the cheat of it would shortly be discovered: That if they thought it not fit to do so, they would at last delay for some time, until they might learn what they were to think of them: That he gave them that Advice, as one who was their Friend, and concerned for their Welfare; but that if they slighted it, and fell afterwards into any calamity, he would not be blamed for it, who had given them such fair and timely warning: That the Senate would do well to ask him who had given him Commission and Power to Preach, and from whence he had his Call: And that if he named God for his Author, that then they should bid him shew some evident Sign of his Call; but that if he could not produce any such thing, he should be rejected; for that it was God's usual method, when he would alter the accustomed and received way, to declare his Will by some Sign.

When the Divisions and Dissensions of Germany seemed to tend to Troubles and Commotions,He published a Book, de­horting the Boors from Sedition. and the Boors had not as yet risen in Arms; Luther published a Book, wherein he advised all Men to abstain from Sedition; for that although some terrible Judgment seemed to threaten the Clergy, yet he did not think that any at all, or at least such a Calamity would overspread all their Jurisdiction, or overturn their [Page 88] Power; for that it was a far different Judgment which hung over their Heads, and as the Prophet Daniel, and after him St. Paul foretold, no human force, but the coming of our Saviour Christ, and the Spirit of God, must crush their tyranny: That his Opinion was grounded on this; which was the cause also that he never greatly withstood them who attempted the matter by force of Arms, being assured that they laboured in vain: That also though some perhaps of the Clergy might be killed, yet that havock was not to reach all: That they did indeed now quake and run to and fro, and he heartily wished that they might quake more and more, if so they might repent of their Sins; but that the Wrath of God was kindled, and they were troubled at the danger their Lives and Fortunes were in, but never thought how they might make their Peace with God; nay rather, did securely slight such plain Admonitions, and in a manner laugh at the denunciation of the Wrath of the Almighty: And although they had no great cause to be afraid of Arms, yet since the present state of Affairs required Counsel, he would freely declare his Judgment.

And in the first place, That it was the Magistrates Duty to endeavor that the People should not suffer any Prejudice through the fault of others, and to take care that Religion should not be corrupted by false Doctrins: That that was their Duty, and that all the Power wherewith God had endowed them, should be employed for the Glory of God, and the Welfare of the People; but that since they acted far otherwise, letting and hindring one another, and some of them also maintaining erroneous Doctrin, they would not escape unpunished: That it was not his purpose that the Papists should be suppressed by force of Arms, but that the Magistrates should oblige them to their Duty, and therein exercise their Power and Prerogative; so as neither by lenity nor connivance to confirm their boldness and perversness: That as to the Mobile and ignorant Common People, they were to be seriously admonished not to stir, unless commanded by the Magistrate; for all that labour would be in vain, and God himself would be the Avenger, seeing so great Wickedness was not to be ex­piated by so slight a Punishment; for that Princes acted so slowly and remisly, that they suffered so great Indignities, and were not moved by those manifest Injuries and Shams of the Clergy; God permitted it should be so, that he alone might avenge his own Quarrel, and pour out all his Wrath upon them: That though a Tumult or Insurrection might also break forth, and that God should rest satisfied with so easie a punishment; yet all that way of acting was not only discommendable, but unpro­fitable also; for that in Seditions and Tumults all Reason was banished, and most commonly the Innocent were the greatest Sufferers: That no Man neither who raised Stirs and Tumults could be excused, how just a Cause soever he might have; for a Popular Sedition once growing to a Head, good and honest Men must necessarily perish with the wicked and bad: Men ought then to fix their eyes upon the Magistrate, and so long as he stir not, nothing was to be attempted privately; for that all Sedi­tion was repugnant to the Command of God, who hath ordered all the Controversies of private Men to be legally determined. But that when Sedition was nothing else but a private Revenge, no Man could doubt, but that God disapproved and abhorred it: That the Sedition and Rebellion which seemed now impendent, was raised by the Devil, the Enemy of Mankind, who not being able to endure the Light of the Truth, raised up Stirs by Men that professed the Gospel, that so he might bring into hatred and contempt the true Doctrin, which for some years had been by the blessing of God restored, as if that proceeded not from God, which seemed to have given occa­sion to so many Evils: That the very same thing was already confidently objected by the Adversaries, but that their Judgments were not to be valued; and for his part, he utterly despised them: That he had never spoken or written any thing which might blow the coals of Sedition: That by those who now asked what was to be done then, and how long were those Indignities to be suffered, while the Magistrate connived at the same? This method was to be observed; first, That they should ac­knowledge their Sins; whereat God being offended, had suffered that Tyranny of the Clergy to continue so long, and spread so far: That this cruel and impious Do­minion, was the reward of our Wickedness and Crimes; from which if we would be delivered, we must by reforming our Lives, make our Peace with God: That, in the next place, with hearty and sincere Prayers, Divine Aid was to be implored against the Popish Kingdom, after the Example of David, who often prayed God to break the Pride and Power of the wicked: That lastly, the Doctrin of the Gospel should be preached, and the Juggles and Impostures of the Popes made manifest to Christians, that their Errors being detected, and the Truth known, Men might slight and wholly contemn whatever should proceed from them: That this was the readiest way to lessen [Page 89] their Power: That nothing was to be done by force of Arms, for commonly they got strength by Wars; but that by comparing the Pope with Christ, and his Doctrin with the Gospel, it would, at length, appear, how great a Difference there was be­twixt the Light of the Sun and Darkness, and how great a Blessing God had bestowed upon us, in opening to us a way to the Knowledge of him, and in removing all Letts and Impediments out of it; that then would all their Might and Reputation fall and come to nought; as might appear by his own Example, who had given a greater Blow to the Popish Monarchy, than any armed Force could ever have done: That therefore there was no other Sedition or Rebellion to be wished for; Since that the preaching of the Gospel now revived by Christ himself, was powerful and smart enough to overturn all Popery: That they were to fix their Eyes and Thoughts on this: That it was not his own Work he was about (for no Human Strength nor Wit was suffici­ent for that), and that the progress it had already made, was quite contrary to his Expectation; so that he made no doubt, but he who had laid the Foundation of the Work, and given increase to the same, would also bring it to a happy end and conclusion, in spight of all the Enemies that should withstand it: That long before, the Devil foresaw this glorious Change a coming, and had therefore endeavoured to prevent it, and had raised some Men in their publick Writings to prophesie of these Times, that he might render this saving Doctrin odious; but that when he perceived his Endea­vours frustrated, he betook himself to another Stratagem, and tempted Men to Rebel­lion, thereby to hinder all revolting from his and the Pope's Dominion; but that he should not be able to accomplish his Designs, for that by the Preaching of the Gospel, their Kingdom should be more and more confounded: That Men should make it their Care and Study to persevere in that Doctrin, and make it appear that Human Decrees availed nothing to Salvation: That Men were likewise to be admonished, Not to put themselves under the Yoak of Monastick Vows; and that such as were already so en­gaged, should shake off the Obligation; as also that they should give no Money to those frivolous and idle uses of the Church, as for Tapers, Bells, Pictures, Vessels, Images, Works, Ornaments, and the like; since the Christian Life consisted not in these things, but in Faith and Charity: That if the People were taught in this manner, there was no doubt, but that in a few Years all the Authority and Dominion of the Pope and his Adherents, would fall to the Ground; but that if this Doctrine should be neglected, and these Errours and false Opinions not rooted out of Men's Minds, Popery would continue, though never so many Conspiracies might be made against it. That they should weigh and consider with themselves, How much he himself in so small a time had done, merely by his Doctrin, which his very Adversaries acknowledged, when they complained that their Profits and Advantages were much impaired; whence it might easily be perceived, What might be done, if but for two Years longer, this Doctrin should have its course: That therefore the Devil did now bestir himself, and endeavoured by Tumults and Seditions to hinder that design; but that we were to act prudently, and magnifie and extol this Blessing of God, who had thus enlightened us with the Knowledge of his Truth: That the Cheats, Ignorance, Rapacity, Tyranny and all that Sink of Impostures, wherewith the Papists had so long deluded the World, were now detected: That they who had heretofore been so formidable, were now re­duced to this, That they had no safety, but in Arms: That therefore, since they now appeared naked, and their Uncleanness being seen of all Men, were forced to flie to the Sword, it was impossible that their Kingdom could long stand; and if any of their Power remained, which the Preaching of the Gospel had not crushed, it would be to­tally abolished by the coming of Christ: That so we were to proceed couragiously in that Course, but still with Order and Moderation; for that some went on preposter­ously, who being destitute of all Learning, so soon as they had heard a Sermon or two, pretended presently to great matters, called themselves Lutherans, and sharply censu­red others, who as yet understood nothing; which was a great Fault, and ought not to be done: Wherefore he prayed, That no Man would make use of his Name, but labour rather, that since we professed the Name of Christ, we might justly deserve to be called Christians: That he who took upon him to teach, should consider whom he had to deal with; for that there were some stubborn Tempers, who not only con­temned sound Doctrin, but led others also into Errour; that such, were not at all to be medled with, according to Christ's Command, Pearls were not to be cast be­fore Swine: But that when these Men, not content with their own Ignorance or frowardness, laboured to seduce others, and pervert them from the true Doctrin, then were they to be briskly withstood, not indeed, for their own sakes, but that some of the People, at least, might be saved: That again, there were others, [Page 90] who were not, indeed, obstinate, but simple and ignorant, and these were tenderly to be dealt with, not rashly and in hurry, shewing them calmly and in order, where­in the Salvation of Mankind consisted, and accommodating the Discourse to their Ca­pacities, till by little and little they increased in knowledge and were confirmed.

In the former Book we spake of the Boors, who in Schwabia were in Arms before Muncer took the Field: These were somewhat more moderate at first, and published a Declaration of their Grievances, and what they demanded from the Princes and Ma­gistrates, as we hinted at before, protesting that if they were mistaken and abused, they would not be obstinate, but submit to sounder Counsils.

The first of their Demands was,The Boors Demands. That they might have Liberty to chuse such Mini­sters as should sincerely preach the Word of God, without the mixture of Human Traditions. In the next place, That hereafter they would pay no Tithes, but of Corn, and that these should be employed at the Discretion of good Men, partly for the Stipends of the Ministers, partly for relieving the Poor, and partly for Publick Uses. Again, That it had been unworthily done, to have used them hitherto, as if they had been Bond-slaves, since by the Blood of Christ all Men were made free: That they did not, indeed, disown the Magistrate, whom they knew to be appointed of God, and whom in all honest and lawful things they were willing to obey; but that they would not for the future suffer that Bondage, unless it were proved by Texts of Scripture, that they ought in reason to do so. Moreover, That it consisted not with Equity, that they should be prohibited to take Wild Beasts, Fowls and Fish; and much less that in some Places they durst not hunt Wild Beasts out of their own Pa­stures: That from the Creation of the World God had given man Right and Domini­on over all kind of Animals; not that they desired to take any thing by Force from those who had bought the whole or part of a River; but they craved that some Equa­lity might be observed, and that regard should be rather had to the Profit of a Multi­tude, than of a few Persons. That besides, Woods and Forests were in the Hands of a small number, not without great Prejudice to the People: That therefore it was their Intention, That such Woods as had not been bought by Private Persons, should be common, that every Man might freely take of them for daily use, and building also, when there should be occasion; yet so still, that they should not do it, but by the Au­thority of Overseers, who should be appointed for that effect: But that if there were no Woods, but what belonged to private Men, then they should agree amicably with the Owners: That furthermore, they lay under several sorts of Burthens, which grew greater and greater daily; wherefore they desired that the Princes would regulate that according to Equity and the Rule of the Gospel, and lay no more Burthens upon them than what had been accustomed of old: That it was their Desire also, That they who helds Lands, Goods and Possessions, by the Favour and Grant of the Prince and Magistrate, should not be charged higher for them than had been covenanted at first: That in like manner, since some of them paid yearly Taxes and Impositions more than their Estates could bear; it was but reasonable that the Princes should therein remit somewhat, that they who laboured the Land, might have some Profit at least for their Pains, and not be reduced to Poverty: That in Money-Fines they designed also great­er Equity: That new Laws were daily made, and Money often extorted from them, not for reforming them, but for Favour, Hatred, or some other by-End: That they therefore demanded, That Penalties might be inflicted according to the Form and Man­ner anciently prescribed, and not according to the particular Affections of Men: That some also took in Lands and Meadows which were Common; that they would have all things of that Nature laid open again, unless any private Man should pur­chase the same. Lastly, That whereas, upon the Death of a Tenant, it was a Custom, That his Wife and Childred should pay somewhat for a Heriot, that that was a most un­reasonable thing; and therefore they would have the Magistrate wholly to abolish it.

To this their Publick Declaration,Luther's An­swer to the Grievances of the Boors. Luther, to whom they had appealed, made An­swer, and turning his Discourse to them: It is true, said he, and I confess, That Princes who admit not of the Preaching of the Gospel, who many ways burthen and oppress the People, justly deserve that God should cast them down from the Throne; for they have no excuse to make for themselves: And though this be true, yet must you take heed, that you bring with you a pure and unblameable Conscience; otherwise you will cast away both Body and Soul: Nor ought you to consider, how great your own Strength is, and how much your Adversaries are to be blamed; but how Just and Lawful the Cause is which you defend: Consider therefore diligently, and believe not what all Men preach; for Satan hath under Pretence of the Gospel, at this time [Page 91] raised up many Seditions and Bloody Preachers. For my part, I will give you true and sincere Counsel, and it is your Duty to listen to good Advice, when it is given you. Neither am I moved at the Calumnies and Reproaches of Men, if I can save but some from the Wrath and Vengeance of God: I mind not the rest of the Rabble, but as they despise me, I fear not them. But to the purpose; You take to your selves, in­deed, the name of God, and call your selves a Congregation of Christian People, giv­ing it out, That you will in all things follow the Law which God hath set before you. But without doubt, you know that the Name of God is not to be taken rashly and in vain, for God threatens a Punishment, which is due to you also, if you go not about this Business in the right way: He that drowned the whole World by the Flood, and de­stroyed Sodom with Fire and Brimstone, can easily sweep you away also; what Power soever you may have now, it, may easily be proved, that in your Actions you take the Name of God in vain: So that it is not hard to conjecture what the end will be; for he deceiveth not that saith, They who take the Sword, shall perish by the Sword: That is, They who boldly take to themselves the power of Correction, whereas, neverthe­less, S. Paul commandeth all Men in general to obey the Magistrate with fear and reve­rence. What will you answer to this, who pretend to follow the Rule of God's Word, and notwithstanding take the Sword, and resist the Magistrate, whom God hath appointed? Is not that to take the Name of God in vain? But you'll say, The Magistrate behaves himself so, that he is altogether Intolerable; for he deprives us both of the Doctrin of the Gospel, and in all things else oppresses us to the highest degree: Grant it be so, yet you are not therefore to raise Stirs and Commotions, for it is not every Man's part to curb Malefactors, but that belongeth to him who hath the Right and Power of the Sword, as the Scripture plainly teaches. Again, it is evident, not only from positive Laws, but even from the Law of Nature, That no Man ought to be Judge in his own Cause; for we are all corrupt, and blinded with Self-love. Nor can it be denyed, but that this Tumult and Sedition of yours is a Private Revenge, for you take upon you to be Judge in your own Cause, and also to revenge the In­juries that you fancy to be done to you, by your own Authority, which is a thing re­pugnant to the Laws of God, of Nature and common Equity. And seeing it is so, you have no Colour of Reason or Justice, whereby you can defend your Fact; or if you have any Command from God, to do as you do, the same must be proved by you, by some signal Miracle: But it is verified in you, what Christ saith, you clearly see the faults of other men, but perceive not the wickedness and injustice of your own cause. The Ma­gistrate acts unjustly, but more unjustly you, who in Contempt of God's Command, invade the Jurisdiction of another, who leave nothing for the Magistrate to do; for what remaineth, when you have taken from him his Power and Authority? I appeal to your selves: He that taketh from any Man a considerable part of his Goods, but leaveth him some; and he that taketh away both Goods and Life, what think you, which of the two is the more Cruel? The Magistrate takes from you your Possessions, it is unjust: But you take from him his Jurisdiction, wherein consists all his Fortune, both as to Body and Estate; you are therefore more Criminal than the Magistrate. But, say you, we attempt not their Lives nor Fortunes; believe that who will, I do not. He that taketh from a Man the chief thing he hath, will not stand in aw to take the rest also, which dependeth thereon. But be it as you say; Let them enjoy their Estates and Lives in Safety, yet what you have already done, exceedeth all Bounds, when depriving them of all Power and Authority, you your selves will be Lords and Masters. Consider with your selves, I pray, in case your Enterprize should succeed, there would be no Judicature, no Magistrate at all, and every private Man might use his Neighbour after his own Will and Pleasure, and what is there then to be expected, but mutual Murders and Robberies? for no sooner will one Man think himself wronged by another, but presently he'll essay to revenge himself as he thinks best: Now if this be in it self unjust, and not to be suffered in any person, how much less ought it to be allowed to any multitude of Men? Or if it be granted to them, is it to be born with also, in Private Persons? Now, if in your own Assembly matters should come to that Licentiousness, that every private Man did revenge his own Quar­rel; pray, what would you do? certainly they would be made to answer for it be­fore a Publick Judicature, appointed by you: What Excuse have you then, who con­temn Judicatures, and reject the Magistrates, whom God hath set over you? This Law we now speak of, is imprinted on the Minds of all Men, and observed by the most Barbarous: For else all things would be in the greatest Confusion imaginable; which, though you carefully observed, yet in that you would be no better than very Turks, or any such other People that know not our Religion: For to submit to the [Page 92] Publick Judicatures, and to obey the Magistrate, maketh not a Man a Christian, since Necessity obliges Men to that even against their Wills. Wherefore when you root out that very Law, which is grafted in the Minds, and common to all Men, ye are a great deal worse than Heathens, so little do ye deserve the Name of Christians; which Title because you arrogate to your selves, and do injury to the Name of God, not deserving to be called Turks, for your Violation of the Law of Nature; how will you stand before the Face of Christ, when he shall come to Judge us all for our Actions? Take heed therefore again and again, what sort of Men your Preachers are; for I am afraid that bloody minded Men have crept in among you, who by their Sermons inflame you; that relying on your Assistance, they may invade Dominion and Rule, and never mind your Welfare neither here nor hereafter. God reserves all Revenge to himself, and the Scripture commands us to obey the Magistrate, though he be wicked: You ought therefore to he obedient; for otherwise you will raise a Storm that will break upon your own Heads: Think not that God will suffer your licen­tiousness to go unpunished; and while you seek after Liberty, you will procure to your selves the loss of Body, Goods, and Soul also. The Wrath of God is waxed hot against you, and the Devil, the Enemy of Man's Salvation, hath sent false Teachers into your Assemblies. Follow therefore my Council, beware and amend in time.

Now will I speak of the Christian or Evangelical Law; for since ye take to your selves that Name, it is but reasonable that we should examine what your Right is. And in the first place, Christ commandeth us not to resist evil; but when Men smite us on one Cheek, to turn to them the other also; if one take our Coat from us, he bids us also give him our Cloak: He enjoyns us to do good to our Enemies, and pray for thems To which purpose there are many places in Holy Scripture. Now look you to it, how that Enterprize of yours agrees with the Command of Christ: Consider whither your Teachers have led you. It is indeed the duty of Christians to suffer and bear the cross, not to resist, revenge, nor smite with the Sword; But does there any such thing appear among you? The Profession of a Christian is a very hard task, and but very few perform what they really ought: For the better understanding whereof, I will give you an Instance of this Law we are speaking of. St. Peter, to defend his Lord and Master, smote a Servant of the High-Priest's; Had he not a just Cause? since they not only sought after the Life of Christ, but took also from his Disciples the Doctrin of the Gospel, wherein their Salvation consisted, by putting to death their Master Christ. Now you have not as yet suffered such a heinous Injury: But what did Christ in the mean time? He commanded Peter to desist, pronouncing a severe Sentence against those who smote with the Sword; that is, who, in contempt of the Magistrate, practised private Revenge. What did he do himself, when nailed to the Cross, when he was forbidden to discharge the Office of Teaching, committed to him by God the Father? He even bore all patiently, committed his Cause to God the Father, and prayed and made Intercession for his Persecutors. This Example you must imitate, or lay aside so specious a Name. Now if you followed the steps of Christ, God would make known his Power; and as after the ignominious Death of his only Son, he propagated the Gospel far and near, in spight of all Opposition; so also without doubt would he look down upon you, and abundantly supply you with his saving Doctrin: But now that you will carry on the work by force of Arms, you shall never obtain what you would have, and your Arms shall be beat out of your Hands. Now will I say somewhat of my self also. The whole World conspired and bent their utmost force against me; and nevertheless the more violently they proceeded, the greater progress did my Doctrin make. Why so? I used no Force, raised no Commotion, neither was I desirous of Revenge; but reverently submitted to the Civil Magistrate, and, as far as I was able, wrote in his Behalf; and what was the chief thing of all, committing the Cause to God, I wholly rested on his Protection: So that I am preserved alive to this very day, though the Pope and my Adversaries vex and fret thereat, and my Doctrin at the same time hath been preached to many People. But ye rush on head-long, and while you think you further the work, per­ceive not how great a hindrance you are unto it. What I hereby drive at, is, that in this cause you would lay aside that Title and Name of Christians; for though it were never so just, yet, as I said before, it is not lawful for a Christian to fight, nor resist evil; and therefore I cannot allow you that Denomination. Not that I would by this justifie the Magistrates, for they do many unjust things I acknowledge; but nevertheless this your proceeding is altogether inconsistent with the Character of Christians, insomuch that if you obstinately retain that Name, and gild your bad Cause with that specious colour, I declare my self your Enemy; because under the [Page 93] pretext of the Gospel, ye act quite contrary to the Doctrin of Christ. Therefore will I make it my Prayer to God, that he would look upon you from a far, and disappoint your Designs; for I perceive clearly enough, that the Devil, who hath not been hitherto able to oppress me by means of the Pope of Rome, now goeth about to undo me by those blood-thirsty Preachers. Therefore I will pray, as I have said, though I had rather you would so behave your selves, that I might not have cause to make my Prayers against you: For though I be a Sinner, yet the Cause of my Prayer is just, and I make no doubt but it will be heard; for God will have his Name to be sanctified, and hath taught us so to pray. Wherefore I exhort and beseech you, that you would not make slight of mine and other Mens Prayers; for you'l feel, to your great hurt and sorrow, what they will avail. Now you cannot come to Prayer with any such confidence; for both the Scripture and a guilty Conscience declare that your Actions are profane and ungodly. How many of you, I pray, have betaken themselves to God in this case? Not one I doubt; for you place all your safety in your numerous Forces and your Arms. However true Christians do nothing violently, but suffer; and apply themselves to God by instant and servent Prayer, as the Practice of godly Men in all Ages makes it appear; for this only is the right course, which also affords great peace and tranquility of Mind. Now therefore since ye neglect this way, and neither pour out your Prayers to God, nor suffer with Patience, but trust in your own Strength, and expect all from your selves, you are not to hope for any Blessing from God. It is possible indeed, that by God's permission you may have some small Success, but that will turn at lenghth to your own Destruction.

By what hath hitherto been said, it will be easie to Answer your Demands; which though they were grounded on Equity, and were consonant to the Law of Na­ture, yet in the main they cannot subsist; because you would by Force wrest them from the Magistrate, which is contrary both to Equity and common Right; and he that penned them for you, is no good Man; for the Texts of Scripture whereby he incenses you, and exposes you to danger, are neither intirely nor faithfully cited by him; and being narrowly examined, they are so far from making for you, that indeed they strongly militate against you. The chief thing you complain of, is, that you are deprived of the Preaching of the Gospel: But that cannot be, since the Doctrin of the Gospel is not restrained to any one place, but freely moves all over the World; like to that Star which guided the Wise Men of the East to the place where Christ was born and lay. It is indeed in the Power of the Magistrate to hinder one from coming to the place where the Gospel is preached; but it is in our Power also to leave the Country, and follow this Doctrin into those places where it is taught. The Place it self is not to be taken violently, and forcibly detained by you; but to be left to the Magistrate or Lord of it, and you to remove elsewhere, as Christ himself teach­eth. The first of your Demands, about Chusing your Ministers, is not amiss, if it proceed orderly: For if the Revenues wherewith the Ministers of the Church are maintained, have been given by the Magistrates, it is not now lawful for the People to give them to whom they please; but the Magistrate is to be first petitioned to appoint a Pastor; and if he refuse, the People may chuse one, and maintain him at their own Charges: If the Magistrate will not suffer this neither, then let him who is chosen by the People fly, and whosoever please with him; for if any other course be taken, it must needs be criminal and injurious. What you pretend to concerning Tithes, is most unreasonable; for what is it else, but to abolish all Magistracy? Be liberal, but let it be of your own, and not of other Mens Goods, yea, act altogether, as if you were absolute Masters, and had the disposal of all things, whereby it may be easily known what your intent and purpose is. You would also take away all Ser­vitude. What? did not Abraham and many other holy Men possess Bond-men? Read St. Paul's Epistles, and he will instruct you concerning Bond-men. That De­mand therefore favoureth of Rapine and Violence, and is repugnant to the Gospel; for he that is a Servant, may nevertheless be Pious, and enjoy Christian Liberty, as well as he who is in Prison, or on a sick Bed: But you aim at this, that all Men should be Equal, and of one and the same Condition; which is foolish and absurd; for Civil Society and Government cannot subsist, unless there be a distinction of Persons, some Masters, and some Servants; some to Command, and some to Obey. As for the rest, concerning Wild Beasts, Pastures, Woods, Rivers, Taxes, and the like, I leave them to be discussed by Lawyers; for they belong not to my Office, which is to instruct Men in Religion and Spiritual Matters. And this, Brethren, is my Judgment and Advice, which you desired to know. Now it will be your parts, who [Page 94] say that you will conform to the Testimonies of Scripture, to hearken to the same; and not cry out when these shall come to your hands, that I am become a Flatterer of the Civil Magistrate, as if I taught you not what is just and right; but first weigh seriously the whole matter, and the arguments which I use; for certainly it is your Interest that lyes at stake. But above all things, beware of those Teachers who spur you forwards: I know what sort of Men they are; they lead you to a Precipice, that they my get Honor and Riches by your Dangers.

The reason why Luther upbraided them so much with the false Title they took to themselves, was this, That in all their Declarations for inviting and alluring others to enter into Confederacy with them, they gave it out, That they had taken up Arms by the Command of God, and out of Love to the Publick, that the Doctrin of the Gospel might prosper, that Truth, Justice and Honesty of Life might flourish, and that they might for the future secure them and theirs from Violence and Oppression. And when they had thus declared the reason of their Proceedings, in a few words they charged and commanded their Neighbors, that they should forthwith Arm and come to their Assistance; wherein if they failed, that they would with all speed come upon them with their whole Forces.

When Luther had thus answered them, he addressed likewise a Monitory to the Princes and Nobility:Luther's Mo­nitory to the Princes and Nobility. Wherein he tells them; For all the Troubles and Commotions that are now on foot, saith he, ye only are to be thanked; ye especially, who have the Name of Church-men, and leave not off to this present to persecute the Doctrin of the Gospel, even against your Conscience. In the next place, ye who are Magi­strates, and bear Rule in Civil Affairs, mind nothing else, but how, right or wrong, you may get Money to support your Luxury and Pride; so that the poor People are no longer able to bear the Burthen. Great Dangers certainly threaten you, and hang over your Heads like a Sword hanging by a twined Thread: And nevertheless you are secure, as if you could not be moved; but this Security will doubtless be your Ruine. God sometimes poured out his Indignation upon Princes, as you read in the Psalms: I have oftener than once admonished you to beware of that Evil; but you run headlong to destruction, and no warning will serve; wherefore the Wrath of God will fall upon your Heads, if ye amend not your Lives. The Prodigies which happen and are seen in many places, portend no good. We may easily know that God's Anger is waxed hot against us, in that he suffereth false Teachers to have so much Power over us, as to mislead us into error and darkness, that so we may be deservedly punished: And we have an Instance of this before our Eyes; the present popular Insurrection, which will utterly destroy Germany, unless God, moved by our Prayers, be pleased to send some Remedy. For this is now the present state of Affairs, that Men neither can, nor will, nor indeed ought to suffer our Arbitrary Rule any longer. You must be wholly transformed, and give place to the Word of God; for if the People bring it not to pass at this time, others shall succeed; and though you kill and destroy most of them, yet God will raise up others in their place; for the Work is his, it is he that warreth against you, and calls you to an account for your Impieties. Some of you have bragg'd, That you would spend your Lives and Fortunes in the utter Extirpation of Luther's Doctrin: And does that not seem to be in a fair way now to be done? But these are Matters not to be Jested with. The Jews of old, said that they had no King; but at last they have been reduced to this condition, to want a King for ever. Some of you also, as if your former Crimes had not been enough, cast a new Reproach upon the Gospel, and say that all these Stirs are the fruits of my Doctrin. Well, go on in your Railing; but that ye will not know what my Doctrin is, nor hear the voice of the Gospel, it is a sign of an obstinate and ma­licious Mind. For my part, I have from the very first, always taught modestly, ab­horred all Seditions, and earnestly exhorted the People to Obedience to their Magi­strates; nay, and advised them too, to bear with your wicked and tyrannical Domi­nation: And in this I appeal to your selves. This Insurrection then proceeded not from me; but those blood-thirsty Prophets, who are my Enemies no less than yours, have raised the Plague by seducing the People, and have been carrying on the work these three years past and more, while no Man withstood them, as I have done. If God now, for your Sins permit the Devil, by means of those Prophets, to stir up the Rage of the People against you,; and if matters come to that pass, that it is out of my power to prevent this Storm; wherein pray, am I or the Gospel to be blamed for that, when the very Doctrin which I profess, hath not only hitherto suffered your Cruelty, but also pours out Prayers to God for you, and hath always maintained and highly commended your Dignity to the People? Now if I delighted to be revenged [Page 95] for the Injuries you have done unto me; I might laugh in my Sleeve, and be an idle Spectator of the Tragedy, or else joyn with the raging Multitude, and as it is commonly said, Pour your Oyl into the Flame, and scratch the Sore. Wherefore most noble Princes, I earnestly beseech you, That you would not despise my Admonition, nor set light by this Insurrection: Not that I fear they will be too hard for you (for I would not have you be afraid of that) but that you would stand in awe of the Wrath of God; for if he intend to punish you, as you deserve, you will not avoid the Dan­ger, though the Power of the Enemy be never so small. And therefore, if there be any Place left for Counsel, I pray you give way to rage, and wisely prevent the emi­nent Storm: And since the Event is uncertain, and the Will of God unknown; you ought to try well all ways first, and take heed, that such a Fire be not kindled, as may consume all Germany. For certainly our Sins, whereby we have stirred up God's Wrath against us, are manifest, so that we ought to be afraid of the least Noise; much more when so great a number of Enemies are got together, with violent De­signs: Lenity and Clemency can do you no hurt; and though it should, it will after­wards make Satisfaction with great Advantage: But if you oppose Force to Force, you may be in Danger, perhaps, of losing all. And when you may obtain more by other Means, why will ye run so great a Risk? They have proposed twelve Demands, whereof some are so consonant to Equity and Reason, that you have just Cause to be ashamed: However, they refer all to their own Profit, and prove not sufficiently what they alledge: And besides there are many other things of greater concern to the State of Germany, which may be objected unto you, as we have made it appear in a Book, written for that purpose; but because you, to whom they were particularly addressed, have rejected them, you are now deservedly urged with far harder Conditions. Their first Demand is, That such Ministers may be lawfully appointed, as may sincerely preach the Word of God. And although they have in this, an Eye to their own Pro­fit, when they would have their Stipends paid out of other Men's Tiths; yet what they demand, cannot in Reason be denied; for it is lawful for no Magistrate, to de­barr their People from the Doctrin of the Gospel. The other things they crave, con­cerning Serving-men, and the like, are also grounded on Reason; for it is not the part of the Magistrate, to afflict and harass the People; but rather to defend and pre­serve their Fortunes and Estates. But now there is no end of Exactions, and how can that continue? for if the Country-people reap more plentiful Crops of their Lands and Farms, than perhaps they expected; and their Magistrates and Landlords there­fore raise their Taxes and Rents, all which they profusely spend in Luxury and Riot; Pray, what Profit have the poor Wretches, and wherein is their Condition bettered thereby? This Luxury and Profusion ought, certainly to be restrained, that some­thing may be also left for them to live on. The rest of their Demands, I suppose you have learnt from their Publick Declaration.

Having severally admonished both Parties,Luther's com­mon Epistle to the Nobles and Boors. he wrote to them a common Epistle, ad­vising them, That since they both maintained a bad Cause, that they would desist from Arms, and amicably accommodate the Difference. To the Magistrates he represents, That the Ends of Tyrants have been always most sad and fatal; and to the People, That the Success of those who have Rebelled, and risen in Arms against their Magi­strates, hath ever been Calamitous and Unfortunate. One thing he chiefly bewailed, That when on both Sides they fought with a bad Conscience, the Princes in maintain­ing their Oppression, and the People in rebelliously attempting to accomplish their De­sires, all who perished in the Wars, must needs make Shipwrack of their Souls. In the next place he laments the Condition of Germany, which was like to be utterly rui­ned by this Civil War: That it was an easie thing to take up Arms; but not so easie to lay them down again, when we would. He advised them therefore to forbear, and not leave to Posterity Germany in so troubled and bloody a State: That no permanent Good could be obtained by Arms; but much by the Reformation of Life. He ex­horts them to refer the whole Matter to the Arbitration of Good Men, to be chosen on both Sides: That the Magistrates would remit somewhat of their Right; and that the Boors yield to good Admonition, and recede from some of their Demands: That this was his Counsel, and if they followed it not, he should he the Spectator of the Ruine of both; for that it would be unlawful to be on either Side; seeing the Boors fought against the Princes, as against the Oppressors of their Estates and Liberties; and the Princes, on the other hand, against the Boors, as against Robbers, and such as cast a Reproach upon the Name of Christ. That in this their obstinate Fierceness, he would pray to God, either to shew some way of Concord, or to confound and repress the Counsels and Attempts of both. Though by reason of the many Prodi­gies [Page 96] which appeared, he was very anxious and much afraid, he said, that the Wrath of God might no more be mitigated and appeased now, than at that Time, when by the Prophet Jeremiah he declared, That the Jews had so highly provoked him to wrath and in­dignation, as that the Intercession of most holy men, should not prevail with him to spare them, but that he would certainly afflict and plague them for their wickedness; that therefore he wished for nothing more, than that they would repent, and trun to the Lord, that the Calami­ty hanging over their Heads, might at least be mitigated and delayed.

Whilst Luther in this manner,Luther sends an Allarm a­gainst the Boors. endeavoured to compose the Tumult, the Boors in Franconia, and other Places, suddenly advancing, made War not only against the Pa­pists, but the Nobility also, and did much Mischief far and near, as hath been said: Then published Luther another Book; wherein he exhorted and incited all Men to hasten to the Destruction of those villanous Traytors, Robbers and Parri­cides, as they would run to the quenching of a publick Fire; for that they were such, as had shamefully violated their Allegiance to the Magistrate, invaded other Men's Possessions by Force, and cloaked this horrid Villany and Impiety with the colour and pretext of Christianity; than which nothing could be imagined more abominable and vile. He also in few Words refuted the Arguments they used, as hath been menti­oned at large before: In the next place, he tells the Magistrates, That they should not scruple nor fear to set upon and suppress that Seditious Rabble: That it was pro­perly their Duty to do so: Nor was it lawful only for them, but also for every Private Man, by any way whatsoever to kill a Rebel, because Rebellion was the greatest of Evils that could happen in a State; and that the more they drew and halled in against their Wills into their Confederacy, or rather Madness and Fury, the greater was the Guilt, and the more severely to be punished: That at first they protested, They were willing to submit to Arbitration, and to hearken to better Counsel if any should con­vince them: And that therefore he durst not then condemn them, so long as they kept themselves within those Bounds; but that now, since it plainly appeared, That all was but Hypocrisie and Dissimulation, he was obliged to alter his Stile. That therefore he gave the Allarm, and advised all Men to fall upon them, in the same manner, as they would upon Wild Beasts. This little Book of his was every where censured as too Sharp and Bloody: But he made a large Answer for himself, and justifies his Opi­nion, declaring, That no Mercy ought to be shewn to any of them, no not to those who being compelled by the rest of the Multitude, had acted any thing rebelliously: And that none should be pardoned, as he had always said before; but they who being admonished, came in and surrendered themselves.

I told you before, That the Emperour, by Letters from Spain, prohibited the sit­ting of the Imperial Dyet, which should have met it November the Year before at Spire: But now that the State of Germany was much disturbed at Home, and threatned also with great Danger from the Turk abroad,The Emper­our's Letters for calling the Dyet of Au [...] ­burg. he wrote again from Toledo, May 24, and having resumed the Reasons why he would not have the former Dyet to be kept, he tells the Princes, That he would not have that so to be taken, as if, in the mean time no Consultation should be had about the other Affairs of the Empire; for that he acknow­ledged it to be his Duty, to defend the Christian Religion, and the Holy Rites and Customs received from their Ancestors; and to prohibit all pernicious Doctrin and Innovations in Religion: That therefore he proposed, That with the Advice and Consent of the Pope, a General Council should be called. But seeing that might, perhaps, be too late, and that in the mean time, many things were done in Germany, contrary to the Decree of Wormes; and that he was informed also of Stirs and Sediti­ons on foot aginst the Magistrates: That, moreover, because there were many and great Controversies among the Princes and States themselves; and that the Turk also, the perpetual enemy of Christendom, lay hovering upon their Borders: Besides, that there were several things in the Judicatures and Council of the Empire, which needed Reformation: That for these Reasons he called a Dyet of the whole Empire to meet at Ausburg the first of October, there to treat of the Affairs of the Publick, and parti­cularly of continuing the Aids against the Turks: That if he could not be present at it himself, he would give Commission to others to supply his place. These Letters were not delivered in Germany till the thirtenth of August, which was somewhat too late: Wherefore by the Advice and Consent of Archduke Ferdinand, whom the Emperour had made his Representative, and others, the Day was prorogued to S. Martin's Day, the eleventh of November, that they who lived more remote might have time to come.

[Page 97] Carolostadius, whom we named before, disagreeing with Luther, left Wittemberg, and became very familiar with those clandestine Doctors, who pretended to Visions and Conferences, with God, as hath been said before; for this Reason chiefly the Elector of Saxony had banished him his Country; but he, in the mean time, published seve­ral Pamphlets, wherein he enveighed against Luther and his Followers, and new Flat­terers of the Pope; and as if they taught amiss concerning the Mass, Confession of Sins, Images and the like. These Words of Christ, This is my Body, he interpreted also thus,Carolostadius his Expositi­on of This is my Body. here sitteth my Body. Nor did he spare the Elector neither, whom he short­ly took up for his Banishment, and laid the Blame of it on Luther. To these things Luther made a long Answer, wherein he defended his own Doctrin, and affirmed, That the Elector had very good Reason, not to suffer him to abide within his Territo­ries: But after the suppression of that popular Insurrection, when in all Places many were dragg'd to Execution; Carolostadius being in great Straits, wrote a Book, where­in he took a great deal of Pains, to justifie himself against those, who reckoned him among the Authors of the Rebellion, affirming it to be an Injury done unto him; and writing to Luther, he earnestly prayed him, That he would both publish that Book, and also defend his Cause, lest an innocent Man, as he was, might be in dan­ger of losing Life and Goods, without being heard. Luther published a Letter to this purpose: That though Carolostadius differed very much in Opinion from him, yet be­cause in his straits he betook himself to him, rather than to others, who had stirred him up against him, he would not disappoint his Hope and Confidence, especially since that was properly the Duty of a Christian. He therefore, desired the Magistrates, and all in General, That seeing he both denyed the Crime, that was laid to his charge, and refused not to come to a fair Tryal, and submit to Judgment, the same might be granted him; as being most consonant to Equity and Justice. Afterwards Carolosta­dius sent another little Book to Luther, wherein he protested, That what he had writ­ten concerning the Lord's Supper, was not to define or determine any thing, but ra­ther by way of Argument and Disputation to sift out the Truth. Luther admits of the Excuse; yet admonishes Men, That seeing he himself confessed he doubted, and defined nothing positively, to beware of his Opinion: Or if they themselves, perhaps, doubted; to suspend their Judgment so long, till it should appear what they might safely follow: For that in matters of Faith we ought not to waver and doubt, but to acquire such a certain and steddy Knowledge, as rather to suffer a thousand Deaths, than to forsake our Opinion. Much about this time Luther married a Nun, whereby his Adversaries were excited to load him with more Reproaches;Luther mar­ries a Nun. for now he was down-right mad, they cried, and had sold himself a Slave to the Devil.

At the very same time Ʋlrich Zuinglius Minister of the Church at Zurich, Zuinglius dif­fers from Lu­ther about the Lord's Supper. who al­most in all other things agreed with Luther, dissented from him also about the Lord's Supper. For Luther understood these Words of Christ, This is my Body, literally and properly, admitting no Figurative Interpretation, and affirming the Body and Blood of Christ, to be really in the Bread and Wine, and to be so received and eaten by Believers. But Zuinglius maintained it was a Figure, that many such were to be found in Scripture, and the former Words he so expounded; This signifies my Body. With him agreed John Oecolampadius Minister of the Church at Basil, and he so inter­prets them: This is the Sign of my Body. The matter was contentiously debated on both sides, and much was written upon the Subject. The Saxons imbraced the Opi­nion of Luther, and the Switzers that of Zuinglius; others come after, who explained the Words in another manner; but all agree in this Opinion, That the Body and Blood of Christ are taken Spiritually, not Corporally; with the Heart, not with the Mouth. This debate lasted three Years and more; but at length a Conference was procured at Marpurg, chiefly by means of the Landgrave, as shall be said in its proper place.

The Dyet also, which at this time was held at Ausburg; because very few resorted to it, by reason of the Popular Insurrection, beforementioned, was dissolved, and all matters put off till the first of May, the Year following; against which time, Ferdi­nand gave Hopes, That the Emperour, his Brother, would be there in person from Spain, and Spire was appointed to be the place of the Dyet. It was decreed, though among other things, That the Magistrates should take special care, That the Preach­ers did interpret and expound God's Word to the People, according to the Sense of Doctors, approved by the Christian Church, and that they should not preach Sediti­ous Doctrin, but so that God's Name might be glorified, and the People live in Peace and Quietness.

[Page 98] Whilst Francis King of France was Prisoner in Spain, his Mother Aloisia, had the Administration of the Government, who to keep in with the Pope, acquainted him, among other things, How zealously she stood affected towards the Church of Rome. Whereupon Pope Clement VII,Pope Cle­ment's Letters to the Parli­ament of Paris. writing to the Parliament of Paris, told them, How he understood from her, That the Contagion of Wicked Heresies began also to infect France, and they had wisely and providently chosen some persons to enquire into, and punish those who laboured to oppose the Faith, and Ancient Religion: That he also, by his Authority, approved the Commissioners, whom they had chosen; for that in so great and grievous a Disorder of Affairs, raised by the Malice of Satan, and the Rage and Impiety of his Ministers, every one ought to bestir themselves, to preserve and maintain the common Safety of all Men, since that Rage and Madness tended not only to the Subversion of Religion, but also to the confounding of all Principality, No­bility, Law and Order: That for his part, he spared no Care, Labour nor Pains, that he might remedy the Evil: And that they also, whose Virtue and Prudence was every where celebrated, should make it their chief Business, that not only the true Faith, but also the Welfare of the Kingdom, and their own Dignity should be secu­red against Domestick Dangers and Calamities, which that pernicious and pestilent Heresie carried with it into all places: That they needed not, indeed, to be exhort­ed, having already given Proofs of their own Wisdom: But that nevertheless, in discharge of his own Duty, and as a token of his Favour and Good-will, he had been willing to make this Address unto them, for that he was exceeding well pleased with what they had already done, and exhorted them, That for the future, they would with the like Zeal and Virtue bestir themselves for the Glory of God, and the Welfare of the whole Kingdom; that by so doing, they would render most acceptable Service to God, and merit the Praises and Applause of Men; and that therein they might expect all sort of Assistance from him. This Brief dated at Rome, May the twen­tieth, was delivered to the Parliament at Paris, on the seventeenth Day of June.

During the absence also of the Captive King,The Sorbonists persecute James Fevre. the Divines of Paris so persecuted James le Fevre d'Estaples, who hath published many Books both in Philosophy and Di­vinity, that he was fain to leave France, and flie into another Country. The King being informed of this,The French King writes in his behalf. by the means chiefly of his Sister Margaret, who had a kind­ness for Le Fevre, because of his Probity and Virtue, wrote to the Parliament of Pa­ris, That he heard that there was a Process brought before them against James le Fevre, and some other Learned Men, at the Instigation of the Divines, who parti­cularly hated le Fevre; for that before his Expedition out of France, he had been grievously informed against him by some of that Faculty, though unjustly, and with­out a Cause: That then he had appointed some great Men, eminent for Learning, to inspect his Books and Writings, for which he stood accused: But that they hav­ing carefully perused and examined them all, had given him a very ample and ho­nourable Testimony: That seeing it was so, and that he was had in gread Reputation by the Italians and Spaniards, for the opinion they conceived of his Learning and Vir­tue, as he hath since learnt; he would therefore take it ill, if that innocent Man should be molested, or exposed to any Danger. And seeing, that if at any other time, so now especially, he would have Justice strictly administred throughout all his Kingdoms: And again, because for the future, he intended by all ways to favour Men of Learning, therefore he commanded them, That if any Process had been commenced against them since his Departure, they should make report of the fame to his Mother, who ma­naged the Government, that he might be certified thereof by her, and that they might expect his Will and Pleasure therein, and not to proceed any farther, but to supersede all Action, until either he should return, which he hoped, by the Blessing of God, would shortly be, or else some Order should be taken in the matter by him­self, or his Mother. These Letters, dated at Madrid in Spain, November the twelfth, were delivered to the Parliament of Paris, the eight and twentieth day of the same Month. It was a thing almost natural to the Divines of the past Age, to teaze and molest learned Men; and the reason was, because they saw themselves despised for their Ignorance.

This Year there happened a change in the State and Government of Prusia, A Change in Prusia. a Pro­vince in the utmost parts of Germany, upon the Baltick-Sea. Let us trace the matter a little farther back:The Original of the Teuto­nick Order. During the Empire of Henry VI, the Son of Frederick Barba­rossa, when the Christians were in War for the Recovery of Jerusalem, the Knights of the German or Teutonick Order were instituted, who because they fought for Re­ligion, wore a white Cross upon their Cloaths, as a Badge and cognizance of their [Page 99] Profession. This happened in the Year of our Lord, eleven hundred and ninety. The first Master of that Order was chosen, as is reported, in the Camp before Ptole­mais. Afterwards these Knights subdued Prusia, in the time of the Emperour Fre­derick II: And after that, being grown strong, they had for some time waged War with the Kings of Poland, they were overcome in Battle, and swore Allegiance to Casimire king of Poland, the Father of King Sigismund. From the first Master to Marquess Albert of Brandenburg, there had been three and thirty Masters: Now Al­bert was chosen in the Year of our Lord, one thousand five hundred and eleven. For the space of two Years, he had a bloody War with Sigismund King of Poland, and in the Year one thousand five hundred and twenty one, a Truce was made for four Years. In the mean time Marquess Albert, often sollicited the Emperour, and States of the Empire for Aid, and came himself in Person to the Dyet of Norimberg: We menti­oned before, where he took his Place as a Prince of the Empire; for the cause of the War was, because he refused to swear Allegiance to the King of Poland. But now, when the Emperour was ingaged in a War with France, The Master of Prusia de­serts the Em­pire: Is made Duke, and imbraces the Reformed Re­ligion. the Turk invaded Hungary, and Germany was so embroiled by the Rebellion of the Boors, that no help was to be expected from thence; the Truce being likewise expired, he made Peace with the King of Poland, swore Allegiance to him, as to his chief Magistrate, and imbraced the Reformed Religion. Hereupon he changed his Order, challenged Prusia, as his own, and being before but Master, was now by the King's consent inaugurated Duke of Prusia, and some time after married the Lady Dorothy, Daughter to the King of Denmark, founding also the University of Coningsberg. By this means he got the whole Order upon his Top: For although he was in Possession of Prusia, and under the Protection of the King of Poland; yet by common consent Walter Cronberg was chosen in his place, who retained the Name, and represented the old Dignity of the Order, and in all Dyets grievously accused Albert, as you shall hear in the proper place. But he having published a Manifesto, gave his Reasons for what he had done, and declared, That being forsaken of the Empire, he was driven by extream Ne­cessity, to submit himself to the King of Poland. The Letters of Pope Leo X, to Sigismund and Albert are extant; wherein he exhorts them to Concord, and either re­fer the Difference they had to his Legate, whom he would send, or submit it to the Determination of the Council of Lateran; because it was most convenient that the Debates of Kings should be decided by a Council.

THE HISTORY OF THE Reformation of the Church.

BOOK VI.
THE CONTENTS.

Luther-writes to the King of England, and George Duke of Saxony, to regain their favour: But both reject him. Now he had been put on to do so by Christiern King of Denmark, The sickness of the French King, who was Prisoner, hastened the Treaty at Madrid. The King having obtained his Liberty, two of his Sons are left Hostages. While the Princes of Germany meet in the Diet at Spire, the Emperor of the Turks marches streight into Hungary. A Disputation begun at Baden. The Pope and Venetians make a League with the French King. The Emperor and King make bitter Complaints of one another. Rome being taken by the Duke of Bourbon, the King sends Lautreck into Italy. The Errors of the Anabaptists begin to spread. A Disputation appointed at Berne, about Re­formation of Religion. A Context between King Ferdinand and the Vayvode of Transil­vania. Berken suffers Death at Antwerp. The Emperor sends a Herald with a Challenge to the French King. Lautreck Besieges Naples, but the Plague rages in his Camp. Mass is abolished at Strasburg. A Dissention arises at Basil about Religion. The Catholick Switzers make a League with Ferdinand. A Dyet held at Spire, and from thence the Name of Protestant had its Original. A Civil War among the Switzers. A Treaty at Cambray. Solyman Besieges Vienna. A new Disease breaks out in Germany. The Protestants frame a League. Erasmus his Book against Protestants. Sforza is again received into favour with the Emperor.

WE gave an Account before,Luther writes to the King of England. of the King of England and Luther's clashing by Letters: But Luther, in the mean time, having heard of some things that sounded to the King's Praise and Commendation, was mightily rejoiced at the News, and wrote very submissively unto him, That he doubted not but that he had highly offended him by the Book he pub­lished; but that he had not done it so much of his own accord, as at the instigation of others, which made him in confidence of his Royal Grace and Condescension, so much applauded by many, take the boldness to write to him at present; and the rather, that he was informed his Highness was not the Author of the Book written against him, but that it was the work of some busie and crafty Sophisters. And here taking occasion to speak of the Cardinal of York, he calls him, The Plague of England. He heard also, he said, to his great satisfaction, that His Highness disliked that sort of naughty Men, and applied his mind to the knowledge of the Truth: Wherefore he prayed him to pardon what he had done, and consider, that he himself being a Mortal Man, ought not to entertain Immortal Enmity: That if he pleased to lay his Com­mands upon him, he would make a publick acknowledgment of his fault, and wrote another Book in Praise of his Princely Vertues. Then he intreats his Highness not to listen to the Suggestions of Slanders, who called him a Heretick; since the summ of his Doctrin was this, That we must be saved by Faith in Christ, who bore the punish­ment of our Sins in his own Body; who having died and risen again for us, reigns for ever with his Father; which was the Doctrin of all the Prophets and Apostles: That having laid this for a Foundation, he taught the Duties of Charity, what we ought to do for one another, how we ought to obey the Magistrate, and suit our whole Life to the Profession of the Gospel: That if there was any Error or Impiety in [Page 101] that Doctrin, why did not the Adversaries make it out? Why did they condemn and excommunicate him before he was heard and convicted? That therefore he wrote against the Pope of Rome and his Adherents, because they taught contrary to Christ and his Apostles, for their own Gain and Profit, that they might rule and domineer over all others, and wallow in Luxury and Pleasures; for that all their Thoughts and Actions tended only to this scope; which was so notoriously known also, that they themselves could not deny it: But would they mend their Manners, and not lead such a lazy and sensual life, to the prejudice and loss of other Men, the difference might easily be brought to an end: That since a great many Princes and free Cities of Germany approved his Doctrin, and thankfully acknowledged God's Blessing in it, he earnestly wished His Highness might he reckoned one of that number: But, that the Emperor and some others made themselves his Enemies, it was no new thing: That David had prophesied many Ages since, That Kings and People should conspire against the Lord and his anointed, and cast off his Laws; That for his own part, when he considered such places of Scripture, he wondered to see that any Prince favoured the Doctrin of the Gospel. Last of all, he humbly desired that His Highness would be pleased to give him a gracious Answer.

Not long after,Luther writes also to George Duke of Saxo­ny. he wrote also to George Duke of Saxony, That it was God's usual way at first, to correct Men sharply and severely; but afterwards, tenderly to em­brace and cherish them: That he struck the Jews with fear and terror, when he de­livered the Law by Moses; but afterwards sent them glad Tydings, by the Preaching of the Gospel: That he himself also having followed that method, had dealt a little too roughly with some, and with him among the rest; but that in the mean while he had written some things full of Fruit and Consolation, whence it might be easily per­ceived, that he took all that pains out of no ill-will to any, but that he might do good to all: That he was informed however, that his Grace did not at all relent in the anger and offence which he had conceived against him, but was more and more ex­asperated daily, which was the reason why now he wrote unto him: That he earnestly begg'd of him, he would desist from opposing his Doctrin; not truly for his own sake, who had nothing to lose but his Life, but chiefly for his sake, whose Salvation lay at stake; for seeing he was certainly persuaded that his Doctrin agreed with the Writings of the Prophets and Apostles, he was therefore very much concerned for his Grace, who so bitterly hated and persecuted him. He admonished him also not to regard the meanness of his Person; for that the business was not his, but the work of the Almighty God; and though all Men should storm and rage, yet that Doctrin would abide for ever; and that therefore he was the more grieved, when he saw him so incensed and offended thereat: That he could not forsake this his Station, but seeing he was willing to gratifie him in any thing else, he humbly begg'd his Pardon, for that he had said some things too sharply against him: That he, on other hand, would pray God to forgive his Grace, for his Contempt and Persecution of the Gospel; and made no doubt but that his Prayers would be heard, provided he would leave off in time, and not endeavour to put out that Light which by God's Blessing now shone in the World; for that if he went on in that way of Cruelty, he would implore the assistance of God against him; and then he would understand too late, what it was to withstand the Majesty of Heaven: That he had a firm and undoubted confidence in God's Promises, and knew that his Prayer was more powerful than all the Arts and Snares of the Devil; and that he always had his Refuge to it, as to a most strong Castle and Rock of Defence.

The King of England having received Luther's Letter we mentioned before,The King of England's sharp Answer to Luther. returned him a sharp Answer, upbraiding him with Levity and Inconstancy. He also owned his Book, which he said had been very well liked of by many good and learned Men: That it was no strange thing to him, that he should revile the Reverend Father the Cardinal of York, since he stood not in awe to reproach both Saints and Men: That the Cardinal's Services were very useful both to him and the whole Kingdom also: And that as he had loved him very well before, he would now entertain a far greater Kindness for him, since he was calumniated and accused by him: That among other useful Services, his Eminence did also this good office, that he was zealous and dili­gent in preventing the Leprosie and Contagion of his Heresie from infecting any part of his Dominions. Afterwards he reproaches him for his Incestuous Marriage, than which no fouler Crime could be committed. This Cardinal was one Thomas Woolsey, a Man of mean Birth, but in high Favour with the King of England. Duke George of Saxony also made such an Answer to Luther, as it might easily appear how much he hated him.

[Page 102] When the French Embassadors that were sent to Spain to treat of Peace, among whom was Margaret the King's own Sister, a Widow, could effect nothing: Aloisia the Queen Mother,A League be­twixt France and England. who had the Regency of the Kingdom for her own Security, prevailed with King Henry to enter into Alliance and Amity with her; and this was concluded about the latter end of August. The chief Article of that League, was, That they should resist the Invasions of the Turk, and the Sect of Luther, which was as dangerous as the violence of the Turk. The Cardinal of England, who could do any thing with the King, was thought to have persuaded his Majesty to this Alliance; for he bore no good-will to the Emperor, because he look'd upon him as the cause, why after the Death of Adrian, he was not chosen Pope, as the Imperialists have given it out in their Writings.

When Luther had read the King of England's Answer,Luther's Com­plaint of the King of Eng­land. which was Printed, and therein found Inconstancy objected unto him, as if he had changed his Opinion in Mat­ters of Religion; which he looked upon not only as a private Injury done to himself, but also to the Reformed Religion: It much troubled him, he said, that to gratifie his Friends, he had written so submissively unto him: That Christiern King of Denmark had not left off to entreat and advise him, both Personally and by Letters, that he would write obligingly; and had told him so much of his courteous Disposition, that he had put him in hopes, that being gently dealt with, he would receive the Reformed Religion; but that now he was sensible of his Error: That he had been just so served by Cardinal Cajetane, George Duke of Saxony, and Erasmus of Rotterdam, to whom, at the desire of others, he had written affectionately; and all that he got by it, was to render them more fierce and untractable: That it was a foolish thing for him to imagin to find godliness in the Courts of Princes, to look for Christ where Satan bore rule, and to enquire after St. John Baptist among Courtiers who were clad in Purple: That therefore since he could do no good by that gentle and loving way of Writing, he would take another course for the future.

The French King being anxious,The French King sick in Prison. and troubled in thoughts that the Treaty of Peace did not go forward, fell into a fit of Sickness; but being encouraged by the Emperor's discourse, who bid him be of good cheer, and hope the best, he began at length to be somewhat better. The Emperor also considering with himself what a great loss it would be unto him, if he should chance to die, inclined daily more and more to Peace:1526. So that January the Fourteenth, all things were at length concluded at Madrid; and in the Treaty of Peace it is stipulated among other things, that the Emperor and King shall endeavour to extirpate the Enemies of the Christian Religion,The Treaty of Peace at Madrid be­twixt the Emperor and French King. and the Heresies of the Sect of the Lutherans: In like manner, That Peace being made betwixt them they should settle the Affairs of the Publick, and make War against the Turk, and Hereticks excommunicated by the Church; for that it was above all things neces­sary, and that the Pope had often solicited and advised them to bestir themselves therein: That therefore in compliance with his desires, they resolved to entreat him that he would appoint a certain day, when the Embassadors and Deputies of all Kings and Princes might meet in a convenient place, with full Power and Commission to treat of such measures as might seem proper for undertaking a War against the Turk, and also for rooting out Hereticks, the Enemies of the Church. Again, that he would give leave to those Princes who laboured in so holy and pious a Work, to collect and raise the Money which was usual and customary in such cases; and also that he would impose a Tax upon the Clergy for the same purpose. In this Pacification, Eleanor the Em­peror's Sister, who had been married to Emanuel King of Portugal, was affianced to the French King. The Emperor promised in Dowry with her Two hundred thousand Ducats, and some Places in Upper Burgundy, which were in Controversie betwixt them. The King, on the other hand, promised within two Months after his return into France, to deliver up to the Emperor the Duchy of Burgundy, which the Kings of France had held ever since the Death of Charles Duke of Burgundy, almost now fifty Years: Besides he renounced all Right and Title to Naples, Milan, Asta, Genoua and Flanders: That he should not aid nor assist Henry King of Navarre, Charles Duke of Gueldres, Vlrick Duke of Wirtemberg, nor Robert Count of Mark: That he should carry on no secret Designs in Italy: That when the Emperor had a mind to go into Italy, he should assist him with a Navy of sixteen Galleys, fitted out and equipped with all things necessary except Soldiers, and also Two hundred thousand Crowns to Arm and Man them: That the King should pay the yearly Pension, which the Em­peror was bound by Agreement to pay to the King of England: That he should restore Charles Duke of Bourbonne, and his Associates, to all their Rights, Lands, and Pos­sessions, suffering them to enjoy their Estates, and live where they pleased: And that [Page 103] the King should at any time stand a Tryal at Law with the Duke of Bourbonne for the Province of Marseillies, to which he claims a Title. The King having sworn to the Emperour to observe these Conditions,The French King leaving his two Sons Hostages, is set at liberty. was set at liberty, and returned home; but upon his passing the Borders of Spain, he left behind him his two Sons Francis and Henry, little Boys, as Hostages, according as it had been agreed upon; and in case he should fail in performance of Articles, he promised to deliver himself up Prisoner again.

After this,The Dyet of Spire. the Princes of Germany, in great Numbers, met at Spire, according to appointment, as we told you in the former Book; among whom also was John Elector of Saxony, and Philip Landgrave of Hesse. The Emperour's Deputies were, Ferdinand his Brother, Bernard Bishop of Trent, Casimire Marquess of Brandenburg, Philip Marquess of Baden, William Duke of Bavaria, and Erick Duke of Brunswick. When these had opened the Dyet, June 25, and had told the Reasons, why the Em­perour had called it, they farther added, That above all things it was the Emperours Will and Command, That the States of the Empire would with unanimous Consent, take some course, how the Christian Religion, and the ancient Rites and Customs of the Church, might be entirely and universally retained: Again, How they were to be punished and curbed that acted to the contrary, if peradventure they should make use of Force: And how also mutual Aid and Assistance was to be given, that the Emperour's Edict of Wormes, published five Years before, and the Decree of the pre­sent Dyet, might be observed and put in execution. When a Committee of all the Princes and States had been chosen to treat of these things, among whom were the Landgrave, James Sturmey of Strasburg, and Cress of Norimberg; the Emperour's Deputies again assemble all the States,The Empe­rour's Letter to the States of the Em­pire about observing the Decree of Wormes. August 3, and tell them, That they under­stood there was a Committee of the whole appointed to confer among themselves a­bout the matters proposed, who, as they supposed, would first consult about Religi­on; but that the Emperour's Will and Pleasure might be obeyed, and that they might not treat of such things, as they had no Power to determine, nor lose Time to the Prejudice and Hinderance of other Deliberations; they would therefore impart to them, what Instructions they had from the Emperour, as to that matter; and there­upon caused the Emperour's Letter, dated at Seville March 23, to be read: The Sub­stance whereof was; That he intended to go to Rome, to be crowned; and also to treat with the Pope about a Council: But that in the mean time, he willed and com­manded, That the States should not decree any thing in this Dyet, that might any ways be contrary to the ancient Customs, Canons and Ceremonies of the Church; but that all things should be ordered within his Dominions, according to the Form and Tenor of the Edict of Wormes, which was made with their unanimous Advice and Consent: That they should patiently bear with this Delay, until he had treated with the Pope about a Council, which should be shortly called; for that by such pri­vate Regulations there was not only no good to be done, but the Errours and Licenti­ousness of the Common People, were thereby the more confirmed.

About this time the Emperour of the Turks marching from Belgrade, The Turks invade Hun­gary. and having passed the Danube and Save, advanced streight towards Hungary: Wherefore King Lewis sending again Ambassadours to Spire, demanded Assistance. Certain Intelli­gence came then also from Italy, That Pope Clement and the Venetians had made a League with the King of France lately returned home from Spain, against the Empe­rour, as shall be said hereafter.

The Emperour's Letters,The Judg­ment of some Cities in the Dyet of Worraes. I mentioned before, being read, most of the Free Cities, especially of Ʋpper Germany, delivered in their Minds in Writing, as it is usual: That they desired by all means to obey and gratifie the Emperour, but that the Con­troversie about Religion increased daily, especially concerning Ceremonies and Cor­ruptions: That hitherto the Decree of Wormes could not be observed, for fear of a Sedition and Insurrection; but that now the Danger and Difficulty was much greater; as had been plainly made appear to the Pope's Legate; in the former Dyet: And that if the Emperour himself were present, and informed of the state of Affairs, he would be of the same Opinion: That the Emperour, indeed, in his Letter promised a Council, but when he wrote that Letter, the Pope and he were on very good Terms together; but that it was far otherwise now, when the Pope having changed his Mind, brought his Forces into the Field against the Emperour; and that as Affairs stood it did not appear, how a Council could be called: That therefore it seemed most ex­pedient to them, either to send Ambassadours to the Emperour, or by Letters to in­form his Majesty of the whole matter, and of the state of Germany, and how danger­ous a thing it would be to delay the business of Religion any longer, or to urge the [Page 104] Edict of Wormes: That in regard hereof, his Imperial Majesty was to be intreated: That for avoiding of greater Troubles, he would suffer a National Council of Ger­many to be assembled, wherein all matters might be tried and examined: That this Course had been approved in the Dyet of Norimberg, when another Dyet was therefore appointed to be held in this City, and many of the States made preparation for the same: But its being countermanded by the Emperour, made way for Stirs, Seditions, and a bloody Civil War; which might have been prevented, if the Affair of Religion had at that time been lawfully decided. Now if the Emperour approved not a National Council, that he might be intreated to suspend the Execution of the Edict of Wormes until the meeting of a General Council; for that else the Wound lately healed, would fester again and grow worse: Furthermore, That in this Discord and Dissention, so long as every Man was forced to be solicitous about their own pri­vate concerns, it would be very difficult and uneasie to contribute Money for the Aid and Assistance of others.

Besides this Paper,A Complaint of some Ci­ties of Germa­ny against Mendicant Fryers. which was presented to the Princes August 4, they preferred also another: Therein they complain, That poor Men every where were over burthened by Mendicant Fryers, who wheadled them, and eat the Bread out of their Mouths: Nor was that all neither, but many times also they hooked in Inheritances and most ample Legacies, to the great Prejudice of many: That it was therefore their Opini­on, That they should not be suffered to propagate those Fraternities any more: That when any of the Fryers dyed, there should be none put into their place; and that such of them as were willing to follow another course of Life, might have some yearly Pension; and that the rest of their Revenues should be brought into the pub­lick Treasury:Against the Immunities of the Clergy. That, besides, it was not reasonable that the Clergy should be exem­pted from all publick Burthens: That that Priviledge had been granted to them of old by the Bounty of Kings; but at such a time, when they were both few in Num­ber, and low in Fortune: But that now, when they were mightily increased both in Number and Wealth, the case was far different; for the Cause of the Priviledge be­ing removed, the Effect also ought to cease; and the rather, that they did as much as other People, nay more too, enjoy all these Advantages, for which Money, Taxes and Customs,Against Ho­lydays. used to be raised and paid. Again, That the great number of Holy­days was prejudicial to the People, who were bound under great Penalties to keep them, neglecting their necessary Work and Business, and many ways offending God on those idle Days. That the Law also for distinction of Meats, ought, in their Opinion, to be abrogated, and all Men left to their Liberty as to Ceremonies, until the meeting of a General Council; and that, in the mean time the course of the Gospel should in no ways be obstructed.

After that Letter of the Emperour's was read,A Dissention among the States at Spire about Religion. the Bishops refused to proceed in the matter of Religion, and whilst the Pope and Emperour were at so great Vari­ance, they thought it best to delay, till a fairer occasion of acting offered. Thus there happened so great Animosity and Dissention betwixt the Commissioners; who were of different Religion, that all deliberation being on a sudden at a stand, the Duke of Saxony and Landgrave, thought of returning home, and ordered their Servants to prepare for the Journey. This being known, Ferdinand, and Richard Archbishop of Treves, and others, perceiving that it would be a very dangerous Matter, if in so distra­cted a time, and when all Men's Eyes and Expectations were fixed upon this Dyet, they should depart, not only without making any Decree; but also with Minds full of Rancour; took a course to make up this Breach; for seeing many were of Opi­nion, That the Insurrection the Year before, and the Troubles at present, sprang altogether from the Divisions about Religion, they thought it convenient to ap­ply a Remedy in Time; Having therefore appeased the Minds of some, a Decree was made,The decree of Spire con­cerning Re­ligion. at length, to this purpose: That for establishing Religion, and maintain­ing Peace and Quietness, it was necessary there should be a lawful General, or Pro­vincial Council of Germany, held within a Year: And that no Delay nor Impedi­ment might intervene, That Ambassadours should be sent to the Emperour, to pray him, That he would look upon the Miserable and Tumultuous State of the Empire, and come into Germany as soon as he could, and procure a Council. As to Religion, and the Edict of Wormes, it was concluded, That in the mean while, until either a General or National Council might be had, all should so behave themselves in their several Provinces, as that they might be able to render an Account of their Doings both to God and the Emperour.

[Page 105] Before the passing of that Decree, the Elector of Saxony and Landgrave sent for the Deputies of Strasburg, The begin­ning of a League a­mong those of the refor­med Religion. Norimberg and Ausburg, and told them; That because they perceived their Religion was dear unto them, and that it plainly appeared what the Bishops and Papists drove at, they were thinking, Whether a League and Associ­ation might not be made for mutual Assistance, in case any of them should be in Dan­ger for their Religion; and because they conceived good Hopes of those of Frankford and Vlm, they did not refuse to communicate also with them. To this the Depu­ties made answer; That they had no Instructions from their Principals as to that, but that they would carefully acquaint them therewith. The Duke of Saxony had two Divines with him, George Spalatine and John Islebe, and the Landgrave had also brought his Preachers with him; the rest of the Princes requested, That they might not preach, to prevent Disturbances; but that was in vain. Ferdinand, also, before the Decree was made, having sent for the Deputies of all the Cities, and represented to them the Kindness that he and his Predecessors of the House of Austria, had always had for them; exhorted them to be obedient to the Emperour, and not to listen to the Coun­sels and Persuasions of some that would pervert them. It was also decreed, That Aid should be sent to the King of Hungary: But by that time the Dyet was dissolved, which was about the latter end of August, Lewis King of Hungary slain. the Turk having already entred Hungary, overcame King Lewis in Battle, who was also slain, as he fled, in the Pursuit. All the Princes Electors, except Brandenburg, were present at the Dyet of Spire. This Sum­mer the Emperour married the Infanta Isabel, The Marri­age of Charles V. Daughter to King Emanuel of Portugal, and Sister to King John, who succeeded to his Father.

At the same time the Dyet was held at Spire, A Disputati­on at Baden. the twelve Cantons of the Switzers, kept a Conference and Disputation at Baden; thither came the chief Catholick Di­vines, as Faber, Eckius, Munner, and the Bishops of Constance, Basil, Coyre and Lau­sanne, under whose Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction these Cantons were, sent their Depu­ties. Theses were published there,The Points disputed. which Eckius very confidently defended: As, that the real Body and Blood of Christ is present in the Eucharist: That it is really offered for the Quick and the Dead: That the Virgin Mary, and the rest of the Saints, are to be prayed to, as Intercessours: That the Images of Saints were not to be re­moved: That there is a Fire of Purgatory after this Life. Oecolampadius, and some others impugned them. Zuinglius was absent, and wrote to the Switzers the Reasons why he did not come, but confuted Eckius his Theses in Writing. John Faber, who was highly esteemed by the Bishop of Constance, bearing great hatred to Zuinglius, is reported to have put the Switzers upon this Match of Disputation, and persuaded se­ven Cantons at first, to which all the rest assented afterwards, except Zurich, to whom the rest sent both Letters and Messengers, praying them, That against the day ap­pointed they would send thither their Deputies; and especially Zuinglius, who was one of the chief Men they wanted, and to whom they gave a Safe-Conduct: But he, having some Reasons to move him; and chiefly, That he would not trust his Life with those of Lucerne, Vri, Switz, Vnderwald and Zug; besides his being forbidden by the Senate to go thither, excepted against the Place appointed for the Dispute; but was satisfied with Zurich, Berne or San-Gall. The Issue of the whole Debate was, That all should continue in the Religion,The Issue of the Disputa­tion. which hitherto they had observed, and admit of no new Doctrins within their Territories; but submit to the Authority of a Council. This was done about the latter end of June: John Huglie a Priest, burnt for Religion. But before this, the Bishop of Constance had caused one John Huglie, a Priest, to be burnt at Merspurg, because he disliked some things in the Popish Doctrin.

King Lewis, being thus unfortunately killed, Ferdinand contended, That the King­dom was his by Agreement; but he had a Competitour John Sepsy, Vaivode of Tran­silvania. This competition bred a division among the Nobility and States, that broke out into a War, which proved fatal to Germany, and the neighbouring People: For the Emperour of the Turks afterwards took the Vaivode into his Protection; and Bu­da being delivered up, made him a King, on condition, That he should be Feudatary, and hold of him.

The French King being returned home out of Spain, where he left his two young Sons, Francis and Henry Hostages, gave it out, That the Conditions of Peace, which he had agreed unto,The League of the Pope, French and Veretians a­gainst the Emperour. were Unjust, and that he would not stand to them. After Am­bassadours had been therefore sent to and fro, the Pope and Venetians made a League with him; whereof the chief Articles were; That for the Defence and Security of Italy, they should maintain an Army of thirty thousand Foot, and about six thousand Horse. That they should provide a Fleet of eight and twenty Galleys, with Tenders. That the Enemy being defeated in Lumbardy and Italy, they should attack the Kingdom of [Page 106] Naples by Sea and Land: That being conquered, it should be annexed to the Patrimo­ny of S. Peter, and belong to the Church; yet so as the King of France, who pre­tended a Title thereunto, should have seventy five thousand Crowns yearly paid out of it: That the Honour and Dignity of the Family of Medices, should be maintained in the State of Florence. That the French King should give up the Dutchy of Milan to Francis Sforza, whom the Imperialists had besieged in the Castle of Milan, and forced to surrender,; and whom also he promised to assist with his own Aid, and Switz-Forces, and to give him a Wife of the Blood-Royal of France; but upon this Con­dition, That he should pay him fifty thousand Crowns yearly, and maintain his Bro­ther Maximilian, who was Prisoner in France.

A little after Pope Clement wrote to the Emperour,The Pope's expostulato­ry Letter to the Emperor. reckoning up the good Offices that he had done him: That for his sake, he had refused Advantagious Conditions of­fered him by the French King; That when the King was taken, he had upon a certain Condition advanced an hundred thousand Crowns to the Commanders of his Army: That he had several times discovered unto him the Counsels and Designs of his Ene­mies: That when Francis Sforza, was by his Generals besieged in the Castle of Milan, and some great Men invited him to enter into a League, he had not listned to them: But that he was now very ill requited for all these good Offices; for that his Soldiers had done great Injuries, and given great Affronts both to him and the Church of Rome. Again, That he had neither performed Conditions, nor repaid the Money that was advanced upon that account: That the Aversion he had also to him suffici­ently appeared, in that he concealed from him the Conditions, upon which he had made Peace with the King of France: That he had obstinately rejected all the Interces­sions made by him for Sforza: That in Spain and Naples, he had made Laws deroga­tory to the Liberty of the Roman Church, and his own Dignity; and that having sent the Duke of Bourbonne to the Siege of Marseilles, he had raised a new War in Italy. That for these Reasons, therefore, he had been obliged to enter into a League with some, who loved the Peace and Welfare of Italy. That if he also was desir­ous of Peace, and would imbrace it, well and good; but if not, That he wanted neither Force nor Power to defend Italy, and the Interest of Rome. The King of England was comprehended in this League, and with great Promises invited to be Protector of it.

To this Letter of his,The Empe­rour's An­swer to the Pope. the Emperour wrote an answer from Granada, dated Sep­tember 18, wherein he represented unto him, How much he had deserved at his Hands; as that by his Intercession and Assistance he had been made Pope: That when he was chosen Emperour, he would not accept it, till Leo X had approved the Election, and also owned his Right to the Kingdom of Naples, but that he afterwards, and Al­bert Prince of Carpi, had by Leo's Orders, attempted several things against him, and entring into a League with the French, had used all their Endeavours to get Naples and Sicily out of his hands: That afterwards, when the Times changed, and the French, in vain attempted Regio in Modena, a Town depending on the Pope; he, with the Assistance of Pope Leo's Troops, had made War against the King of France; in which War his Holiness himself was Legate from Pope Leo, and at that time had from him for a Reward, a yearly Pension of ten thousand Ducats, out of the Revenues of the Archbishop of Toledo: That the French being beat out of Italy, by the Conduct of the Duke of Bourbonne, he could not deny him the Liberty of making War in France, that he might recover what the French King had taken from him, because of his Re­volting: But that after the Siege of Marseilles was raised, the French King had, at the Instigation of his Holiness himself; as most Men affirmed, renewed the War in Lum­bardy: That Naples, indeed, held of the See of Rome; nevertheless, said he, should you make War in those places, you would thereby lose all your Right and Title; for that the same Reasons which make a Vassal and Feudatary lose his Fief, make the Sovereign Lord lose also his Dominion. Before the French King was taken, you did, indeed, mediate for a Peace; but your design was, That under a Colour of Sequestra­tion, you might get into the Possession of the Dutchy of Milan, and therefore the Venetians and Florentines, influenced by you, withdrew their Auxiliary Forces, which they were bound by League to furnish. For the French King, both openly confesses, That being sollicited by you, he had made a new League before he returned home out of Spain; and I have certain Intelligence also, That you have absolved him from the Oath, whereby he stands obliged to me. Besides, you have attacked me in a Hostile manner, before the Letter, wherein you denounce War, came to my Hands: And you have laid a Design, not only to drive me out of Italy, but also to degrade me from the Imperial Dignity: This I can prove by the Letters of Ferdinand D' Avalos [Page 107] Marquess of Pescara, whom you inticed into that League, with a Promise of the King­dom of Naples. I have Right to challenge the Dutchy of Milan, for more Reasons than one; and nevertheless for the sake of the Peace of Italy, I suffered Sforza to en­joy it; and when he was dangerously sick, would have put the Duke of Bourbonne in his Place, perceiving that it would be acceptable to you and the rest of Italy: Now, that he was blockt up in the Castle of Milan, the Reason was, Because he had incur­red the Crime of High Treason, by making a League with you; and that the Con­spiracy being detected, he would neither deliver up the Castles of Cromona nor Milan, to my Officers, nor yet purge himself of the Crimes objected to him, and stand a fair Tryal. Your Demand was, That I should freely pardon him all; but that I neither could nor ought to do, lest I might thereby give a bad Example for Vassals to rebel against their Sovereigns and Lords. If my Soldiers took Provisions and other Necessaries from the People of Parma and Piacenza, it is not to be thought strange; because these Cities belong to the Dominion of Milan, and not at all to the Church of Rome. As to the Peace made with France, I concealed nothing of it from your Ministers; for the Conditions are such, as I would not have them to be-kept secret; for they tend both to the maintaining the Peace of the Publick, and to the restraining of the Ene­my of Christendom. Those few Laws made in Spain, aim only at this, That the Rights of Patronage, which were granted to me by Pope Adrian, may be suppressed at Rome. But see the baseness of the thing: Rome receives more Money and Profits out of my Kingdoms and Provinces, than from all Christendom beside. That may be proved by the Demands of the Princes of Germany, when complaining heavily of the Court of Rome, they desired a Remedy to their Grievances: But out of the Re­spect I bore to the Church of Rome, at that time I slighted their Complaints; which being so, and seeing I have given you no cause of Offence, I earnestly desire you to desist from Hostility; I shall do the like: And seeing God hath set us up as two great Luminaries, let us endeavour that the World may be enlightned by us, and that no Eclipse may happen by our Dissentions: Let us consider the whole state of Christen­dom, and think of resisting Infidels, and of suppressing the Sect and Errours of the Lutherans: In this the Glory of God is concerned, and here we should begin: After­wards, let other Affairs and Controversies be heard; you shall always find me rea­dy to assist you. But if I cannot prevail, and you will needs go on like a Warriour, I Protest and Appeal to a Council, that all Quarrels may be therein decided; and de­mand that it may speedily be called. What he says of Luminaries, he borrows it from the Words of Pope Innocent III, who said, That God created two great Lights, the one to rule by Day and the other by night, which he applyed to the Papal and Royal Dignities; But that that Power which ruled in Divine and Spiritual Matters, far ex­celled the other, which medled only in Civil and Temporal Affairs: And that there was as great a difference betwixt the Offices of a Pope and a King, as betwixt the Sun and Moon. This Decree is extant under the Title de Majoritate & Obedientia.

When the Emperour had thus answered the Pope,The Empe­rour's Letter to the Col­ledge of Car­dinals. he wrote also to the Colledge of Cardinals, October 6; That he had conceived great Grief of Mind, to hear that Pope Clement was confederated with the French King, who was making War against him a fresh: That he had written very Hostile Letters unto him; which he supposed was done by their unanimous Advice and Consent; and that he was very far from ex­pecting any such thing; since there was no King to be found more zealous for the Interest of the Church of Rome than he was; that Parma and Piacenza were instances of that, which being Imperial Cities, and lately dismembred from the Empire, he had restored them to the Church, though in Law he was not obliged to do so: That all the Princes and States of Germany had at Wormes made heavy Complaints to him of many Injuries of the Court of Rome, and then desired that they might be redressed; but because he had been born and bred with a singular love to the Church of Rome, he had not given car to their Demands: And when greater Troubles arising thereupon afterwards, and many Tumults and Riots happening through Germany, the Princes had for that Reason appointed another Dyet; he had, under severe Penalties, pro­hibited them to assemble, because their Deliberations would have been prejudicial to the Pope and Church of Rome: And that to sweeten and appease them at that time, he had given them Hopes of a future General Council. That the Pope therefore did him great Injury; who had done so much for his Holiness, as that thereby he had much alienated from himself the Hearts of the Nobility of Germany. That he had written seriously unto him about all these matters, and advised him to call a General Council: That therefore it was his desire to them, That they would admonish him of his Duty, and exhort him to Peace rather than War: But that if he refused, or delayed the cal­ling [Page 108] of a Council longer, than it was fit and reasonable, that then they should forth­with call it. For that if Christendom should sustain Prejudice either for want of a Council, or for not having it called in due time, it ought not to be laid to his charge.

We told you, How it had been lately decreed at Spire, That Ambassadours should be sent to the Emperour in Spain; but the News of the Overthrwo in Hungary com­ing soon after, the Princes thought themselves obliged to use Expedition; and that they might have a nearer way to pass to the Emperour, they desired of the French King,The French King's Let­ters to the Princes of Germany. That he would allow their Ambassadours a free Passage through his Kingdom. He condescended, prefixing a certain time for that, as shall be said hereafter; and withal took occasion to write unto them, October 6; That he was extreamly troubled at the Turks late Invasion of Hungary, the Fatal Death of King Lewis, and the great Danger of Germany: That he was no less sorry for the Civil War, that had broke out to the Ruine of the Publick: That it was not his Fault that Christendon was not at quiet; but that the Emperour was to be blamed for it, who rejected Honest and most equitable Conditions of Peace. And that seeing he was not moved, neither by the publick Calamities, nor by the unfortunate Death of his own Brother-in-law, King Lewis, and the sad condition of his Widow-sister; nor yet considered in how great Danger Austria was; it would be their Duty, and well done in them, if they could incline and persuade him to Peace, to live in Amity with neighbouring Kings and Princes, and to set Bounds to his Ambition; for that that would make more for his Glory, than by overturning the States of others, to aspire to an universal Monarchy: That his Ance­stors, Kings of France, had often maintained Wars against the Enemies of the Chri­stian Religion; and that, if the Emperour pleased, the same might now be done with united Strength: That if they could prevail then, and obtain that of him, he would be ready to employ all his Force; nay, his own person also against the Turk: But if not, that he was not to be blamed, if he endeavoured to recover by Arms, what he could not do by fair means; for that it was the Emperour's part, rather to sue for Peace, who lay much nearer the Danger of the Turks than he did.

When the Emperour came to know of this Letter,The Empe­rour's Letter to the Prin­ces of Germany. he wrote to the Princes, Novem­ber 29; and in the first place acquaints them, How kind and gracious he had been to the French King, when he was his Prisoner; how he had given him both his Liberty, and in Marriage also his eldest Sister, and second in degree of Succession to him: But that when all things were quieted, (as he supposed) and that he was preparing to go into Italy, that he might bend all his Forces against the perpetual Enemy of Chri­stendom; the French King (breaking his Faith, and entring into a League with Pope Clement and some others, who had already in their Hopes anticipated the Kingdom of Naples, and divided it betwixt them) had renewed a most formidable War: And that therefore he could not protect Hungary against the Fury of the Turks, as being necessitated to defend his own Borders. That what the French King pretended, of his Sorrow for the Death of King Lewis, and the Calamity of Hungary, was downright Hypocrisie and Dissimulation; which he used, to the intent he might stop the Mouths of those, who constantly affirmed, from intercepted Letters, that, at his Solicitati­on, the Turk had undertaken this War: That during his Captivity, and afterwards, when he was set at Liberty, and returned home; he had by Letters obliged himself, to observe the Articles of the Treaty: That he had promised to him the same by Word of Mouth, when he departed out of Spain: But that because he had a Kingdom lying in the Heart of Christendom, he wantonly disturbed the Publick Peace; and among his Triumphs, reckoned the Turkish Victories in Hungary: And that he alone was to be blamed, That he did not in Person come into Germany; that nevertheless he would endeavour that Aid should be sent against the Turk with all expedition: That in the last place, he made no doubt, but that they were well enough acquainted with the Tricks of the French; for that it was their common and usual way to sow the Seeds of Discord in all places; and make their Profit of the Quarrels and Dissentions of o­thers.

Besides the Letter before mentioned, there was also published an Apology, in de­fence of the French King, giving the Reasons why he did not observe the Pacification of Madrid. To this Apology a long and copious Answer was made in behalf of the Emperour. Now, that Buda was taken with a great part of Hungary, and that the People were in a most distressed Condition there; some Princes, chosen by the rest, met at Esling, The Princes Letter to the Emperour. where the Council of the Empire then sate. There, upon deliberation, it was resolved, That the Embassie, lately agreed upon, should be omitted, and Let­ters sent to the Emperour, to beseech him, That by reason of the greatness of the Danger, he would hasten his return into Germany. In this Letter, which bore date [Page 109] December 19, they inform his Imperial Majesty, That they had resolved to send Am­bassadours unto him; who being to pass through France, they had addressed them­selves to the French King for a Safe-Conduct; which he had granted but for four Months only: That one Month was already expired, and that before the Ambassa­dours could meet, there would not be much time remaining: That therefore to save them from Danger, they had changed their Purpose, and put off that Embassie till the next Dyet of the Empire; for that, perhaps, they might, in the mean time, have either a more convenient Occasion of sending, or his Majesty be informed of their Business by other means. Having so ordered these Affairs, they appoint a Dyet to meet at Ratisbonne, April 1, in the Year following, to take the Turkish War into con­sideration.

Though the Emperour wrote to the Pope,The Demands of the Pope, Venetians and French; who were Confe­derates. and Colledge of Cardinals, in the man­ner before expressed; yet his Letters wrought no effect: And the Confederates having sent Ambassadours unto him; as it had been agreed upon, demanded; That he would lay down Arms, that they might take Measures for setling a Publick Peace: That he would restore Francis Sforza Duke of Milan; take the French King's Ransome, and dismiss his Sons, who were Hostages; and pay the Money which he had borrowed of the King of England. 1527. To these Demands the Emperour made answer at Valladolid, February 12:The Empe­rour's Answer unto them. That he could not for some short time lay down Arms; but that he did not refuse to make a Truce for three Years or more: That all their Forces in con­junction might be sent against the common Enemy of Christendom, and that, in the mean time, a Treaty of Peace might go on: That Sforza was a Vassal of the Em­pire, and stood accused of High Treason, and therefore could not be restored, unless he were first tryed; wherefore he should give an Appearance at Law, and answer the Accusation brought against him, before unsuspected Judges whom he should ap­point. That he could not take Money and restore the King's Children; for that it was contrary to the King's Faith and Oath. That it seemed strange to him, that they should put it to him, To pay the Money due to the King of England, since they had no Warrant from him to do so: For that he had so great Friendship with the King of England, as could not be broken for a Money business. That therefore, since their Demands were out of the way, he desired them to propose others: That he was not resolved to be obstinate, and would pass by many things for the Publick Good. So then the Ambassadours departed without Success; great Preparations for War were made on both sides.

Much about this time,The Elector John Frede­rick marries the Daughter of the Duke of Cleve. John Frederick, Son to the Elector of Saxony, married the Lady Sibylla, Daughter to John Duke of Cleve. The Infanta Catharine, the Empe­rour's eldest Sister, had been betrothed unto him, and the Contract of Marriage there­upon signed and sealed; but upon the Change of Religion that happened in Saxony, the Match was broken off; and Hawnart, who was then the Emperour's Ambassadour in Germany, stuck not to say publickly, That Faith was not to be kept with Hereticks; herein, I suppose, treading in the Steps of the Council of Constance, as the Duke of Saxony himself took notice afterwards, in a publick Paper.

Charles Duke of Bourbonne was one of the Emperors Generals,Rome taken and plunder­ed by the Duke of Bourbonne. who some years before had revolted from the King of France, as we said already. He upon his march with an Army to Naples, appeared before Rome, and next day after, which was the sixth of May, took it by Assault and plundered it. Pope Clement with the Cardinals and other Prelats, having with much ado escaped to the Castle of St. Angelo, were there block'd up for seven months, and at length delivered by the Emperors command. It is not to be expressed with what cruelty and insolence the German and Spanish Soldiers be­haved themselves in Rome; for besides their horrid Butcheries, Plunderings, Ravish­ings, and Devastations, they vented all sorts of Reproaches and contumelious Scoffs against the Pope, Cardinals, and the rest of the Clergy. The Emperor took a great deal of pains to excuse that Action, alledging that they had no orders from him to do it; and he wrote about it particularly to the King of England, telling him, that though he believed it to be a just Judgment of God, who revenged the injury and vio­lence that had been done unto him; yet he would make it his endeavour, that this very calamity should be an occasion and beginning of the welfare of Christendom. When the news of this was brought to the Emperor in Spain, he presently commanded all publick Playes and Shows to cease, which were then made for the birth of his Son Philip. The King of England made an Answer to that Letter of the Emperors, but the Pope being now Prisoner, whom he highly reverenced, and the Emperors power increasing, he began to think of War, and for that end sent the Cardinal of York Embassador into France.

[Page 110] None of the Princes came to the Dyet at Ratisbonne, but sent only their Deputies; so that nothing was done, except only that May the eighteenth, they wrote to the Emperor,The [...] of the Diet of Ratisbonne. to give him an account why nothing could be done, and tell him, That it would conduce much to the interest of Christendom, that Civil Wars should be com­posed, and that, above all things, his Presence was necessary in Germany.

At this time there was a new kind of Doctrin broached,The sect of the Anabap­tists. by those whom they call Ana­baptists: These are against Infant Baptism, are themselves re-baptized, and teach that all goods should be in common. Both Luther, Zuinglius and many others, wrote against them, and the Magistrates punished them in all places. They bragg'd also of Visions and Dreams; and at San-Gall a Town of Switzerland, one of them cut off his brothers head, in presence of his father and mother, whom he persuaded that God had commanded him to do so; but being apprehended by the Magistrate, he suffered the same kind of death himself. How they afterwards increased, and what troubles they raised in Germany, you shall hear hereafter. This year it was ordered by the Senate of Strasburg, that the dead should no longer be buried within the City, and they appointed some burying places without the Town.The French King renews a War in Italy.

When the French King heard of the taking of Rome, having made a League with the King of England, he sent a puissant Army into Italy, under the command of Lautrech a Gascoin, Alexandria and Pavia taken by the French. for the relief of the Pope. He being come into Lombardy, and joyned by the Venetians, took first Alexandria, and then Pavia, partly by composition and partly by assault, where the Soldiers enraged that their King should have been taken there; hav­ing made great slaughter of the Towns-people, plundered it. July the twenty seventh, Charles Duke of Bourbonne, who had been lately killed at the taking of Rome, was con­demned of High Treason by the Parliament of Paris, his name and memory declared infamous, his arms torn, and his goods and lands forfeited. Anthony du Prat the Chan­cellour, pronounced the Sentence. Bourbonne bore a mortal hatred to the French King, and being about to besiege Marseilles, as we mentined in the Fourth Book, he wrote to the Cardinal of York, among other things, that he would spare neither pains nor perils in assisting King Henry for the recovery of the Right and Title he had to France. For above two hundred years the English have laid claim to the whole Kingdom of France, but especially to Normandy, Gascony and Guienne. By these Letters therefore, Bourbonne oblique stirred up the King of England, to prosecute his Right there; and they coming after into the hands of the French King, incensed him far more against the Duke.Leonard. Cesar Burnt for Religion.

There was at that time in Bavaria one Leonard Cesar, a Professor of the Gospel; who being apprehended by orders from the Bishop of Passaw, maintained these points of Doctrin; That man was Justified by Faith alone: That there was but two Sacra­ments, Baptism and the Lords Supper: That the Mass was not a Sacrifice, and availed not the Quick and the Dead: That the Confession of sins was a counsel and not a pre­cept: That Christ alone made Satisfaction for us: That the Vow of Chastity was not obligatory: That the Scripture did not speak of Purgatory: That there was no distin­ction of Days: That the Dead were no Intercessors, and that in spiritual and divine mat­ters, Man had no Free-will. When he was brought to Tryal, he would have spoken more fully of all these Points to the People, but was not suffered. Eckius was one of those that tryed him; and all spoke in Latin, that the People might not understand; save only the Prisoner, who discoursed in Dutch but could not get them to do the same: At length he was condemned for a Heretick, and being delivered over to the Tempo­ral Magistrate, William Duke of Bavaria, under whose Jurisdiction he lived: August 16 he was burnt; for the Bishop did not pronounce Sentence of Death against him, lest he might pollute holy things;Ferdinand made King of Bohemia. and become irregular, by having a Hand in his Blood. Fer­dinand, who had been the Emperour's Deputy in Germany, after the Death of King Lewis, being chosen King of Bohemia, and standing in competition with the Vaivode of Transilvania for the Crown of Hungary, which occasioned a War. Philip Marquess of Baden, who was substituted unto him, called a Dyet in the Emperour's Name, to be held at Ratisbonne, in the beginning of March following; whither the States should re­pair, to consult of Religion, and the Turkish War.

You heard before of the Disputation of Baden; A Dispute at Berne. but since the Acts of the Dispute and Conference were not communicated to those of Berne, the most noted and power­ful Canton of all the Switzers, though they had desired it, and that the Differences about Religion increased, all the Ministers not agreeing among themselves in Doctrin, they appointed another Disputation to be had within their own City, December 17; whereof they made publick Intimation, and called thereunto the Bishops of Constance, Basil, Sitien and Lausenne, warning them to come in person, and bring their Divines [Page 111] with them; else they threatned them with the loss of all the Lands and Possessions they had within their Territories; afterwards they made a List of the Clergy-M [...]n, of their Jurisdiction, and appointed the Scriptures of the Old and News Testament, to be the only Rule, and to have the sole Authority in all the Debates,; giving likewise a Safe-Conduct to all that pleased to come: This Order they also made, That all things should be carried on modestly, without railing or reproach; and that every Man should freely speak his Mind, and so distinctly, that what they said might be taken by Clerks: they also ordained, That what should be agreed upon and determined in that Confe­rence, should be of Force, and have its course through all their Dominions. And that all might know what they were to dispute about, and come the better prepared; they published Theses to the number of ten, which their Ministers Francis Colb and Berthold Holler offered to maintain and prove by Scripture: And these were, That the true Church, whereof Christ is the only Head, springs from the Word of God, perseveres therein, and will not hear the Voice of another: That this same Church made no Laws besides God's Word: That therefore the Traditions of Men, who bear the name of the Church, no farther oblige us, than as they are consonant to the Word of God: That Christ alone made Satisfaction for the Sins of the whole World: That therefore, if any Many say, There is any other way of Salvation, or of expiating of Sins, he de­nies Christ: That it cannot be proved by Scripture, That the Body and Blood of Christ are really and Corporally received: That the Rite of the Mass, wherein Christ is offered up to his Heavenly Father for the Quick and the Dead, is repugnant to Scri­pture, and a Reproach to that Sacrifice which Christ made for us: That Christ alone is to be prayed unto, as the Mediator and Advocate for us with God the Father: That it is not to be found in Holy Scripture, that there is any place, where Souls are purg­ed after this Life: That therefore the Prayers, and all the Ceremonies and Anniversa­ry Offices which are performed for the Dead, Tapers, Lamps, and the like, are of no use at all: That it is contrary to Holy Scripture, that any Image or Picture should be proposed to be worshiped: That therefore if they be placed in Churches for that end, they are to be removed: That Marriage is forbidden to no Order of Men, but that for avoiding of Fornication, the Scripture permits all to marry: And that since all Whoremongers, are by Testimony of Scripture really separated from the Com­munion of the Church, impure and unchast Celibacy is least of all becoming the Or­der of Priesthood. When those of Berne had written concerning these things to all the Cantons, exhorting them to send their learned Men, and to give Safe-Conduct to all others who pleased to come, The Cantons of Lucerne, Vri, Switz, Vnderwald, Zug, Glaris, Friburg and Solothurne, answered by a long Letter, seriously exhorting them, That they would desist from their Enterprize, putting them in mind of their League and Association, and of the Disputation of Baden, whereof they themselves were the Authors and chief Advisers; nor was it lawful, said they, for any People or Pro­vince, to make Innovations in Religion; but that it belonged only to a General Council: They praied them not to attempt such a heinous Wickedness, nor suffer themselves to be misled into Errour, by a few Strangers; but to persevere in the same Religion, which they themselves and their Ancestors had lived in, wherein they had got so much Honour and Reputation, wherein they had so enlarged their Ter­ritories, and wherein they had been so often Victorious: That it was reasonable they should obtain that at their Hands; but if otherwise, that then they could not grant a Safe-Conduct, as they desired; but that when they should know who the Persons were, they would pick and chuse; for that they would give no more Safe-Conduct to those, who being, upon publick Assurance given, called to the Disputation of Baden, either out of Contempt or Distrust came not: That besides, they would neither send, nor suffer any of their Divines to come.1528. Those of Berne, nothing moved at all this, proceeded, and at the Day appointed, which was January 7, commenced the Dis­pute. None of the Bishops, we named, came; but they of Basil, Scafhausen, Zurich, Appenzel, San Gall, Mulhausen, and the neighbouring Grisons also sent their Deputies: As also did the Cities of Strasburg, Vlm, Ausburg, Lindaw, Constance and Isue. The Doctors of the City of Berne, whom we named, began the Disputation, and their These were defended by Zuinglius, Occolampadius, Bucer, Capito, Blancer, and se­veral more. Among others who impugned, was one Conrad Treger, and Augustine Fryer, of great Fame; who at length, offering Arguments from other Topicks, than from the Bible, and the Presidents of the Dispute, not suffering that, as being contrary to Order, departed. The Dispute ended, January 26, and the Points of Doctrins we mentioned, were approved by the Plurality of Voices; where­upon the Magistrates, not only of Berne, but of some neighbouring Places also, ra­tified [Page 112] and approved them, commanding them to be observed; Mass, Altars and Ima­ges being everywhere abolished and pulled down. In Constance, some things had been changed before,Popery abo­lished in the Canton of Berne. and Fornication, Adultery and Dishonest or Suspected Company, being by Law prohibited there, the Canons left the place in great Anger. Their Preacher was one Ambrose Blancer, a Gentleman of good Birth, who had been a Monk in Alperspack; but being a Man of Parts, and having read Luther's Books, he chang­ed his Mind, and after much heart-burning, which he suffered from his Companious, left the Order, and returned home to his Parents and Relations: Now that Abbey stands in the Dutchy of Wirtemberg, then in possession of Ferdinand Archduke of Au­stria; wherefore the Abbot got the Governour of the Country to send to the Senate of Constance, Ambrose Blan­cer at Con­stance. that he might be reduced to Duty, and sent back to his Monastery: Whereupon Blancer published a Narrative of the whole matter, and propounded Con­ditions, upon which he was willing to return: But they were such, as his Abbot would not admit of,There Mass, Images and Ceremonies are abolished. so that he remained still at Constance; and this was in the Year 1523. After the Disputation of Berne, the Mass, Images, Altars and Ceremonies were abolished also at Constance. The People of Geneva, in like manner, followed the Example of Berne, As also at Geneva. in casting away Images and Ceremonies. Wherefore the Bishop and Clergy, in Anger left the City. Upon the change of Religion, the Canton of Berne renounced the League with France, and prohibited all mercenary Warrings, as they of Zurich had done, contenting themselves with that yearly Pension, which the French King paid them, to keep the Peace; and made an Inscription in Golden Letters up­on a Pillar, of the Day and Year when Popery was abolished, to stand as a Monu­ment to Posterity.

We told you before,The Kings of England and France send Ambassa­dours to the Emperour. That the Cardinal of York was sent Ambassadour into France; where having concluded a League, both Kings sent Ambassadours to the Emperour; the French King demanding, That he would take his Ransome, and deliver him up his Sons, who were in Hostage; and the King of England, That he would pay him a three-fold Debt he owed him; to wit, three hundred thousand Crowns of lent Mo­ney; fifty thousand for not fulfilling his Contract of Marriage; and his Pension for four Years; which was promised him by the Emperour, as we shewed you in the third Book. When the Emperour had made Answer to these Demands, not accord­ing to their Minds, the King of England also sent him a Defiance, by a Herauld; for at that time he was projecting, How he might be Divorced from his Queen Catharine the Emperour's Mother's Sister, and marry another, which he did; as shall be said here­after. The Emperour bitterly accused the French King to other Princes, for his breach of Faith and Promise; and had often twitted the French Ambassadours there­with: Wherefore the King sent a Herauld to him with Letters, dated at Paris, March 28, to this effect: From the Discourse, said he, which thou hadst with my Ambas­sadours, I understand, That thou hast spoken some things to my Dishonour; as if contrary to Faith and Promise, I had escaped out of thy Hands: Now, though he who has Guards set over him, after matters are transacted, is freed from Obligation: And although this be enough to excuse me; yet to justifie my Honour and Reputati­on, I have thought fit to tell thee in short, That if thou blamest what I have done, and my departure, or sayest that I have ever acted any thing unworthy of a Prince, I tell thee plainly, Thou lyest; for I am resolved to maintain my Honour and Re­putation to my last breath.The French King challen­ges the Em­perour to a Duel. There is no need, then, of many Words, and if thou hast any thing to say to me, let me have no more Writing from thee, but name the Place, where we may fight it out hand to hand; for if thou delayest to give me a Meeting, and in the mean time ceasest not to asperse me, I protest thou art base, for a Duel will put an end to the Dispute.

We took notice before of the Competition of Ferdinand and the Vaivode of Tran­silvania, A War be­twixt Ferdi­nand and the Vaivode. concerning the Crown of Hungary; and now a War ensuing thereupon, wherein Ferdinand had the better on't; the Vaivode in the Month of April, wrote to the States of the Empire, as follows. After the deplorable Fall of King Lewis, said he,The Vai­vod's Com­plaint to the Princes of Germany. I was chosen and crowned King of Hungary, by the common Consent of all the No­bles, except three; whom Poverty, Hatred, and Hopes of better Fortune so far transported, as forgetting the Interest and Welfare of their Country, to declare them­selves for Ferdinand King of Bohemia. And when I was wholly imployed in succouring my Country, and recovering our Losses, that by that means I might procure your Quiet; He at the same time, in a hostile manner, invaded my Country, makes himself master of some Towns, and by those of his Faction, I mentioned, is created King at Presburg. It was to me, indeed, both a great Wonder and Grief, That this Nati­on, which was miserable enough before, should now be afflicted by him, who chiefly [Page 113] ought to protect the same. It had been easie for me at that time to have repelled his Hostilities; but I was not willing rashly to venture what remained of this King­dom after so many Shipwracks; I only made my Complaint to Pope Clement VII, Francis King of France, Henry King of England, and Sigismund King of Poland: And indeed, Sigismund, unknown to me, dealt with Ferdinand by Ambassadours, That he would not, at so unseasonable a time, by promoting Civil Discord, open a way for the Enemy, which afterwards neither he, nor any other could be able to stop up again: But that he would live in Peace with me, and joyn his Forces to mine against the common Enemy. And when Ferdinand affirmed that he had done nothing contrary to Right and Justice; it was agreed upon that some fit Men should meet at a certain Day, to attempt an Accommodation of the Controversie: I im­braced the Condition; and at the same time by my Ambassadours, whom I sent to make submission in my Name to your Arbitrement, I begged of you that you would not assist my Adversary: But when they arrived in Ferdinand's Country, they were apprehended and made Prisoners, contrary to the Law of Nations, so that they could not discharge their Commission; for they were to go forward from you to the Emperour. Though this, indeed; was a heinous Injury, yet at the Day ap­pointed by Sigismund, I sent some Men, who were both of their own Inclination, and by my Orders too, very desirous of Peace: But Ferdinand's Commissioners mak­ing most unreasonable Propositions, they broke up without concluding any thing. Whilst these things were on foot, some of the Nobility tampered with, by the Ar­tifices of Ferdinand, have violated their Allegiance to me. Now seeing I have no free Passage left either to come or send to you, I resolved, at last, to acquaint you by Letters, how unjust a War he carries on; that he may recover, perhaps, the Honour, which in the Age past, his Ancestors the Emperours Frederick and Maxi­milian lost here; for my Uncle drove the one of them out of all the Country, and baulked him of Hungary, when triumphantly he was about to make himself King of it: And my Father Stephen Sepsy so mauled them both, in the Reign of King Matthias, as that he joyned Vienna to Hungary: Nay, and I my self too, though then but a Youth, put a stop to Maximilian in his Progress against us, and would have done the same against the present Enemy, if he had not acted more by Cun­ning and Treachery, than by Valour and Force of Arms. I have, indeed, hither­to born with that Injury, as patiently and as well as I could: But consider with your selves, most Noble Princes, How grievous a thing it is to be cast down from Supreme Dignity to the state of a Private Man. Hardly, I think, is there any Man to be found so tame and patient, as having received so many Injuries, would not look about him for assistance, wherever he could have it. Seeing, then, I have at no time, since I entred into the Government, refused to hearken to any reason­able Conditions, nor do at present reject them, but would do any thing rather than cause a Civil War; and that my Enemy goes on obstinately, I make Protesta­tion, That it ought not to be imputed to me as a Fault, if I take any sort of course for my own Defence and Protection. And that if any Prejudice redound from thence to Christendom, that is not to be attributed to me, who have essayed all ways of Peace, but to my Enemy, who with highest Injustice invades the Kingdom of another. He is careful indeed to stop all the Wayes, that no News may be brought to you; but yet, I suppose, you have heard, how he deserted his Brother-in-law, King Lewis; for though he had been often, and with very earnest Entreaty sollicited, yet he neither sent him Men, Artillery, nor any other Aid against his Powerful Enemy. And why? because his Heart and Eye were already upon the Crown, after his Death: Besides, he sent the Publick Aids of the Empire, designed for Hungary, to his Brother, to plague Italy with, whilst I sent and paid about three thousand Men of my own Forces, under the command of my Brother, to the Assistance of King Lewis, designing to have been present in person at the Battle, had not the King commanded me to continue in Transilvania; but my Brother dy­ed bravely in the Fight. Ferdinand also took a solemn Oath, That before he had recovered Belgrade, and some other Castles, he would not take upon him the Go­vernment: But he forfeited his Promise herein; for the Turks made an Incursion far up into the Country, and having wasted the Land, and taken the strong Castle of Jaitza in Bosnia, returned home loaded with Spoils. This Castle was heretofore taken from the Turks by King Matthias, with a great loss of his Men; my Uncle Emerick, also held out a long Siege therein, and defended it against them; and our Kings, likewise, were at vast Charges in fortifying it: But this General of ours, who made such glorious Promises, as an Essay of his Valour, fairly suffered it to [Page 112] [...] [Page 113] [...] [Page 114] be lost, and being now destitute of all things, implores, I suppose, your Aid and Assistance, as if he were in Danger for the sake of Germany: But his Designs tend a quite different way; for it is not against the Turk that he is preparing Arms, to whom, by Ambassadours lately sent, he offers a yearly Tribute: But his Aim is, That with your Men and Money he may assist his Brother in Italy, and by undoing of me en­slave Hungary. Which being so, I most earnestly beseech you, to take Care, That this private Wrong, which is now done to me, may not turn to the Prejudice of all Christendom.

Not long after, he wrote also to the Emperour much to the same purpose, pray­ing him to divert his Brother; and these things he published in his own Defence. But King Ferdinand insisted upon the Compact,King Ferdi­nand's Title to Hungary. which in the Year 1491, the Em­perour Maximilian made with the Hungarians and King Ladislaus; wherein it was stipulated, That if Ladislaus dyed without Heirs Male, that then the Kingdom should fall to Maximilian, and the Heirs of his Body. Since therefore King Lewis, Son to Ladislaus was dead without Issue, as we said before; Ferdinand, who was Grand-Son to Maximilian, and Archduke of Austria, and besides was married to the Sister of King Lewis, pretended that the Kingdom of right belonged unto him.

At the very same time,The Elector of Saxony and Landgrave prepare for War. Philip Landgrave of Hesse, and the Elector of Saxony hav­ing raised Forces, prepared for War; And the Reason of it was this, A certain Lawyer, Otho Becken, a Man of Noble Extraction, and one of the chief Counsel­lours of George Duke of Saxony, being occasionally in Discourse with the Landgrave, admonished him to look to himself; for that lately King Ferdinand, the Ele­ctor of Brandenburg, George Duke of Saxony, William and Lewis, Dukes of Bavaria, the Bishops of Mentz, Saltsburg, Bamberg and Wurtzburg, had entred into a League for the ruine of him, the Elector of Saxony, and the Reformed Religion; and to gain credit, shewed him a Copy of the Instrument of Confederation, promising also to produce the Original. Whilst they were raising Forces, and prepared for War, all men were agog, what the meaning of it should be; for various Reasons were given out, as it happens commonly in such cases: But at length, when all things were in a Readiness, they began to send Letters and Messengers into all parts, published the Copy of the League, and at the same time sent Ambassadours and Let­ters to those, who were said to be ingaged in it, that they might know what their Purpose was: However they all purged themselves severally, by Publick Declara­tions, affirming it to be a Fiction, and that it could not be proved. Especially George Duke of Saxony, the Landgrave's Father-in-law, urged him to name his Author, or otherwise that he would look upon it as a Contrivance of his to raise Com­motions, and disturb the Peace of Germany. Their first Attempt was to have been upon the Bishops, their next Neighbours; and therefore they prepared themselves, and raised all their Forces they could make on a sudden: But when Becken could not produce the Original, as he had promised, the Landgrave began to act more slowly, and, at length, through the Mediation of the Prince Palatine, and Richard Archbishop of Treves, they laid down their Arms, upon Condition, That for the Charges of the War, the Bishops should pay the Landgrave an hundred thousand Florence, the Archbishop of Mentz forty thousand, Wurtzburg as much, and Bam­berg twenty. Afterwards, when the Deputies of the Princes, whom this Accusa­tion concerned, had met at a Day appointed, Becken, whom the Landgrave pre­sented there, was convicted of Forgery; but being dismissed, at length, by the Landgraves means, he wandred for some Years as an Exile, amongst Foreign Na­tions, till at last he lost his Head at Antwerp. Matters being thus quieted, the Confederates of the Schwabian League, whom we have often mentioned before, accused the Landgrave, That he had offered Violence, and done Injury to their Associates; and when this seemed to threaten some new Stirs, the Matter was at length taken up, about the end of December, at Wormes, by the Invention of the Prince Palatine. There were some who thought, That it was not altogether with­out-book, what he said of the Confederacy; and that meeting of some Princes, which was four Years before, at Ratisbonne, as we said before, in the fourth Book, increased this Suspicion: So that it was thought some such Project had been laid, but not brought to Maturity, nor resolved upon; which nevertheless I would not affirm for a Truth, but leave every one to his own Judgment. We told you before of another Dyet of the Empire, which was appointed to be held at Ratisbonne, in the beginning of the Spring; but in that Tumult of War, it did not meet, the Emperour's Vice-Deputy sending them Word not to come.

[Page 115] The Emperour received not the French King's Challenge, dated about the end of March, which we mentioned before, till the seventh of June; but having received it,The Empe­rour's An­swer to the French King's Challenge. he sent him a Herauld, with this Answer, June 24. I do not blame nor accuse thee, said he, for going home; since thou hadst my leave to do so; but because thou hast not delivered thy self up again Prisoner to me, as thou didst faithfully pro­mise to do, if thou didst not fulfil the Articles of Peace, as may be proved by Let­ters under thine own Hand. Hadst thou done so, thou wouldest have acted like a Good and Worthy Prince: But now since thou hast broken thy Promise therein, I tell thee, and that without lying, That thou hast acted basely and knavishly. And because thou demandest of me, to name a Place for Duel, I am content, and ap­point the Place, by that River which runs betwixt Fontarabia and Andey; which thou oughtest not to refuse: For if two Years agoe thou trustedst the Safety of thy self and Childen to it, when having got thy Liberty, and returning Home, thou didst diliver them up to me as Hostages; thou maist now safely trust thy self thereunto. But that no longer Delay be made, let skilful Gentlemen be sent on both sides, to pitch upon the Ground, and appoint the Weapons and Day: And if thou sendest me not an Answer within forty Days after the receipt of this Letter, that I may know thy Mind, the Blame and Shame of the Delay shall lye at thy Door; and so to the Crime of Breach of Faith thou'lt also add Baseness. This Letter the Emperour gave to the Herauld, commanding him to carry it to France, and read it publickly to the King; or if he refused to hear it, that he should deliver it into his own Hands to be read. When the Herauld, at length arrived at Paris, coming into the Kings Presence, who was surrounded with his Nobles; his Majesty asked him, if he had brought him a Defiance: He told him he had; That he had something besides to say unto him, and that he was enjoyned to read it publickly, or to give it into his own Hands: Wherefore he desired leave to do it. But the King, who was not Ignorant what the Emperour had to charge him with, would not suffer it to be openly read; but having exchanged some Words with the He­rauld, started up, and would neither hear him speak more, nor receive the Let­ter from him, as the Imperialists affirm in their Publick Writings.

By Letters dated at Valladolid, August 1,A Dyet ap­pointed at Spire. the Emperour appointed a Dyet of the Empire to be held at Spire, the beginning of February next year, to consult about Religion and the Turkish War: But excused himself that he could not be there, be­cause of other Affairs; naming for his Commissioners, his Brother King Ferdinand, Frederick Prince Palatine, William Duke of Bavaria, and the Bishops of Trent and Heildesheim. Cantreck the French General, after the taking of Alexandria and Pa­via the Year before, as hath been said, had his Winter-quarters in Bolonia, but march­ing forward again,Naples besieg­ed by the French. in the beginning of the Spring, he besieged Naples, which was defended by Alphonso d'Avalos, Ʋgo Moncada, Ferdinando Alarco, Philibert Orengio and Ferdinando Gonzaga: But in the Month of July a very violent Plague swept away a great part of his Army, whereof Lautreck himself dyed, August 14, and not long before him the Duke of Vaudemont, Brother to Anthony Duke of Lorrain, who served the King, in hopes of obtaining the Kingdom of Naples, to which the Fa­mily of Anjou, from whence the House of Lorrain are descended, pretends a Right and Title.

How after the Disputation at Berne Religion was changed in many Places, it hath been formerly mentioned;A Contenti­on at Stras­burg about the Mass. wherefore the Ministers of the Church at Strasburg, upon this Occasion preached, as they had often done before, against the Mass, af­firming it, among other Errours of the Popish Doctrin, to be Impious and very Reproachful to the Name of God; and that therefore it was to be abrogated, and the right Administration of the Lord's Supper restored; refusing no kind of Punish­ment, if they proved not their Doctrin by Testimonies of Holy Scripture. But the Papists teaching the contrary,The Popish Preachers si­lenced by the Senate there. there happened a hot Contention, which the Se­nate would have ended by having the Opinions of both stated and examined by a Disputation; and when it could not be obtained, and that the Papists accused the others of Preaching Impious and Erroneous Doctrin, but yet would not come to a fair Tryal about the Matter; they commanded them not to Preach any more for the future. In the mean time the Bishop, by frequent Letters and Messengers, admonished and intreated the Senate, to persevere in the Ancient Religion of their Fore-fathers, and not to give Credit to new Doctors; which he said, was a matter of great Danger. The Senate, on the other hand, prayed him, as they had also done some Years before, that he would endeavour that such things as related to the true Worship of God, might be instituted; but all things else antiquated and [Page 116] abolished; for that that was properly his Duty: But though he had sometimes ap­pointed a Day and Meeting for that purpupose, yet nothing was done by him, on­ly he deterred them by Letters from their Enterprize, and mingled Threats some­times with Entreaties. This producing no effect, and being now almost in De­spair, he applyed himself to the Council of the Empire, which then was at Spire, praying them to interpose their Authority. These sending a solemn Deputation about the latter End of December, desired the Senate that they would not abolish the Mass; for that it neither belonged to the Emperour nor States, to alter the Anci­ent Religion received from their Fore-fathers, but to a General or National Council; but if that seemed to be too far off, that they would delay, at least, till the ensuing Dyet of the Empire, which was shortly to meet, and there propose their Demands; that they made no doubt, but they would obtain a reasonable Answer. That it was contrary to Law, that a Private Magistrate should rescind those things which had been decreed by the common consent of all the Christian World; that therefore it was but Reason, that they should prevail with them in that particular. But that if they would needs proceed, since there was Violence in the case; the Emperour, who was their chief Magistrate, and King Ferdinand, who was his Lieutenant in the Empire, would take it very ill: That they also would be obliged in Duty, both to write to the Emperour about the Affair, and also to apply such proper Re­medies as it required; which they were unwilling to be brought to do. That there­fore they prayed them, seriously to bethink themselves, and listen to sound Coun­sel: That the Emperour would take it very well at their Hands, and they them­selves would find the Praise and Advantage thereof. The Senate having declared their Reasons for what they had done, civilly dismissed the Deputies.

A little before, the Bishop of Heildesheim had been there, and had demanded the same thing in the Emperour's Name, exhorting them to comply; especially see­ing the Emperour had Thoughts of calling a National Council of Germany: For that else the Emperour and the rest of the States would take some other Course. Be­sides, the Bishop of Strasburg addressed himself privately to some of the Senators of the City, Gentlemen who held their Lands of him; and writing to them severally, admonished them seriously, That since they were bound to him in Fealty, they should not approve, but with all their Might oppose the abolishing of the Mass; in the mean time, the Senate, after the matter had been in agitation for above two Years, and the Ministers of the Church urged them daily in their Sermons, as the Citizens plied them with frequent Petitions, they called a Great and Common Council, to the number of three hundred, as it was usually done in difficult matters; and hav­ing stated the whole Case unto them, and told them on the one Hand, the Danger they were in of the Emperour's Displeasure, if they abolished the Mass; and on the other hand, How much God would be offended if they did not; they gave them time to deliberate, and enjoyned them to meet and consult in their several Compa­nies, that in their next publick Assembly they might by Common and Universal Consent conclude and determine what was to be done. When, therefore, the Day appointed came, they who were for abrogating the Mass, carried it by plurality of Voices.1529. Wherefore an Order and Decree past February 20, That the Celebration of the Mass ought to be suspended and intermitted, until the Adversaries should prove,Mass by com­mon Consent abolished at Strasburg. That it was acceptable Worship unto God. This Decree the Senate order­ed to be observed, not only in the City, but abroad also, within the whole Pre­cincts of their Jurisdiction, and then certified the Bishop of the same by Letters; who wrote back to them, That with sighing, and a most sorrowful Heart, he had received their News; that he was forced to bear it patiently; but that he would do in the Case what his Office and Duty obliged him to.

There had been for some Years also,A Dissention about Religi­on at Basil. great Dissentions in Basil, upon account of Religion; but the Senate ordered at length, That there should be one uniform Do­ctrin throughout the whole City; and that because Mass still continued in some Places, that they should meet on a Day prefixt, and having debated the matter publickly, come to a final Resolution, what was to be done therein: But the Pa­pists for all that went on in their way, and in their Sermons taxed their Adversa­ries a little too sharply; which being connived at, many lookt upon that Impuni­ty, as an Approbation of the chief and leading Men; wherefore a select number of Citizens were employed to petition the Senate again, and to mind them of their Agreement; these, after much Debate, and diligent prosecution of their Com­mission, demanded, That those Senators, at whose Desire the Papists preached, (since their so doing was not only a contempt of the Decree, but tended also to [Page 117] Tumult and Sedition) might be turned out of Place: But the Senate refusing ab­solutely to do that, the People met in the Month of February, this Year, in the Grey Fryers Church, and having there consulted about the matter, demanded of the Se­nate the same thing that they had done before, but not so submissively; and at the same time flocked together into the chief Places of the City, but without Arms: That Day, towards the Evening, the Senate made answer to them, That they were satisfied, that such as they desired to have turned out, should not for the fu­ture be present when any Matters of Religion were brought before them; but that in all other things, they should retain their Place and Dignity: When by this An­swer it appeared, That a few Persons took to themselves the Supreme Power, the Citizens were more incensed, and therefore publickly protested, That they would take Measure for the future, not, indeed, for maintaining their Religion; but for asserting their Rights and Liberties. Thereupon presently they ran to Arms, pos­sessed themselves of the Towers and Gates, and having placed Guards in proper Places, kept Watch and Ward in the same manner as in a Camp, when there is Danger from a neighbouring Enemy. Next Day the Senate desired Time to con­sult, referring the Matter to those who lately had been Intercessors. The Citi­zens did not refuse that, but in the mean time, would have those they accused turn­ed out, and that they should prosecute their Suit at their own Private Charges; but that for themselves, who maintained the Cause of the Publick, and of Posterity, their Charges should be defrayed by the Publick. The Senate granted these, and some other slighter matters, that thereby they might mitigate their Anger. The same Day, some of the Town's-People, who had Orders to go the Rounds about the City, and see that no Abuses were committed, went into the Cathedral Church, where one of them, with his Pike, pushed at the Image of a certain Saint, which thereupon tumbled down and was broken: This gave them an occasion to lay Hands afterwards on more; but the Priests, who were extreambly troubled at that, interposing, they that they might not go beyond their Commission, departed with­out any further Quarrel. When the Report of this was brought to the Market-place, and made greater than indeed it was, three hundred armed Men were forth­with sent to the Church, to the assistance of their Brethren, who were said to be hard put to it, and in Danger; But before they came, the rest were gone: How­ever, that they might do something for their coming, they broke down all the Images they found there, and so proceeding, did the like in all the rest of the Churches. Then some of the Senate came running, to prevent any Tumult or Riot; to whom the Citizens said, What you have been consulting about any time these three Years, whether you had best do it or not, in one Hours time we have dispatched, that there may be no difference among us hereafter about Images. So that the Senate condescended to all they desired, and twelve Senators were turn­ed out, but without Disgrace; among whom were Henry Meltinger, at that time Burgo-master,Mass abolish­ed at Basil, and Lucius Zeigler Dean of Guield. A Decree also passed, That Mass should be abolished and Images broken down, both in the City, and abroad also in the Country throughout all their Jurisdiction: That besides, the Senate should for the future admit of two hundred and threescore of the Members of the City Com­panies, to deliberate with them about those things which concerned the Glory of God, and the Welfare of the State. When the Citizens had got those two De­crees made, they joyfully returned home to their Houses, and wreakt their Fury on­ly upon the Images.And Images burnt. The third Day after, which was Ashwednesday, the Wooden Images were distributed among the Poor, to be made use of for Fewel: But they quarrelling, and falling to Fisty-cuffs about dividing the Spoil, it was thought fit to burn them publickly. Wherefore there were nine Piles of them made before the Cathedral Church, and burnt. And so it happened, That the very same Day, on which the Papists used to sprinkle the People's Foreheads with Ashes, to put them in Mind that they are but Dust and Ashes, was a pleasant and joyful Day to the Ci­ty, because then the Images were reduced into Ashes. February 12, the Common Council of the Companies, which were mentioned, approved the Acts of the Se­nate; and the next day after an Oath was taken by all the Companies, and then all quietly departed. When the Cantons of Zurich, Berne and Solothurn had Intelli­gence of these Stirs, they presently sent Deputies to make Mediation, but before they came all was over.

We made mention a little before of the Dyet of Spire, The Dyet of Spire. which the Emperour ap­pointed to meet in the beginning of February; but it was not opened before the beginning of March: The Princes and States made a great appearance there; and [Page 118] the Elector of Saxony brought Melanchthon with him. The first thing they fell up­on was matter of Religion, and after much Debate, they made a Decree therein, as shall be said hereafter. Now the Drift of the Papists was to divide the Duke of Saxony and the other Princes from the Cities, that they might not consult and joyn together in Design: And because all the Cities were not of the same Judgment the Princes were, about the Lord's Supper; they were in good Hope they might ac­complish their Desires, but that was in vain, as you shall hear hereafter. King Ferdinand also, and his Colleagues, sent for the Deputies of some of the Cities se­parately, April 5, and severely chid them for having made many Innovations con­trary to the Emperour's Edict; but then he exhorted them to comply and joyn in Opinion with the rest of the States, lest through their Dissentions the Dyet might be dissolved. They made answer, That what Innovations they had made were no ways prejudicial to the Emperour, that above all things they desired Concord, would do any thing for the Emperour, and did not refuse to submit to the Judg­ment of a lawful Council.

Zurich and Berne, the two far most powerful Cantons of Switzerland being agree­ed in Religion,Five Cantons of Switzer­land make a League with King Ferdi­nand. as we have said, the Cantons of Lucerne, Ʋri, Ʋnderwalt, Switz and Zug, who above all others spighted that Doctrin, made a League with King Ferdi­nand. In the mean time Pope Clement, April 23, sent John Tomaso of Mirandula, to incite the Princes to the Turkish War; and to tell them, That though of late Years he himself had sustained great Losses, nevertheless he promised Aid, and that he would make it his endeavour, that Peace being made betwixt the Emperour and French King, a Council should forthwith commence, that Germany might, at length, embrace the same Religion that other Provinces did.

The Council of the Empire we mentioned, some Months before had been re­moved from Esling to Spire, The Deputy of Strasburg not admitted to sit in the Coun­cil of the Em­pire. whither the City of Strasburg having sent their Depu­ty Daniel Meige, to consult and act with the other Counsellours, about the Affairs of the Publick, he was not admitted to sit, because the Strasburghers had lately abolished the Mass, and would not stay till the Conclusion of the present Dyet. This being known, the rest of the Cities, perceiving it to be a Precedent which concerned themselves also, did mediate, and demanded that the Custom of the Empire might be observed: That though they might have done some things con­trary to the Ceremonies and Rites of the Church, yet ought they not therefore to be denyed their Right, before the Controversie were determined in a Lawful Council; especially seeing no such thing had hitherto been attempted, nor had any Person been as yet in the least debarred from his Right in the publick Dyets of the Empire, upon account of Religion. Afterwards James Sturney, Deputy for the City in that Dyet, protested, That if contrary to the Laws and Custom of the Empire, they were in this manner turned out of Place, it must not be expected, that for the future they would contribute any thing to the defraying of the Charges of that Judicature. But all these Courses were ineffectual, and King Ferdinand an­swering the Mediators himself, told them, That any other City which observed the Emperour's Edicts, might be substituted in place thereof. After a long De­bate about Religion, they made a new Decree, wherein resuming in a few Words the Acts of the former Dyet of Spire, how that it had been ordained there; That as to the Emperour's Decree of Wormes, all should so behave themselves, that they might be able to render an account of their Actions both to God and the Emperour, but that it being now abused by many, who under colour and pretext thereof ex­cused and defended all sorts of New and Horrid Doctrins; it was therefore enact­ed and decreed to this effect, That they who had hitherto observed that Edict, should do so for the future,The Decree of the Dyet of Spire. and oblige their People to do so also, until the meeting of the Council, which the Emperour gave great Hopes of very speedily: But that they who had changed their Religion, and could not now retract for fear of Trou­bles and Sedition, should for the future moderate themselves, and make no more Innovations before the sitting of the Council: Moreover, that the Doctrin of those who dissent from the Church about the Lord's Supper, should not be received, neither the Mass abolished, nor those who were willing, hindred from going to Mass, in those Places where a New Doctrin was taught: That Anabaptists also, who obstinately maintain their Tenet, should be put to Death, and that Mi­nisters should preach according to the Sense and Interpretation of Scripture, ap­proved by the Church: That they should not meddle with other Points, which probably might be controverted, but expect the Decree of a Council: Besides, that all States should live together in Peace, do no Injury to one another upon ac­count [Page 119] of Religion, and not take the Subjects of others Jurisdiction into their Prote­ction: And that such as did otherwise should be put to the Ban of the Em­pire.

This Decree was opposed by the Elector of Saxony, The Prote­station of the Princes a­gainst the Decree of Spire. George Marquess of Branden­burg, Ernest and Francis Dukes of Lunenburg, the Landgrave and Count Anbald, who April 19, publickly read their Protestation against it in Writing: And in the first place they repeat the Decree of the former Dyet; whereby all are per­mitted the free exercise of their Religion, until the meeting of a Council; from which they ought not to recede, nor violate those things which for Peace-sake were then agreed upon, and confirmed by Oath, under Hand and Seal: That for their own Parts, they were ready, in imitation of their Ancestors, to comply with the Emperour in any thing, and to spend their Lives and Fortunes in his Service: But that the present Case concerned their Eternal Salvation; and therefore prayed that it might not be taken ill, if therein they dissented from the rest: For that as the former Decree had been made with the unanimous Consent of all, so also could it not be repealed and made void, unless all in like manner agreed to it: That they were not against it, but that they themselves might appoint what Form of Religion they pleased within their own Territories, and prayed God that he would enlighten the Minds of all with his true Knowledge: That for some Years now past, there had been great Dissention and Quarrelling about Religion; and that who were the Au­thors and Causes thereof, it had, in some measure been made out in the Dyet of Norimberg, and by the Confession of the Pope himself, and the Grievances and De­mands of the Princes and States, which to the number of eighty, had been deliver­ed to the Pope's Legate; whereof, nevertheless, no redress was as yet made: That the Result of all Deliberations had always been this, That the readiest way to put an End to Controversies and corrupt Abuses, was a free Council: But that now, laying that Course aside, they should Decree, That they who had changed the Form of their Religion, and could not without Troubles recede from what they had done, should make no other Innovations, they could not approve nor admit of that, unless they would professedly derogate from the Doctrin, which hitherto they had owned as True and Holy: For to forsake that Doctrin, provided it might be done without Stirs and Commotions, what was it else, than to deny the pure and uncorrupted Word of God which they had? than which there could not be a more grievous Sin: For that it was to be professed not only in Word but in Deed also. Besides that, what Mischief such a Denyal would bring with it, and how pernicious it would be to many Professors of the Gospel, it was easie e­nough to be conjectured. That as to the Popish Mass, it was well known, How the Ministers of the Churches within their Dominions, had by firm and unanswer­able Arguments and Testimonies of Holy Scripture quite overthrown it, and in place thereof appointed the Lord's Supper, according to the Command and Insti­tution of Christ, and the manner observed by the Apostles; so that neither could they approve that Clause of the Decree, nor give leave to their People to repair to Mass, which was already abolished: For that granting, That the use of the Popish Mass were never so Right and Pure, yet if they should admit of two contrary Mas­ses in their Churches, it was obvious to all Men, how bad an example that would give, and what grumbling and heart-burning would thereupon ensue. That again, they wondred very much, That they should prescribe to them, what they were to enjoyn their People, and what Laws they should make within their own Jurisdi­ctions, especially seeing if the like were attempted upon them, they would by no means suffer it: That all Men knew what was taught in their Churches of the Pre­sence of the Body and Blood of Christ in the Sacrament, so that it needed no far­ther Explication: But that nevertheless, as they had often said before, so it still seemed to them, That no such Decree was as yet to be made against those, who taught otherwise, because there was nothing of that mentioned in the Emperour's Commission; and besides, because the Assertors of that Doctrin were neither called nor heard: That therefore it was seriously to be considered, How unreasonable and unbeseeming a thing it would be, to pass a Judgment at any time, upon such difficult and weighty Affairs, without hearing those, who were concerned, speak for themselves. Now as to what they said, That the Gospel was to be taught ac­cording to the Interpretations approved and received by the Church, it was right indeed; however, the Dispute still was, Which is the True Church: But that since no Doctrin was more certain, than that of God's Word, since nothing should be taught besides it; and that the obscure Places of Scripture could not be [Page 120] better explained, than by other clearer Places of the same Scripture, they would therefore stick to that, and make it their Endeavour, That the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament should be plainly and purely taught: That this alone was the Sure and Infallible Way; but that the Traditions of Men were no sure Ground to build upon: That the Decree of the last Dyet was made for Peace and Concord's sake; but that if the present Decree should be in Force, it would open a way to great Troubles and Discontents; for that now, since, whilst that Decree of Wormes was still in suspense, some Princes pretended to the Estates of their Subjects, as for­feited for not observing the Edict, it might be easily understood, what would be done, if the same Edict were again established, and some of the other Princes and States should by Force attempt to compel them to those things which they could not perform with a safe Conscience; That moreover it was not fairly alledged, That the Decree of the last Dyet was conceived in such Words, that most men, in the mean time did abuse it, and thought they might do what they pleased, until the meeting of a Council: These being Rumors spread by those who stood but little in awe of the last Judgment, when all things should be made manifest: That for their own Parts, they were willing to answer such, as would accuse them of transgressing that Decree, before any impartial Judges. And that therefore since the Case was so, they did not assent to this Decree of theirs, but would give Rea­sons for what they did openly to all Men, and to the Emperour himself; and that in the mean time, till the meeting of a General or Provincial Council of Germany, they would not act any thing, which they could not maintain by Law: That, after all, they were not ignorant, neither of their Duty, as to what was decreed con­cerning living in Peace, not invading other Men's Possessions, Anabaptists and Printers, &c.

Some of the chief Cities,Some Cities joyn in this Protestation. after consultation had, joyned with the Princes in this Protestation; as Strasburg, Norimberg, Ʋlm, Constance, Ruteling, Winshaim, Mem­mingen, Lindaw, Kempen, Hailbrun, Isne, Weissemburg, Norlingen and San-Gall. And this is the Original of the Name of Protestants,The Original of the Name of Prote­stants. which is famous and common, not only in Germany, but also amongst Foreign Nations. King Ferdinand was gone out of the Assembly, before this Protestation was made, though he had been desi­red by the Elector of Saxony and his Associates to stay a little. Afterwards the Protestants drew up and published a kind of an Appeal; wherein having related what had been done, they, at length, appeal from all the Proceedings of the Dyet of Spire, The Prote­stants appeal to the Empe­rour. and the Decree there made, to the Emperour, to a Lawful General Council, or Provincial Synod of Germany, and in short, to all impar­tial and unsuspected Judges, determining withal, to send Ambassadours to the Emperour.

Not long after,A Civil War among the Switzers. those of Zurich and Berne took the Field with an Army against their Enemies; the five Cantons, whom we mentioned a little before, and the Zurichers published a Declaration of the Reasons and Causes that moved them to do so, instancing many Injuries done by them, and among the rest that in the Can­ton of Switz, some of their People, who came to demand Money due unto them, had been whipt: That they of Ʋnderwalt had hung up their Arms, and the Arms of Berne, Basil, and City of Strasburg upon the Gallows: That they all also had made a League with King Ferdinand for the Suppression of the Reformed Religion; where­in they said, It was stipulated, That what Lands of theirs, on this side the Rhine, should be taken by the Assistance of King Ferdinand, should all belong to them; from whence it may be easily seen, say they, that it is their Design to cast us out of our Country, by the Aid and Assistance of Foreigners: Wherein they not on­ly violate the Law of Nature, but their Covenants and Agreements also, when to our Ruine they conspire with the most Ancient and Implacable Enemy that our Nation hath, against whom, for so many Years, even from the beginning of our League, we have so unanimously joyned all our Strength and Force. When the Armies on both sides had taken the Field, and were incamped, by the Mediati­on of their Neighbours, and of the City of Strasburg also, the matter was accom­modated, and both laid down their Arms. King Ferdinand had sent them Auxili­ary Forces, which were advanced as far as the Rhine. It was agreed upon betwixt them, That they should make no War one against another, upon account of Reli­gion; and that for the future they should abstain from Railing and opprobious Words, under a severe Penalty.

The French King being affected with the condition of his Children, whom he had left Hostages in Spain, and his unsuccessful Wards in Italy, where he had lately lost [Page 121] an Army, and his General Lautreck, as we said; having likewise lost Andrea d' Auria a Genoese, and most Famous Sea-Commander, who much about the time that Lautreck dyed, revolted to the Emperour, and regained the Liberty of his Country, began to incline to Peace.Peace be­twixt the Em­perour and French con­cluded at Cambray. Wherefore at Cambray a City of Hainault, there met Margaret the Emperour's Aunt, Aloisia the French King's Mother, and many Nobles, among whom was Erard de la Warch Cardinal and Bishop of Liege, and in the Month of August concluded a Peace, wherein that Resolution taken in Spain three Years before, as hath been said, against the Lutherans, was revived and confirmed. The other Conditions were partly altered; for the Emperour resigned Burgundy to the French King, in case he had a Son by his Sister, and the King was to pay for the Ransome of his Sons, to the Emperour, twenty hundred thousand Crowns, therein comprehending the Debt due to the King of England. Solyman be­sieges Vienna. Not long after, the Emperour came to Genoua from Spain; and at the same time Solyman the Emperour of the Turks, being invited by Jerome Alasky, a Polonian of extraordinary Parts, sent for that end Ambassadour from John the Vaivode, marched through Hungary, with a most numerous Army, into Austria, where laying Siege before Vienna, the chief City thereof, September 13, and having by battering and springing of Mines, made a Breach in the Walls, he gave the Assault; but the Garison, under the Command of Philip Prince Palatine, But is forced to raise the Siege. making a brave Defence: October 16, he raised the Siege, having lost many thousands of his Men in the Retreat, who were partly slain,The Vaivode made King at Buda. and partly made Slaves. But upon his Departure, he made the Vai­vode King at Buda.

A new kind of Disease also invaded Germany this Year,A New Dis­ease in Ger­many. for Men being taken with a Pestilential Sweating, either dyed within four and twenty Hours, or if they sweated out the Poyson, recovered by degrees their Health again; but before any Remedy could be found for it, many thousands perished. The Distemper in a ve­ry short space of time, spread it self from the Ocean, all over Germany, and with incredible celerity, like a Fire, raged far and near. It is commonly called, The Sweating Sickness of England, for in the first Year of the Reign of Henry VII, of England, which was in the Year of our Lord 1486, the same Plague infested that Country: And because there was no Remedy known for such a new Distemper, it swept away a vast number of People. At this time also, there was a great Scarci­ty of Corn and Wine; so that all the Judgments, wherewith God in his Anger uses to punish an unthankful people, as the Sword, Pestilence and Famine, fell upon Germany at one and the same time.

At this time also were Prisoners at Cologne, Two Learn­ed Men burnt at Cologne for Religion. Peter Flisted and Adolph Clarebacke, two learned Men, because they differed in Judgment from the Papists concerning the Lord's Supper and other Points of Doctrin. The Senate of that Town hath Right and Power to imprison Offenders; but the Archbishop alone hath the Power of Life and Death; and it may fall out that whom the Senate hath condemned to Death, the Bishop's Judge may acquit: Now these two having lain in Prison a Year and an half and more, were, at length condemned by both Judicatures, and burnt, to the great Grief and Commiseration of many. Most People blamed the Preach­ers for that, who cryed that the Wrath of God, who afflicted us with a new kind of Disease, was to be appeased by the Execution of the Wicked and Ungod­ly. Adolph was a handsome Man, Eloquent and Learned; and when they were led to the place of Execution, they made profession, and gave the Reasons of their Be­lief, confirming and encouraging one another with Texts of Scripture, so that all People fixed their Eyes and Thoughts upon them.

We told you before of the Difference betwixt Luther and Zuinglius about the Lord's Supper; when this had been tossed to and fro, for above three Years, with much Contention, many, who were troubled that this single Controversie should hinder an Uniformity in Doctrin, earnestly wished that some Remedy might be thereunto applyed; therefore the Landgrave having communicated the matter to his Associates,A Confe­rence at Mar­purg betwixt Luther and Zuinglius. and prevailed also with the Switzers, appointed a Day, when Learned Men of both Parties should meet at Marpurg, and calmly discourse the Point. From Saxony came Luther, Melanchthon and Jonas; from Switzerland, Zuinglius and Oeco­lampadius; from Strasburg, Bucer and Hedio; and from Norimberg, Osiander: many Grave and Learned Men were present besides; though none but Luther and Zuing­lius reasoned the Point: But the Sweating Disease infecting that Town also, the Conference was broken up, by the Landgrave's order, and this concluded upon; That since they all agreed about the chief Points of Doctrin, they should for the future refrain from all Contention, and pray to God, that he would also enlighten [Page 122] them in this Controversie, and put them in the way of Concord. And so they friendly parted in the beginning of October.

It hath been said already, That at the Dyet of Spire, which was held three Years before the Elector of Saxony and Landgrave made mention of entring into a League, this matter was several times brought into deliberation afterwards; and especially now that this Decree was made, they began to think of it more seriously, so that after the Dyet was over, a certain Draught of it was made at Norimberg, and afterwards more fully debated. And when in the Month of October, the De­puties of the Princes and States met at Swaback; it was propounded in the Names of the Elector of Saxony, and George Marquess of Brandenburg, That seeing the De­fence of the True Religion, was the Ground and Cause of this League, it behoved first, that all should be unanimous in the same; wherefore the summ of their Do­ctrin comprehended in some Chapters was read and approved by all, only the De­puties of Strasburg and Vlm alledged, That no mention had been made thereof in the former Assembly, nor had they any Instructions concerning it. They were not all of the same Opinion about the Point of the Lord's Supper, as we told you be­fore, and this was the only Scruple. Seeing therefore nothing could be concluded, because of that, another Meeting was appointed to be at Smalcalde, the thirteenth of December. Erasmus writes a Book against the Reformers:

When the Emperour was now come into Italy, Erasmus of Roterdam, who hav­ing left Basil, because of the Change of Religion, and to avoid Suspicion, was come to Friburg, a Town belonging to King Ferdinand, in the Month of November, published a little Book, entituled, Against some, who falsly called themselves, Gospel-Teachers; but in reality he has a Touch at all the Reformed; for among many other things, he says, he never knew any of them, who appeared not to be a worse Man than he was before.Which is an­swered. This Book was afterwards answered by the Divines of Strasburg, because they and those of Basil were chiefly aimed at, but above all others Bucer.

When the Emperour was coming to Bolonia, Francis Sforza, who had been be­fore in League with the Pope and French King, went to meet him, and having pleaded his own Cause,Sforza reco­vers the Dutchy of Milan. at the Intercession of Clement VII, at length recovered the Dutchy of Milan from the Emperour, but upon this, among other Conditions, That he should pay him nine hundred thousand Crowns, one half the same Year, and the rest within ten Years successively, by equal Portions; and as a Pledge, the Emperour was to keep in his Hands Como, and the Castle of Milan, until the first Years Payment should be made.

THE HISTORY OF THE Reformation of the Church.

BOOK VII.
The CONTENTS.

The Protestant Ambassadors sent to the Emperor, appeal from the Answer they received at Piacenza, where they were stopt; which the Protestants understanding, appoint a meeting at Smalcalde. The City of Strasburg makes a League with Three of the Switz Cantons. The Emperor being Crowned by the Pope at Bolonia, calls a Diet of the States of the Empire at Ausburg, where the Protestants exhibit a Confession of their Faith; which in a contrary writing, is Answered and Confuted by their Adversaries. Some are appointed to accommodate the matter amicably, and to find out some means of Concord. The Emperor sollicites the Protestants, who notwithstanding all the Exhorta­tions that were made unto them, the Objections and Calumnies wherewith they were char­ged, stedfastly persevered in their Confession; and having given in their last Answer, de­part. The Tyber overflows at Rome. Eckius and Faber demand and obtain an ho­nourable Reward, for the Refutations they wrote against those of Strasburg, and other Cities. The Transaction of Prusia is rescinded. The Decree of Ausburg is related. Luther, who was come nearer to Ausburg, comforts Melanchthon, then in Anxiety, because of that Decree. Bucer goes to him, that he might reconcile him with Zuingli­us. The creation of Ferdinand, King of the Romans, comes into Agitation, and is withstood by the Elector of Saxony, and other Princes; but nevertheless he is created King, and installed in the Kingdom.

WE told you before,The Prote­stant Ambas­sadours with the Empe­rour. that the Protestants resolved upon sending Ambassadors to the Emperour. These were John Ekinger, Alexi­us Fraventrute, and Michael Caden, of Norimberg, who being ad­vanced as far as Genoua, were informed, that the Emperour was come from Spain; and arriving afterwards at Piacenza, were on the Ninth of Sep­tember introduced into the Emperour's Presence by Mercurine Cattinario, who the day before had been made Cardinal. Count Henry of Nassau, Alexander Schueisse, and Alphonso Valdesio, a Spaniard. The Emperour assigned them the Twelfth of September for the day of Audience; but withal, admonished them to draw up their Demands in writing, and to be as short in their Discourse as they could, by reason of his many and weighty Affairs. When they came at the appointed day, he again admonished them, by an Interpreter, to be short. They, according to their In­structions, repeat in order the Decree of the Empire made Three Years before, that was lately abrogated by another Decree; which if it should be of force, must needs occasion very great troubles and disorders. That therefore the Elector of Saxony, and his Associates, with whom some Cities were joyned, at that time pub­lickly protested, that they did not assent to that Decree; that therefore they pray­ed his Majesty, that he would not take it ill at their hands, but impute it to necessi­ty: That in the mean while, till a Council should be called, they would not do any thing, but what they hoped would be approved of both by God and his Majesty. Again, That in imitation of their Ancestors, they were ready to undertake any thing for the safety and honour of his Person and Empire, whether it were to war against the Turk, or undergo any other burthen whatsoever: That they also be­sought [Page 124] him, if perhaps the matter were otherwise reported unto him, not to give credit to it, but believe this Relation; nor conceive any displeasure against them, till first he should hear their Justification; especially seeing they had always pro­fessed, that if they were better instructed from Testimonies of Scripture, they would do nothing obstinately nor undutifully; that therefore they desired his Ma­jesty, that he would take them into his Protection and Defence, and with the first opportunity, give them a gracious and favourable Answer in writing: And that be­cause all that they had to say, could not be conveniently delivered by word of mouth, they would, in obedience to his Majesties Commands, couch into writing what was necessary for the fuller understanding of the matter. Afterwards the Emperor, by his Interpreter, answered them, That he had heard what their De­mands were; that he was very well pleased with the obedience which they profes­sed in their Prince's Name; and that having advised with his Council, he would give them an Answer. At length, October the Thirteenth he gave them his Answer in writing, as they had desired it: That before they came, he had been informed of all the Proceedings in the Diet of Spire, and of the Decree which past there, by his Brother Eerdinand, and his Colleagues; and that he was extreamly troubled at that dissension, which gave occasion to so many evils and inconveniences: That seeing it was his duty to prevent them; or if they should happen, to redress the same; he had therefore, after long and serious deliberation with his Council about the whole matter, found that that Decree was made with intent, that nothing should be innovated for the future, nor no place hereafter left for any Sect; of which there were many broached at present, and very foul ones too: and then that Peace and Concord should be setled in the Empire; which the Elector of Saxony, and his Associates, ought in reason to have assented to: for that he, and the rest of the Princes, were no less concerned for their Souls Salvation, and the Peace of their Consciences, than they were; nor no less desirous, than they, of a Council, for composing the Affairs of Christendom; which Council, nevertheless, would seem not to be altogether so necessary; if those things which were enacted by pub­lick and common Consent had their due course; and also if that Decree made some years since at Wormes, with the approbation of all the States, and the Edict thereunto added by him, were observed, as they themselves acknowledged, that such Decrees ought to be firm and stable: That these things being considered, and since it was a received Custom, that it was not lawful for the smaller part to annul what had been enacted and decreed by the major part of the States of the Empire; He had therefore written to the Duke of Saxony, and his Associates, command­ing them to ratifie and approve that Decree, not to act to the contrary, but to obey the same, upon the Allegiance which they owned to him and the Empire: for that otherwise he would be necessitated, for maintenance of his Authority, and for Example's sake, to punish them severely; but that he supposed his Letter was alrea­dy, or would very shortly be delivered unto them, and that they would do as he had commanded them: That that would be very acceptable unto him; especially at this time, when it was certainly reported, that the Turk, the Enemy of Christen­dom, was marching through Hungary, with all his Forces, into Germany: That for this reason then, it was highly requisite to be in Peace and Concord at home: For that though they should contribute Money for the Turkish War, and other publick uses of the Empire, yet without mutual consent of minds, without peace and good will amongst all the States of the Empire, nothing could successfully be undertaken or carried on against such an Enemy; which was not to be understood of one or two Provinces only, but of all Christendom; and especially Germany: For that not only the Wives, Children, and Fortunes of all and every one, but the Faith, Re­ligion, Laws, and whatever was near and dear unto men, lay now at stake; that head was therefore to be made against him with all expedition, and with united hearts and hands; or all those horrid, sad, and dismal evils, undoubtedly to be expected: So that were there no other reason to move, yet this alone were suffici­ent to incline them cordially to embrace what the greater part of the States of the Empire judged proper and convenient. That this being the State of Affairs, he again required and commanded them, that they would submit to the Decree made, as the rest of the States did, who were no less desirous than they were, to ap­prove themselves unto God both by a good Life, and true Religion also; and that laying aside all strife and dissension, they would consult with the rest, and deter­mine, how his Brother, King Ferdinand, might be aided, and the violence of the Turk repressed, that it might not spread farther: That he was about to treat of [Page 125] these Affairs with the Pope in Person; that is, how both the most cruel Enemy might be withstood, and all Disputes about Religion be ended, to the glory of God, and to the Peace and Tranquility of all men. That having also setled the Affairs of Italy, to the good of all Christendom, he would with all expedition, bend his whole Force against the Turk; which made him hope, that considering the greatness of the danger, they would do what otherwise they were in duty ob­liged to do. When the Ambassadors had read this Answer, as it was given them, they having an Appeal ready, presented it to Alexander Schueisse, in presence of Witnesses,The Ambas­sadors appeal from the Em­perour's An­swer; and are confined to their Lodg­ings. as is usual; but he at first refused to take it: however, at length he re­ceived the same, and carried it to the Emperour; but returning the same day in the Afternoon, after some other discourse, told, that the Emperour confined them to their Lodgings, commanding them not to stir out of doors, not to write home to their Principals, nor to send any of their Servants abroad, till further Orders, upon pain of forfeiture of Life and Goods.

Whilst this was doing, Michael Caden was accidentally abroad, and being im­mediately advertised of the matter by a Servant, wrote an account of all that had past, to the Senate of Norimberg, taking care that his Letters should be conveighed with all speed; for he was not obliged as his Colleagues were. At length, October the Thirtieth, having followed the Court to Parma, as they had been ordered, Nicholas Granvel, who then supplied the place of Mercurine, that lay sick, told them there, That though the Emperour was displeased at the Appeal that was brought unto him, yet he gave them leave to return home; but commanded Caden to stay, upon pain of death: And this was the cause of it: The Landgrave had given him, upon his departure, a Book finely bound and gilt, containing the Sum­mary of the Christian Doctrin,Caden presents a Book about Religion to the Emperour in name of the Land­grave. to be presented to the Emperour; and he taking occasion, as the Emperour was going to Mass, gave it him; who presently put it in­to the hands of a Spanish Bishop, that he might know what it was: The Bishop fell accidentally upon that place, where Christ admonishes his Apostles, not to affect Rule and Dominion; for that suited not with their Profession, since it was the Kings of the Gentiles who exercised that power. The Author, amongst other things, had handled that place, shewing what was the Duty of the Ministers of the Church: But he having superficially read it, made a report to the Emperour, That the little Book aimed at the taking away of the Power of the Sword from Christian Magi­strates, and allowing it only to Heathens, who were strangers to the Christian Re­ligion; for this cause therefore he was detained. Granvel told him further, that it was the Emperour's pleasure, that he should deliver the same Book to the Pope: But when upon making an Apology for himself,For which be­ing stopt, and in danger, he makes his es­cape, and re­turns home. he received no Answer to his mind; and from Granvel's discourse, perceived the danger he was in, he secretly hired Horses, and posting first to Ferara, and then to Venice, returned home. The Se­nate of Norimberg having received Caden's Letter, which we mentioned before, presently gave notice thereof to the Duke of Saxony, the Landgrave, and their As­sociates, October the twenty fourth; who having consulted about the matter, re­solved to hold a Convention at Smalcalde about the latter end of November. Thi­ther came at the day appointed, the Elector of Saxony, and his Son, John Frederick, Ernest and Francis, The Assem­bly of the Protestants at Smalcalde. Dukes of Lunenburg, Philip the Landgrave, the Deputies of George Marquess of Brandenburg, and of the Cities also of Strasburg, Ʋlm, Norim­berg, Hailbrun, Ruteling, Constance, Memmingen, Kempen and Lindau. About the same time the Ambassadour's returned from Italy; and having made a report of their Embassy, to the effect above related, it was thought fit to treat first of all of Religion, the Heads whereof had been lately proposed. Wherefore the Deputies of Strasburg and Ʋlm, are desired to tell what their Judgment was in the matter; and they make Answer to the same effect, as they had lately done: That at that time, when a League was first proposed, no mention had been made of that Affair, and yet it was only then moved, how mutual aid and assistance should be given, in case any of them should be molested, or in danger, upon account of Religion: That it might be plainly enough perceived, what their Adversaries had in their thoughts, and what designs they were hatching: That some of the Heads of Do­ctrin proposed, might be controverted; and that if Learned men did not agree about these, it was to be feared, that some division might thereupon ensue, which would be very seasonable and advantageous to their Adversaries: That it was there­fore their Opinion, that all their Deliberations should be directed to the making of a League, which was the thing proposed at first. The Duke of Saxony, and with him the Brothers of Lunenburg, and the Deputies of Brandenburg, got the Deputies [Page 126] of Norimberg to deal with them, that they might assent: But the Landgrave, taking a middle course, was for an Accommodation betwixt the Two. When this could not do, the Deputies of the rest of the Cities are also called, to whom it was re­presented, that if in all things they approved that Doctrin, they would treat of entring into a League with them. They make answer, That they had no Commis­sion as to that, and urge the first thing that had been proposed. At length they de­part with this Resolution, That they who would profess and receive this Doctrin, should meet at Norimberg, in January following, to consult what was to be done for the future.

In the mean time, the City of Strasburg, that they might secure themselves a­gainst all Force,The League betwixt the City of Stras­burg and the Switzers. and unjust Violence, made a League with those of Zurich, Berne, and Basil, who were both their Neighbours, and agreed best with them in Do­ctrin, after this manner: If those Cities we named, should be attacked, and mole­sted upon account of Religion, they shall mutually aid and assist one another with as many Forces as the matter shall require; yet so, that for every thousand Foot, the City of Strasburg shall pay two thousand Crowns a Month, by way of Subsidy: On the other hand, if the Switzers be attacked, the Strasburgers shall send no For­ces, but shall, during the War, disburst three thousand Crowns a Month: More­over, That if the Enemies of the one be found within the Jurisdiction of the o­ther, they shall not be spared, but be treated according to the Law of Arms. That if they be attacked all at one and the same time, then they shall defend themselves severally at their own charges: That Strasburg shall at a convenient time, whilst they are in peace, send ten thousand weight of Gun-powder to Zurich, and as many Bushels of Wheat to Basil, but not to be touched, unless in time of War and Want, and then to be distributed amongst the Town's People at reasonable rates. How­ever, if they come to the aid of Strasburg, they may make use of as much of the Powder as shall be needful; but in time of a common War, pay half price for it. This League was made for Fifteen Years, and concluded the Fifth day of January. When this came to the knowledge of the Council of the Empire,1530. whereof Frede­rick, Prince Palatine, was then President, about the latter end of this Month, they wrote to the Senate of Strasburg, That it was commonly reported; they had made a League with some of the Cantons of Switzerland: That it was very much wondred at by them, that they who were bound in Allegiance to the Empire, should, with­out the Consent of the Emperour and States, make any League with any People: And that though all men generally affirmed it to be so, yet they were unwilling to believe it, before they understood the matter from themselves; and that therefore they desired, that they would write to them who supplied the Emperour's place, how matters stood, and upon what Conditions they had entred into League.

The Deputies of the Princes, and some few Cities, came to that Assembly, which was appointed to be at Norimberg; where it was concluded, that Ambassa­dours should be sent to the Emperour and King Ferdinand; but that Resolution was altered. And because they believed the Emperour would call a Diet of the Empire in the beginning of the Spring, it was thought best to consult in the mean time, what they ought to propose therein; and that within a Month's time a report of their several Opinions should be made to the Elector of Saxony, that the rest also might be acquainted therewith by him. So they broke up on the Ninth of January.

In the mean time, the Emperour, who came to Bolonia on the Fifth of November, by Letters sent into Germany, dated the One and Twentieth day of January, called a Diet of the States, to meet at Ausburg the Eighth of April, there to consult of Re­ligion, and of the Turkish War.

On the Twenty Fourth of February after,The Empe­rour crowned by the Pope. he was Crowned by the Pope, with great Splendor and Magnificence, having first taken an Oath to be the perpetual Defender of the Dignity of the See of Rome; Before he arrived at Bolonia, three Cardinals, sent by the Pope, met him upon the Confines of the Ecclesiastical State, to require his Faith and Promise, That he would never encroach upon the Liberties of the Church. He gave them such an Answer, as intimated, that he would not part with any thing of his Right; meaning thereby Parma and Piacenza, Two Towns of the Dutchy of Milan, which then the Church of Rome possessed. Lea­ving afterwards Bolonia, he made Frederick Gonzaga, Duke of Mantoua. Mantoua was heretofore a free Imperial City; but being afterwards embroiled with various stirs and civil troubles, the People resigned the Government to Ludovick Gonzaga, [Page] [Page]

PHILIPPVS MELANTHON GERMANICE DICTVS SCHWARTZERD

Natus Bretta. Anno. 1497. 17. February.

Augustanam Confessionem composuit A. 1530.

Obijt Witteberga 19. Aprilis. 1560.

[Page 127] who had expulsed the Tyrant Passevini in the year 1327. John Francis, the Grand-Child, Grand-Son of Ludovick, was by the Emperour Sigismund, created Marquess of Mantoua on the Second of September, 1434.The Duke of Mantoua first made from a Marquess. and in that degree they continued till the time we now mentioned.

The first that came to Ausburg was the Elector of Saxony, with his Son, John Frederick. Amongst the rest of his Train, were Philip Melanchthon, John Islebe A­gricola, Justus Jonas, and George Spalatine. The City of Vlm sent their Deputies to meet and welcome the Emperour: and when, with much a-do, they were at length admitted into his Presence, he required of them, that they would renounce the Protestation that had been made the year before, and for the future promise to be obedient. The Senate of Ausburg had levied Eight Hundred men, for a Guard to the City; but when this came to the Emperour's Ears, he commanded them to be disbanded, and others raised in his Name, who swore to be true to him; and like­wise demanded one of the City Gates to be put into his hands. Some few days be­fore he arrived there, Cattinario, whom I named before, and was lately made Car­dinal, died at Inspruck, and Granvel, born at Besanzen, succeeded into his place. Much about this time Queen Elenor came from Spain with the French King's Two Sons,The French King's Sons return to France with his Queen. Francis and Henry, who had been there Four whole Years, Hostages for their Father.

Not long after the Emperour's Coronation, the Pope sent a Nuncio to King Fer­dinand, Petro Paulo Vergerio, a Lawyer, with ample Commission: but his chief in­structions were, That he should use all endeavours to prevent the holding of a Na­tional Council of Germany; and that King Ferdinand should oppose any Treaty of that kind. He carefully acquitted himself of his Commission, and did all he could to hamper and vex the Lutherans, being very liberal to Faber, Eckius, Cochleas, and Nauseas, that they might ply them briskly: He made also Eckius a Canon of Ra­tisbonne, as being the Pope's Legate, who being present, the Right of Election com­monly ceases.

The Emperour came to Ausburg on the Fifteeneth of June, towards the Evening. Most of the Princes were there before, who all went forth to meet him, and most civilly received him.The Empe­rour makes his entry into Ausburg. In his Retinue was Cardinal Campegio, being sent from the Pope, with plenary Power and Commission. Betwixt him and his Brother Ferdi­nand, the Emperour intended to have made his entry into the Town; but because that was contrary to the Custom of the Empire, the Electors of Mentz and Cologne went immediately before him; and after him came Ferdinand and Campegio. The next day was Corpus Christi day; wherefore the Emperour went to Church to his Devotions, and the Archbishop of Mentz said Mass. All the Princes were there present, except the Elector of Saxony, the Landgrave, the Two Brothers, Dukes of Lunenburg, George Marquess of Brandenburg, and the Count of Anhalt. The Emperour had sent them word, both that they should be there, and also discharge their Divines from preaching: but they did not come, and withal alledged, That since this Dyet was appointed for hearing the Opinions of all, they would not im­pose silence upon their Divines, before their Cause were tryed. Two days after came forth an Edict, commanding the Preachers on both sides to desist, until the matter of Religion should be decided; but that nevertheless the Emperour should appoint some to preach, without reflecting on any person. This Edict was pro­claimed by an Herauld, and a Penalty appointed for the transgressors of it. June the Twentieth, the Dyet was opened, and the Emperour being about to go to Mass, according to Custom, commanded the Elector of Saxony to be there, and to carry the Sword before him; for that is the duty of the house of Saxony, on such so­lemn occasions: He having consulted his Divines in the case, who told him, That he might lawfully do it, since he was called upon to do his duty, not to go to Mass, went, accompanied by George Marquess of Brandenburg; but none of the rest came. After Mass, they went into the Publick Hall; where Frederick, Prince Palatine, ha­ving made a short Preamble, excused the Emperour's delay; and again told them the Causes why the Dyet was called. After that, there was a long written Speech read,The Empe­rour's Speech in the Dyet of Ausburg. as is usual; and the effect of it was, That they themselves knew, how that as soon as he was by common consent chosen Emperour, he had held a Dyet of all the States at Wormes; but that at the same time he had been drawn into a War; so that although he earnestly desired to have continued in Germany, yet he was forced to return into Spain; which nevertheless he did with their consent, and not before he had ordered the Affairs of the Empire, having constituted a Judicature and Council, and left his Brother Ferdinand, as his Lieutenant, to represent his Person [Page 128] in his Absence; and that in the good Opinion he conceived of their Loyalty, Di­ligence and Virtue, he had left Germany, with the greater Quiet and Satisfaction of Mind, trusting that they would, as, indeed, they had, so administer the Go­vernment, that nothing could be found fault with: But that in the mean time, whilst he was in Spain, he had heard, That there were not only great Strifes and Dissentions in Germany, about Religion, but also that the Turks had invaded Hun­gary, and the neighbouring Countries, putting all to Fire and Sword: And that Belgrade and several other Castles and Forts being lost, King Lewis and the Nobles had sent Ambassadours to desire the Assistance of the Empire, with which they doubted not but they might be able, not only to beat off the Enemy, but also to regain what they had lost: But that if they should be left destitute, the same Cala­mity that then lay upon them, would soon after fall upon their Neighbours also. That he had been very much concerned at these things, and had therefore, that Aid might speedily be sent, commanded, That all that Money which they were to have furnished him for his Expedition to be crowned at Rome, should be converted to that use: But that when his Orders therein were too slowly executed, the Enemy having taken Rhodes, the Bulwork of Christendom on that side, marched farther into Hun­gary, overcame King Lewis in Battle, and took, plundered and burnt all the Towns and Places betwixt the Rivers Save and Drave, with the Slaughter of many thou­sands of Men: That they had afterwards made an Incursion into Sclavonia, and there having burnt, plundered and slain, and laid the whole Country waste, they had carried away above thirty thousand Men into miserable Slavery, and killed those poor Creatures that could not follow after with the Carriages: That they had again, the Year before advanced with an innumerable Army into Austria, and laid Siege to Vienna, the chief City thereof, having wasted the Country far and near, even as far as Lintz, where they had practised all kinds of Cruelty and Barbarity, sparing neither Sex nor Age, ripping up the Bowels of young Infants deflowring Maids and Women, driving them away before them like Brute Beasts: So that he had been fully resolved then, all other things laid aside, to have marched thither with his Forces, and to have bent all his Strength against them, having written to his Brother Ferdinand, and the Noblemen, and Commanders of the Army, who were besieged in Vienna, to expect his coming; and that, in the mean time, they should valiantly behave themselves. But that upon the Retreat of the Enemy, he had altered his Resolution, and for many Reasons judged it best, having quieted all things in Italy, to have a Conference with the Pope, about setling the State of the Publick, and the Affairs of Religion, and to call this Dyet: That he could have been Crowned at Rome, without any Impediment, and from thence gone to Naples, as the State and Condition of that Kingdom then chiefly required; but that he had preferred the Interest of the Publick before his own Private Affairs, and made all the haste he could to be present at this Dyet: That now, though the Enemy could not take Vienna, yet the whole Country had sustained great Damage, which could hardly be in long time repaired again: And that although the Turk had drawn off his Army, yet he had left Garrisons and Commanders upon the Bor­ders, to wast and destroy, not only Hungary, but Austria also, and Stiria, and the Places adjoyning; and that whereas now his Territories in many Places bordered upon ours, it was not to be doubted, but upon the first Occasion he would return again with far greater Force, and drive on his Designs to the utter ruine chiefly of Germany. That it was so well known, how many Places he had taken from us, since he was Master of Constantinople, how much Christian Blood he had shed, and unto what Streights he had reduced this Part of the World, that it ought rather to be lamented and bewailed, than enlarged upon in Discourse: That doubtless the Minds of all ought exceedingly to be affected with so many and such grievous Calamities, and being moved by the sad Examples of past Times, to conclude for a certain, that if now, as heretofore, things were carried on so slowly and remissly; and that if his Fury were not resisted with greater Forces than hitherto, they must expect no Safety for the future, but that one Province af­ter another being lost, all at length, and that shortly too, would fall under his Power and Tyrannie: That there had been frequent Dyets of the States held du­ring his absence, about those Affairs, whereat he had wished himself present, but by reason of his Enemies and Wars, he could not, as he had by Letters and Agents several times Declared: But that so soon as he could, he had sacrificed all his Pri­vate Quarrels and Injuries to the Publick; had made Peace with his Enemy, and remitted much of his Right for the sake of Publick Peace and Concord; nor would [Page 129] he longer delay his Return into Germany, but having left the most flourishing Kingdom of Spain, had with great danger crossed the Seas to Italy; where he had reduced the remains of his Enemies, and so quieted that whole Country, which had been a great Hindrance unto him, that he could not come at the Day appointed. And that since by those occasional Subitaneous and Broken Aids, nothing had been as yet effected, there was need of new Methods, and more ample Deliberation; for that since the Design of the most cruel Enemy was, to make Slaves of; nay, even to sweep all Christians off of the Face of the Earth; it was now to be taken into Consideration, how Aids might be perpetuated, that is, That at no time Men and Money might be wanting, not only for carrying on a Defensive, but also an Offen­sive War; nor for recovering alone what had been lost, but for taking from him also, all that possibly could be done. That the Pope had made him very liberal and ample Promises: And that for himself also, although he had granted all the Money which had been promised him upon account of his Coronation, for this use, hav­ing been at all the Charges of the solemnity himself; and though he had laid out a great deal of Money besides, yet in so Holy and Necessary a Work, he would do what was befitting his Character and Person: That the same might be expected from his Brother King Ferdinand, who stood now, in a manner, as the Rampart of Christendom, especially of Germany, against the Fury and Rage of the Turk: That other Kings and Princes also would not be wanting, to some of whom he had written, to that purpose, and would also sollicite the rest. That now, as to Religion, he had no sooner stept into the Government, but that to his Grief and Sorrow he had heard of this Dissention arisen among them; and therefore that it might be remedied in time, a Decree past in the Dyet then held at Wormes, with their unanimous Advice and Consent, which, if it had been obeyed, would have prevented all those Evils and Troubles that for some Years now had afflicted Ger­many; among which were chiefly to be reckoned, the Insurrection of the Boors, and Sect of the Anabaptists: And that since he perceived that hitherto there had been nothing done by all their Treaties, he thought his own Presence might be of great moment: That therefore he had called this Dyet, that therein every one might pro­pose what they had to say in Writing, that so the matters might be the sooner and better understood and determined: That for his own part, he would in this and in all other Causes of the Empire, for the Love and Affection he bore to his Country, do what in Duty he ought: And that therefore, he demanded of them all, that every one of them would testifie the like Zeal and Good-will towards the Pub­lick.

The Princes, after deliberation had, were of Opinion, That Religion should be the first thing debated. Four Days after Cardinal Campegius made a Latin Speech to the Princes,Campegius's Speech to the Princes. in presence of the Emperour, exhorting them, That in the cause of Religion, they would obey the Emperour, whose Virtue and Piety he much extol­led; that he also would in the Pope's Name, endeavour that all should profess the same Faith, and with reconciled Minds undertake a War against the Turk. Next, the Deputies of Austria, represented the great Damages they had sustained from the Turks, and demanded Aid. After this, the Elector of Saxony, George Marquess of Brandenburg, the Duke of Lunenburg, and the Landgrave entreated the Empe­rour to hear their Confession of Faith,The Prote­stants Con­fession of Faith pre­sented at Ausburg. that was drawn up in Writing. He order­ed it to be produced and laid down: They again insisted, and because it was a mat­ter that concerned their Reputation, their Lives and Fortunes, and the Salvation of their Souls; and because perhaps, he had been misinformed in the thing, they de­sired it might be heard. The Emperour commanded them to wait upon him next Day at Home, but, in the mean time, desired to have the Writing presently: They again with all imaginable importunity urged and entreated that it might be read: Nor did they think, said they, that that would have been denied them, since he heard Men of far inferiour Rank, about Matters of much less importance. But when he would not change his Resolution, they desired him to leave the Writ­ing with them, until it should be read. That being granted, they come next Day, and in the Assembly of all the States, read it in the Emperour's hearing: After­wards they gave it him in Latin and High-Dutch, offering to explain any thing in it, that might seem obscure; and that if the matter could not, perhaps, be now determined, they did not refuse to submit to a Council, so often promised and ex­pected. The Emperour, who had spent the whole Winter, from November to March, with the Pope in Bolonia, and had lived in the same Palace with him, designed wholly, if he could, to accommodate the Difference about Religion, [Page 130] without a Council, as knowing that to be most acceptable to Pope Clement, whose scope was, That if the matter could not be composed by fair means, it should be crushed by force of Arms. Wherefore June the twenty sixth, he sent for the Deputies of all the Cities to come to his Lodgings, and there made Frederick Prince Palatine declare unto them, in his Name, That in the last Dyet of Spire, a Decree had been made, which was obeyed by most, much to his Satisfaction; but that some others had rejected the same, which he took very ill at their Hands: That therefore he required them not to separate from the rest, or else to give their Reasons why they did not comply. To this the Deputies of the Protestant Cities made answer, That they had done nothing undutifully; nor were they less desirous than any of their Ancestors had ever been, to testifie all Loyalty and Obedience to his Imperial Majesty; but that since he demanded to know the Reasons why they had not admitted of the Decree, they desired time to deliberate. Afterwards, on the seventh of July, they gave their Answer in Writing, much to the same effect, as they had done the Year before, when, as we said, they sent Ambassadours to him into Italy: Unto which Embassie, and the Reasons there alledged, they also re­ferred themselves.

Two Days after, the Emperour caused the Question to be put to the Elector of Saxony and his Associates, Whether or not they would exhibit any thing more? They said no; only resumed in few Words the summ of the Confession of Faith already delivered. Afterwards he commanded the Deputies of the Cities, who pretended, That in Conscience they could not obey the Decree of Spire, to give in Writing those Heads which they scrupled at; and delivered the Duke of Sax­ony's Confession to the rest of the Princes, to be examined by them; who pre­sently gave it to their Divines, of whom the chief of all were John Faber and Eckius. The Popish Divines con­fute the Au­gustane Con­fession. These battered it with a contrary Writing and Confutation; which be­ing read over before the Princes, some of them judged it to be too sharp, and thought fit that some Men should be chosen to peruse the Writings of both Parties, and to soften them; but their Opinion prevailed, who would have it delivered to the Emperour, as it was, and the whole matter to be committed to him. In the mean time the Cities of Strasburg, Constance, Memmingen and Lindaw, delivered a Confession of their Faith to the Emperour also in Writing. These, as we said before, differed in Opinion from the Elector of Saxony and his Associates about the Lord's Supper. The Matter being deliberated with the Pope's Legate, the Empe­rour ordered an Answer to be made to the Saxou-Writing, which he communicated to the Princes on the first of August. The conclusion of it was severe and hard, no less than the Ban of the Empire being threatned to those who obeyed not: But that was qualified by the Advice of the Princes; wherefore, August the third, he called together all the States, and made Frederick Prince Palatine tell them, That he had long and much considered the Saxon Confession of Faith, and also ordered some Honest and Learned Men, to give their Judgment of it, What was Ortho­dox therein, and what contrary to the Doctrin and Consent of the Church: That they had done so, and had given their Judgment in another Writing, which he ap­proved. Then was the Confutation of the Confession, written by the Divines of the contrary Perswasion, read; and it proceeded in this Method; They divided the Saxon-writing into two Parts; the first contained one and twenty Chapters; of these they had admitted some and rejected others; some were admitted in part, and in part rejected, alledging many Testimonies of Fathers and Councils. Among the rejected, were these; That Good Works are not Meritorious: That Justifica­tion is attributed to Faith alone, and not to Works also: That the Church is the Congregation of the Godly: That Men cannot make Satisfaction for Sins: That the Saints do not make intercession for us: Other things they admitted of, with certain modification, as the Doctrin concerning Ceremonies; as also that the real Body and Blood of Christ was so in the Sacrament, that Christ was under each Species; and that the Bread and Wine were wholly changed: The Doctrin about Confession they admitted, provided the People were obliged to confess year­ly, at Easter, to declare all their Sins exactly, receive the Lord's Supper, and be­lieve that there are seven Sacraments in the Church: They made a Proviso also, That none should be suffered to preach to the People without a Licence from the Bishops: Besides, that all the Canons and Laws of the Church should be observ'd, and restored again in those Places, where they were abolished. The second Part contained five things chiefly; the Communion under both kinds was rejected, and the Emperour required, That in this they would follow the Custom and [Page 131] Consent of the whole Christian World. As to the Marriage of Priests, he wondered, he said, how they could demand it, since it was never in use from the very Age of the Apostles; that therefore, it could no ways be be granted. Their Mass was admitted, provided it were celebrated according to the Rite of the Church of Rome; but if otherwise, it was rejected: And at the same time the Mass affirm­ed to be a Sacrifice for the Quick and the Dead; and that Private Mass ought not to be abolished: That Daniel had prophesied long before, That when Antichrist should come, the daily Offering should cease: That that was not, indeed, as yet come to pass; but that nevertheless in those Places, where Mass was despised, Al­tars destroyed, Images burnt; where nothing was sung in the Churches, nothing read, no Lights burnt any longer, there, indeed that Prophesie was fulfilled: That therefore all should have a special Care, That they did not make way for the coming of Antichrist: That Monastick Vows were grounded upon the Authority, as well of the Old as New Testament, that therefore they ought to be punished, who forgetting their Profession, forsook their Order: That Bishops had Power not only to teach, but also to bear Rule in Civil Matters, and therefore ought not to be impeded in the Execution of their Right, which they enjoyed through the Liberality of our Ancestors: That not to abstain from Flesh on Days prohibited, not to fast in time of Lent, and not to Confess Sins, was fro­wardness, and not Christian Liberty. These Points being thus read, they con­fessed, That there were some things which needed to be reformed; for the amendment whereof, and the Reformation of the state of the Church, the Em­perour promised to use his utmost Endeavours, and was in good Hopes, he said, that since they agreed in many things, the Protestants would return into the Bo­som of the Church, and submit themselves to him, which if they would do, they might expect any thing at his Hands: But if not; that then he must needs act, as it became the Guardian and Defender of the Church.

To these things the Elector of Saxony answered both in his own Name,The Duke of Saxony's ge­neral Answer to the Confu­tation of the Popish Di­vines. and in the Name of his Associates, That seeing they had professed in the beginning, That if they set about a Reconciliation in Religion, they would do any thing that they could with a safe Conscience: Again, that if by Testimonies of Scri­pture, it could be proved that there was any Errour in their Doctrin, they would not be obstinate: That moreover, if a fuller Explanation of their Con­fession were desired, they would give it: And that now, since some Points of Doctrin which they offered, were admitted, and some rejected, it behoved them to confirm and make good what they had asserted; they therefore desired that a Copy of the Confutation might be given them. Two Days after the Empe­rour, having long consulted about the matter, said, They should have a Co­py of it, but upon condition that they would not publish nor print it: And that he would admit of no more Debate, but required them to close with him: But they made Answer, That they would not receive it upon that Con­dition.The Land­grave depar­ted from the Dyet. Next Day after, which was the sixth of August, the Landgrave de­parted with a small Company, leaving Deputies in his Place. The Emperour took that ill, and commanded the Magistrates of the Town, That they should suffer no person whatsoever to depart out of the City by that private Place, which used only to be open in the Night-time; and having next Day sent for the Elector of Saxony and his Associates, he did not dissemble his Displeasure, and required them to stay till the conclusion of the Dyet; for that he would omit nothing, that would make for Peace and Concord. They excused the Landgrave, because of his Wife's Sickness, telling his Majesty, That he had left Deputies, and that they would not depart: But that, in the mean time, they wondred why Guards should be placed at the Gates, which never used to be done in the Dyets of the Empire. The Emperour excused it, because of a Murther that had been committed, and because of the Quarrels that hap­pened betwixt the Spaniards and Germans: But that if any Tumult should hap­pen in time to come, he would do no such thing, before he had acquainted him who was Marshal of the Empire. The Duke of Saxony answered, That if any thing should happen, wherein his Duty was required, he would be ready, as it became him. So that the same Day the Guards were removed from the Gates.

About that time ended the War of Florence, The Floren­tine War. of which a little by the by. At the time that Rome was taken, and the Pope shut up in the Castle of St. Angelo, we said before, the Florentines cast out the Family of Medicis, and then assisted the [Page 132] French in their Wars in Naples. But the Pope being restored, that he might right himself and Relations, sent his Legate into Spain, and made a League with the Em­perour, promising, amongst other things, to crown him, if he would punish the Florentines, as they had deserved. The Emperour embraced the Condition, and not long after arrived at Genoua. Thither came Ambassadors from the Florentines, to make their submission, and beg pardon; to whom the Emperour, having sharply rebuked them, made this Answer; That though they had deserved to be severely punished, yet their Fact might be pardoned, provided, they would receive the Pope again; and that there was no other way but that, of obtaining peace. When the Ambassadors were returned home with this Answer, the matter was much debated; but at length, the Opinion of one or two carried it, who were for defending their Liberty to the last; and the rather, that, as they alledged, Pope Clement, and the Emperour, being now exhausted with long Wars, were both in great want of Money. Nevertheless, when the Emperour was come to Bolonia, they sent Ambas­sadors again; but they were not admitted to Audience, through the Persuasions of the Pope. So that having maintained War, and defended their City against the Forces of the Emperour and Pope, for almost a Year, on the Ninth Day of Au­gust they capitulated with Ferdinando Gonzaga, General of the Emperour's Army. Afterwards the Emperour, by his Letters Patent, addressed to them, appointed Alexander de Medicis, to whom he had promised Margaret, his Natural Daughter, in Marriage, to be their Prince, who afterwards built a strong Citadel there, which was the beginning of their bondage. The Town being taken by surrender, Pope Clement caused some of the chief Senators to be beheaded, and appointed a kind of Commonwealth amongst them, being assured in the mean time, that Alex­ander would be made their Duke; for that was the Advice he himself had given the Emperour, when he sent his Legate to him into Spain. But now to our purpose again.

After much debate,Commission­ers for recon­ciling Religi­on. on the Thirteenth of August Seven were chosen on each side to adjust measures of a Reconciliation. On the side of the Catholicks were, the Bishop of Ausburg, Henry Duke of Brunswick, two Lawyers, one of Cologne, and another of Baden, and three Divines, Wimpin, Eckius, and Cochleus. For the Protestants, were, George Marquess of Brandenburg, John Frederick, Duke of Sax­ony, two Lawyers, three Divines, Melanchthon, Brentius, and Schnepsius. These agreed upon some Points; but the great Controversie was about the Mass, the Marriage of Priests, the Lord's Supper in both kinds, Monastick Vows, and the Jurisdiction of Bishops; but especially about Mass, and Monastick Vows; for in that the Papists would not bate an Ace: but for the other Points, though they dis­approved them, yet they said, they might be tolerated until the meeting of a Council. Marriage they allowed also to Priests, but only to those who had Wives already, not to the rest, and all that to prevent further troubles. As to the Power and Jurisdiction of the Bishops, the Saxons granted a little too much, and more than was allowed of by the Commissioners for the Landgrave, Lunenburg and No­rimberg. Afterwards, it was thought fit to abridge this number; so that there were Three chosen on each side, Melanchthon with Two Lawyers, and Eckius with as many; but Melanchthon was enjoyned to grant no more: Thus when they could not agree in Opinions, the Papists were for having the matter again debated by more Persons; but the Protestants perceiving, that their design was to find out more ways of Accommodation, declined that Treaty; but if they thought fit to consider of ways of setling Peace until the meeting of a Council, they were not against it. During these Negotiations, the Emperour dealt with George Marquess of Brandenburg, by means of the Elector of Mentz, and others of the same Fa­mily, and with the Duke of Saxony, by the Mediation of Frederick, Prince Pala­tine, the Count of Nassau, and George Truchses, that they would desist from their Enterprize. He endeavoured also to divide the Duke of Saxony from the rest, as being the chief of all, and refused to invest him in his Dukedom, according to the Custom of the Empire, unless he would first be reconciled to the Church of Rome: The other he threatned, That unless he did comply, he should lose the Ward and Guardianship of his Nephew Albert, his Brother Casimires Son. They endeavour­ed to perswade the Landgrave, The Pope gives King Ferdinand leave to make use of the Or­naments and Goods of the Church. That if he would obey the Emperour, Vlrick Duke of Wittemberg should be restored, and his Controversie with the Count of Nassau, concerning Catzenelbogen, accommodated by the Emperour's Mediation. In this Dyet the Pope gave leave to King Ferdinand, to make use of the Ornaments, and the Gold and Silver Plate of all the Churches of Germany; and also to lay a Tax upon [Page 133] the Clergy, for the Turkish War: But the Princes would not consent to it, and made application to the Emperour, that he would vacate that Bull. August the Eigh­teenth, Erasmus of Rotterdam, wrote from Fribourg to Cardinal Campegius, That the Power of the Emperour was, indeed, great; but that all did not acknow­ledge it: That the Germans so acknowledged his Authority, as that they com­manded, rather than obeyed: That Luther's Doctrin was spread all over Germa­ny; so that from the Ocean, as far as Switzerland, that Chain of Mischief was stretched: That if the Emperour should declare, That he would in all things comply with the Interest and desire of the Pope, it was to be feared, he would have but few to approve his doings: That there was great danger also threatned from the Turk, who was so powerful, that all the Force of Europe was hardly able to match him: That many instances could be given, how unsafe it was to go to War with Soldiers that were unwilling to fight: That the Emperour, with­out doubt, was inclined to Peace, though by a certain destiny he was drawn into War: That for many years now France and Italy had suffered much by Wars; but that unless care were taken, this War would prove more fatal than all the rest: That People were generally persuaded, that the Pope had the chief hand in all these things; but that it was to be feared, the Emperour might run the greatest risque: That they who loved Sects, deserved, indeed, to be punished; but that the welfare and safety of the Publick ought more to be regarded: That the State of the Church had been sore distressed in former times, when the Arians, Pagans, Donatists, Manichees, broached their Doctrins, and Barbarous Nations also made War against it; and yet it weathered all those Storms at length: That Time and Patience sometimes cured the worst Distempers: That the Bohemians were tolera­ted, though they acknowledged not the Pope: That if the same thing were allow­ed to the Lutherans, it would not be amiss, in his Judgment: And that though this would be bad enough, yet was it much easier to be born with than a War.

September the Seventh,The Empe­rour's Speech to the Prote­stants. the Emperour sent for all the Catholick Princes and States, to come to Court about Noon; and two hours after, for the Duke of Saxo­ny, and his Associates; where all being removed, except his Brother, King Ferdi­nand, the Bishops of Constance and Seville, Granvel and Truchses, he ordered Frede­rick, Prince Palatine, to speak to them in his Name, to this purpose: That ha­ving given them so kind and gracious an Admonition, after they had presented their Confession of Faith, he had confidently hoped, that they would have com­plied with him: And that although he was disappointed of his hopes therein, yet at the intercession of the Princes, he had condescended, that some Commissioners should be chosen on each side, to endeavour a Reconciliation; which had put him again in fresh hopes of a future Accommodation: But that now he had learnt, to his great trouble, that they dissented from the rest in the chief Points of Doctrin, a thing that he could not have expected at their hands; for that he did not ima­gine, that they who were but few in number, would have introduced Novel­ties, contrary to the Ancient and most Sacred Custom of the Universal Church; or that they would have framed to themselves a singular kind of Religion dif­ferent from what was professed by the Catholicks, by himself, his Brother, King Ferdinand, and by all the Princes and States of the Empire; Nay, and utter­ly disagreeing with the Practice of all the Kings in the World, and of their own Ancestors too. But that since, they now demanded to have a General Council called, and a Decree past in this Dyet, for securing the Publick Peace, He, who above all things, loved peace, would use his Interest with the Pope, and the rest of the Christian Princes, that as soon as the Place could be agreed upon, a Council should be called; that he promised them this upon his Royal Word; but on this Condition still, That in the mean time they should follow the same Religion which he and the rest of the Princes professed: For that to procure the calling of a Coun­cil, and yet to suffer things to continue at such uncertainties, and not to put a stop to those Innovations, all men did see how prejudicial that must needs prove both to himself and others.

They having consulted,The Prote­stants An­swer. returned this Answer, That they had not caused any new Sect, nor separated from the Christian Church: That they heartily thanked his Majesty, for that he was not against a Council; and begg'd, that with the first op­portunity an Holy and Free Council might be called in Germany, as it had been de­creed both in the last and former Dyet of Spire: but that to receive the Rites and Doctrins of the Church of Rome, which were now abolished, they could not do it with a safe Conscience.

[Page 134] After long Deliberation the Emperour caused Truchses to tell them, That he had carefully read over,Truchses his Speech to the Protestants in the Name of the Empe­rour. and perused the Memoires of the Conference, and found that they dissented very much from the Christian Church: That he wondred also at the Condescension of the Commissioners, who had granted so many things; and at their stiffness, in not accepting what had been offered: That whereas they grounded their demanding of a Council upon the Decrees of the Empire, they had no Right to do so, since they rejected the last Decree of Spire, against which they had protested, and appealed from it; though he looked upon their Appeal as void and null, since it was but reasonable, that the smaller number should be deter­mined by the greater: and what an inconsiderable Party were they, if compared with the Pope, with himself, and the rest of the Princes? That therefore he desired to know of them, if they were willing to enter into any further Treaty and Conference: for that he would spare no pains nor trouble, that he might by any means make way for Concord and Agreement; but that if they refused a Treaty, and would needs pursue their designs, then he must do as became the Protector of the Church: And that because it was drawing towards Night, he gave them till next morning to consider on the matter.Their An­swer. Next day, when all the States were met at the hour appointed, Pontane, a Lawyer, made answer, in Name of the Duke of Saxony, and his Associates, to this effect: That if the Emperour understood the whole Affair, as it was acted, he would then believe their former Relation: Nor did they doubt, but their Doctrin would be judged consonant to the Word of God, in the Judgment of an Holy and Free Council: And that so it was the less to be wondred at, that they did not accept of what had been lately granted and offered: That that Appeal was for necessary Causes, made only against that part of the De­cree which struck at the Doctrin of the Gospel, and the Custom of the Primitive Church: That in all things else they obeyed it: That besides, at the very opening of that Dyet, and long before the Decree was made, a Council had been promised them by his Deputies: Nor so only neither, but in all the Dyets of the Empire, that had constantly been the Opinion of all: That since then they had appealed to his Imperial Majesty, and a free Council, they were in hopes, that he would not derogate from their Appeal, until a lawful Sentence should pass thereupon: That it was not a place to dispute, whether or not in this Controversie the smaller number should be concluded by the greater: That that had, indeed, been the chief Reason which had obliged them to appeal; and that they would in Council give their Reasons more fully for what they had done: That therefore since all former Dyets had decreed a Council, without any limitation or condition, they earnestly desired that he would not rescind those Decrees, but therein condescend to the Will and Resolution of the rest of the States: That they rendred his Majesty most hear­ty Thanks, That he was pleased to offer them a farther Conference and Treaty; but that seeing it easily appeared by the Acts of the last Conference, that they had condescended as far as possibly they could; and that he himself wondred at the Papists for granting so much; it might with small Difficulty be gathered, what his Majesty's Judgment was in the case; so that it would be in vain to appoint any other Treaty, because it would bring a Delay and hindrance to other Affairs: But that they were very willing to consult of any way that might preserve the Peace of the Empire until the meeting of a Council, as they had said at first, and that, in the mean time, they would do nothing but what they should think pleasing both to God, and to a lawful Council also. After they had been commanded to withdraw, they were, at length, called in again; and because it was a weighty affair, the Em­perour said he would consider of it, and withal desired the Duke of Saxony, as being the chief of the Party, not to depart from the Dyet. George Truchses and Veh, a Lawyer of Baden, propounded some things privately concerning the Mass and Vows, in order to a Reconciliation; but that was in vain: And therefore the Emperour commanded a Committee to be chosen,Commission­ers chosen for framing a Decree. for framing a Decree. The Parties chosen were, the Archbishop of Mentz, the Elector of Brandenburg, the Bi­shops of Saltsburg, Strasburg and Spire, George Duke of Saxony, William Duke of Bavaria, and Henry Duke of Brunswick. When the Duke of Saxony was thinking of returning home, the Emperour, September the eighteenth, desired of him that he would stay but four Days longer. In the mean time the Princes of the Com­mittee,The Tenor of that Decree. drew up the Form of a Decree, and September the two and twentieth, the Emperour sent for the Duke of Saxony and his Associates to come to Court; and in a full Assembly of the Princes, caused that to be read, which concerned Reli­gion; which was, That the Duke of Saxony and his Associates had exhibited a Con­fession [Page 135] of their Faith, which had afterwards been refuted by Testimonies of Scri­pture; and that through the Pains that he himself and the rest of the States had been at, things were after brought to this pass, that they had received some Do­ctrins of the Church and rejected others; which being so, that therefore, to shew how desirous he was of Peace, and how far from acting any thing unadvisedly or out of Private Interest, he was graciously pleased to grant them time to consult, until the fifteenth Day of April, that in the mean time they might consider with them selves, and come to a Resolution, if in the remaining Points of Doctrin they would acquiesce to what the Pope, he himself, and the whole Christian World besides pro­fessed: That in the mean while, it was his Will and Pleasure, that all Men through­out the Empire should live in Peace; that the Duke of Saxony and his Associates, should not, during that Interval, suffer any Innovations in Religion within their Dominions, nor any new thing to be printed; nor yet allure or compel any Man to come over to their Persuasion: That they should not by any means hinder or molest those within their Territories, that made Profession of the Ancient esta­blished Religion: That they should not disturb Monks and Friers, nor no Religious Persons in the exercise of their Worship, hearing Confessions, and celebrating the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, after their own manner: That they should con­sult with themselves, and with the rest of the States, How Anabaptists, and those who maintained Opinions concerning the Lord's Supper, different from the Do­ctrin of the Church, were to be punished and restrained: That lastly, since for a long time there had been no Council, and that many things needed to be reformed, both in Church and State, he would use his Endeavours with the Pope and other Kings, that a Council should be called within six Months time, and begin within a Year after.

The Duke of Saxony and his Associates,What the Protestants find fault with in the Decree. after deliberation, made answer to these things, by the Mouth of Pontane; That whereas it was mentioned in the Decree, That their Doctrin had been refuted by the Authority of Holy Scripture, they did not acknowledge nor grant that: But that, on the contrary, they thought it so well grounded on God's Word, that nothing could be found erroneous in it, and that if they could have had a Copy of the Confutation, which was read to them, they could have plainly demonstrated so much: That nevertheless, lest that Confutation should be past over in Silence, they had begun to draw up an Answer unto as much of it as they could retain in their Memories, immediately after they had heard it read; which Answer was now after much Labour and Pains compleated; and that though all things could not be therein answered, for the Reason above-mentioned; yet if the Emperour would be pleased to peruse it, they made no doubt, but he would find their Confession, still firm and unshaken, notwithstanding the Battery of their Adversaries. When Pontane had thus far proceeded, he presented the Apology to the Emperour, and Frederick Prince Pala­tine received it; but the Emperour, to whom King Ferdinand had whispered some­what, making him a Sign, he delivered it back again. Pontane afterward went on: That whereas it was decreed, That in the mean time, they should not inno­vate nor print any thing, they had so answered as to that in the former Dyet, that they thought they had given Satisfaction: That they were still of the same Mind, and would not do any thing that might lawfully be censured: That they had nothing to do neither, with Sects; and that though the Doctrin which they professed, was true, yet they had compelled no Man to imbrace it, nor never would: That as to Anabaptists, and those who despised the Sacrament of the Al­tar, they had never tolerated any such Men within their dominions, that their Divines had always preached against them, and that they had also punished Ana­baptists, insomuch that that Sect was so far from taking root, that it did not sub­sist among them: But that seeing it was a very weighty Cause, which concerned the Eternal Salvation or Damnation of their Souls, and required most serious De­liberation, and that besides the Deputies of their absent Associates were necessarily obliged, to make Report of all to their Principles; They earnestly begged that they might have a Copy of the Decree, that they might consider among themselves, and resolve upon what they were to answer upon the main, at the Day ap­pointed.

Next Day the Emperour let them know by the Elector of Brandenburg, That he could not wonder enough at their Confidence, in affirming, That their Reli­gion was True and Pious, when it was not only refuted by the Authority of Holy Scripture, but also many Ages since, condemned in all former Councils; [Page 136] and that it increased his Admiration, that they should charge him and the other Princes with Errour and False Doctrin; for that if what they alledged were true, then were all their Ancestors, and even of the Duke of Saxony himself, who had observed and promoted that Religion, to be accounted Hereticks; so that he could not be persuaded, nor grant what they said, That their Doctrin was grounded on the Word of God: That therefore, since he had, out of gracious condescention, and the desire of Peace, ordered the Decree to be framed in that manner, and therein granted more than in Reason he ought to have done; he demanded of them, That they would admit of it, as the rest of the Princes did, and weigh with them­selves seriously, how great occasion they might give to Troubles, and be therefore accountable to God, if they did not: That besides, it could not be shewn in Record or History, that any Man might rob and spoil, and then excuse the Fact, as if he who had sustained Injury was not obliged to Restitution. That as to their Paper, in answer to the Confutation, he had already declared, That he would admit of no farther Dispute about Religion; since he neither might, nor ought in Duty to allow it; which was the Reason he had rejected the same; for that unless they submitted to, and approved that Decree, he would take another Course, and do what became his Person and Character. The Marquess of Brandenburg said far­ther, That they themselves were sensible what Labour and Pains the rest of the States had been at, to have got that Difference amicably composed: That now therefore he prayed them to consider with themselves how much it concerned their own private Interest, and the Welfare of the Publick, that they should com­ply with the Emperour and submit to the Decree: For that unless they would obey, the rest of the States would do what the Emperour should please to com­mand them, having already promised to assist him with their Lives and Fortunes, for putting an end to that Affair: And that he, on the other Hand had past his Word to bend all his Force and Power that way, and not to depart out of the Empire, before he had seen it accomplished: And that he now represented these things unto them by order from the Princes and States.

The Protestants on the other hand, persisted in it, That their Confession of Faith agreed with the Word of God, which the Gates of Hell were not able to prevail against: And that the same was made out more fully in that other Paper which had been lately offered, and which answered all that their Memories could retain of the Confutation read to them; but that they could not with a safe Conscience approve of the Decree made, and therefore begged a Copy of the whole Proceeding, and time to advise in, until the Day appointed; for that they would do nothing obsti­nately, but in all things condescend, as far as the Word of God would give them leave, and give their plain and positive Answer by the Day prefixt: not refusing in any thing else to venture their Lives and Fortunes for his Majesties sake: That, in the mean time, they thought it very strange that the Princes and States should in that manner engage themselves to the Emperour, since they had never given any cause for their so doing, and were ready, in imitation of their Ancestors, to do any thing for his sake, being resolved, when occasion offered, not to be the last: That they also confessed what was said to be true, That no Man was to be spoiled of his Goods, but that they were innocent therein: For that as to Monasteries and Religious Houses, they had often declared, That they would so manage that Affair, in the mean while, until the sitting of a Council, that it should be visible and ap­parent to all Men, that it was not their own private Profit and Advantage which they coveted.

The Emperour having duly considered these things, ordered the Elector of Brandenburg, again, to tell them in his Name; That he did not grant nor acknow­ledge what they bragged of their Religion: That he himself also had a regard to his own Conscience, and the Salvation of his Soul, and would far less forsake the Ancient Religion which had been handed down through many Ages, than they would do theirs: That nothing could now be altered in the Decree already made; that if they did admit of it, well and good; but if not, that he had occasion given him, to joyn with the rest in making a new Decree, and in taking such Measures, as that the Sects lately sprung up, might utterly be rooted out, that Peace might be restored to Germany, and the Ancient Faith, Religion, Rites and Ceremonies be preserved in Force; which were things that belonged properly to his Care and Duty. That if they would not comply, he would acquaint the Pope, and other Kings and Princes with all their Disobedience, and make use both of their Aid and Counsel in the Affair: That to what they said, they had given no Man any Cause [Page 137] of offence, many things might be alledged to the contrary, for that their Ministers and Preachers had had no small hand in the Rebellion and Wars of the Boors, where­in near an hundred thousand Men perished; and besides, many things had been done within their Territories to the Ignominy, Reproach and Contempt of the Pope, himself, and the rest of the States; And that so, they were not so Innocent as they pretended: That it was out of no private end neither, but mere duty, that the Princes and States had promised and engaged to him their Services; especially since the Protestants would not hearken to any Overtures of Concord; that nevertheless it was neither very honourable nor decent for them to make such a defection, who had formerly commended and approved the Decree of Wormes. In the last place, that he willed and commanded, That Abbots, Monks, and other Ecclesiastical Per­sons, whom they had ejected, should be fully restored to their Possessions; for that their Sighs and Complaints came daily to his Ears, and that they made continual Instance unto him for Restitution.

The Protestants having taken some time to deliberate, made answer; That see­ing they could not obtain a Copy of the Decree, nor time to consider of the whole matter, it was to no purpose for them to urge any farther; and that therefore they committed their Cause to God, in whom was their Hope of Salvation: That also what besides, had been objected to them of the Rebellion of the Boors, they could not in the least be blamed for it, and their Consciences wholly cleared them of that Guilt; for that it was manifestly known what they had done at that time, and that they had spared neither Danger nor Cost; it having been clearly made out also, four Years before, in the Dyet of Spire, what the Cause and Original of that Re­bellion had been; at which time it was resolved, That Ambassadours should have been sent to his Imperial Majesty into Spain, to have given him an account of the Rise and Progress of the whole matter, but that that Resolution was altered: That therefore it was not well done, to turn the Envy of that Accident upon them; and they looked upon it as an Injury; since that if any Man had ought to lay to their Charge upon that or any other account whatsoever, they were ready to answer it, and stand a fair Tryal at Law: That therefore they prayed his Majesty not to conceive any heavy Displeasure, nor to give way to Hatred and Anger against them; seeing they had, no less than the other States, bequeathed all they could command to his Use and Service.The Prote­stants depart from the Dyet When they had thus spoken, they took their Leaves and departed, leaving Deputies in their Places. But before their Departure, the Ele­ctors of Mentz, Treves and Palatine sent to acquaint the Duke of Saxony, and the Landgraves Deputies, That what the Marquess of Brandenburg had said of giving Aid and Assistance for the Defence of Religion, was done without their Orders; that they had been free to tell the Emperour as much, and that they had no cause of enmity against them: That therefore, if they had conceived any sinistrous Opi­nion of them, they prayed them to lay it aside. The Elector of Saxony admitted of their Justification, telling them that they might expect all mutual Love and Friendship also from him. The Day after they went away, the Emperour assem­bled all the States, and ordered Truchses, first to tell the Deputies of the Cities, That they should not offer to be gone, before the Conclusion of the Dyet; and then to declare unto them, what had been acted with the Duke of Saxony and his Associates; and that seeing the Cities of Strasburg, Constance, Memmingen and Lindaw, had exhibited a particular Confession of their own, he would also treat with them, after that other Publick Affairs of the Empire, and among the rest the Turkish War,A great Inun­dation at Rome. were taken into Debate. At this time there happened at Rome an extraordinary Inundation of the Tyber, to the great Terrour of the Inhabitants, for the Tide and Winds from the Sea keeping back the Stream of the River, made it overflow the Banks,The like in Holland. and do a great deal of Damage. The like, but much more dreadful Calamity, happened to the Hollanders and their Neighbours, by an irrup­tion of the Sea, which breaking through their Dykes and Banks, overflowed and drowned the Country a great way up.

At length,The Draught of the Decree read to the Deputies of the Cities but a Copy of it denied to them. October 13, all the States, except the Protestants, being assembled in the Court-Hall, the Decree was read over to the Deputies of the Cities; but when they asked a Copy thereof, it was denied them, and ordered to be read once or twice more. And now, when for the most part all had approved the same, the Deputies of Ausburg, Frankford, Ʋlm and Hall, desired time to consider of it. Eight Days after the Deputies of the Duke of Saxony and the Associates, went and told the Archbishop of Mentz, who is chief of the Princes of the Empire, That if they might be suffered to enjoy their Religion peaceably, until the sitting of a [Page 138] Council, they would also contribute Money for the Turkish War. Being therefore sent for next day to appear in Court, there was a certain form of Pacification read unto them; wherein they only were comprehended, who had approved the Decree that was made: whereupon a Debate arising, and the Deputies alledging it con­cerned not them; or if it did, that it ought to have been conceived in clearer terms, lest by its ambiguity, it might afterward occasion dispute; they made answer, That they would make report thereof to the Emperour. Two days after, the Em­perour sent for the Deputies of Strasburg, and their Associates, to come to his Lodgings; and in the Assembly of the States, ordered the Confutation of their Confession of Faith to be read; a prolix, and biting Paper; especially in that part where it treated of the Lord's Supper. The Authors thereof were, John Faber and Eckius; who having an odious Subject to descant on, made use of all the severe Re­flections they could, that they might incense the Emperour and Princes. The up­shot of all was, That whereas, in matters of Religion, they professed an Opinion different from all others, and approved that most grievous Errour about the Lord's Supper; That they had also thrown Images out of the Churches, abolished the Mass, pulled down Publick and Religious Houses, built in former times by the Liberality of Emperours and Kings; cherished and promoted several Sects, by Books and Pamphlets which they published, and dispersed amongst the People all over Germa­ny: That therefore he again required them to retract and embrace the Ancient Re­ligion; for that otherwise he would certainly do what in Duty he was obliged to do. Some time after they made answer, That in the Confutation, many things were read, otherwise than they were contained in their Paper: That some things also were so bitterly represented, that, if true, they deserved not only censure, but punishment also; but that these things were not rightly charged upon them: for that no such thing was done within their Cities; and if any person whosoever, durst break out into the like Licentiousness, they would certainly be punished for it: That since then, they had a clear Conscience, that it was a weighty Cause, and that the Paper was very long, and could not be answered, before they had made a Report thereof to their Principals; therefore they desired, in the first place, That a Copy of it might be given to them; and then, that no Credit should be given to that Charge and Accusation, before their Justification were heard and exa­mined: That in all other things they were ready to serve his Imperial Majesty to the utmost of their Power. The Emperour told them, He would consider on't, and five Days after the Elector of Brandenburg made answer in his Name; That he could not give them a Copy; for that upon weighty considerations, the same had been denied to the Duke of Saxony, and that all farther Dispute about Religion was prohibited: But that if they had a desire to be reconciled, and to return again into the Bosom of the Church, he would not refuse them the hearing of the Confu­tation read once or twice more: But that he charged them withal, That they would profess the same Religion that the other Princes and States did, and contribute Aid against the Turk; for that unless they would give way, and leave off to be so stubborn, he would by the Advice of the Pope and other Kings, act as it became him.

After some time granted them for Deliberation, they made their Reply, in pre­sence of all the States; That they had Orders to demand a Copy of what had been objected against their Confession, that they might send it home; which in their Opi­nion was done, not for more Disputes sake, but, that if perhaps, the Learned Men, of the other side should interpret the meaning of their Paper otherwise than it ought, or if any Crime might be laid to their Charge, they might be in a Readiness to answer and justifie themselves: That now, since by what they could retain in Memory of the Confutation read, they perceived that their Confession was per­verted, contrary to the Sense and Meaning of their Magistrates, and otherwise in­terpreted than the very Words of it could bear; that, besides, since many horrid things were reckoned up, which could in no ways be attributed to them, as they had said before; they therefore again desired and prayed, that they might have a Copy of the Confutation granted them, whereby they might be enabled to purge themselves of what was objected against them; especially seeing in the close of their Confession, they had begged of the Emperour, That he would refer this Difference about Religion, to the Determination of a Lawful Council of Germany, being the only way that had been always lookt upon as the most proper and convenient; and that therefore since they were resolved to maintain no errour knowingly, nor to be obstinate in any thing; they begged again and again, that the Cause might [Page 139] be decided by a Free and Holy Council: That they would not refuse what should therein be decreed, according to the Testimony of Holy Scripture: That in the mean time, they would serve the Emperour with their Lives and Fortunes; and that they had lately acquainted the Deputies of the Cities, with their Resolutions, as to their contributing Aid and Assistance for the Turkish War; which was, That if Peace were setled throughout the Empire, and security given them for the free Exercise of their Religion, until the meeting of a Council, they were willing to contribute what in Reason they ought: For that the Year before they had liberally given, and more too than came to their shares: Which being so, and that since hi­therto they had received no answer, they once more most earnestly prayed, That Peace might be given to Religion; for that otherwise, though they might be never so willing, yet they would not be able to contribute any thing. The Marquess of Brandenburg said, That he would make a Report of it to the Emperour. In the Afternoon, some Commissioners read unto them a Draught of the Pacification, wherein they only were comprehended, who should receive the Decree, as hath been said before, of the Duke of Saxony and his Associates. They made answer, That neither was there a Copy of the Decree given them, nor were they compre­hended therein, so that they could not promise any thing in the Names of their Principals; and that since the matter was still left at an uncertainly, they expected to know the Emperour's Pleasure therein, as they had also declared themselves to the Elector of Brandenburg. The Deputies for the State of Strasburg in this Dyet were James Sturmey and Matthias Pharrer, and the [...]ormer pleaded the Cause with the Em­perour and Princes, both in the Name of his own City, and also of their Confe­derates. Whilst these Matters were in Debate,Some Cities urge a Coun­cil. the Cities of Ausburg, Frankford, Ʋlm and Hall, declined the Decree made about Religion, and urged a Council: But Faber and Eckius, Faber and Ec­kius well re­warded, which occasioned a merry Saying of Erasmus. for writing the Confutation, demanded and obtained a Re­ward from the Princes, promising their Services in defence of the Popish Religion for the future. For these, as generally all the rest, proposed to themselves Pre­ferment, by the down-fall of Luther; and Faber afterwards obtained from King Ferdinand the Bishoprick of Vienna: Hence it was that Erasmus of Rotterdam was wont merrily to say, That Poor Luther made many Rich.

In the mean time the Deputies of Saxony and the Associates presented a Petition to the Emperour, praying his Majesty to settle a publick Peace throughout Germany, and not suffer any Man to be molested or brought into Danger upon account of Re­ligion. On the eleventh of November after, the Emperour ordered Frederick Prince Palatine to give them this Answer; That because they had rejected the Decree, he had therefore entred into a Confederacy with the rest, not offensive but defensive, in case any Violence should be offered to those who professed the same Religion with him: That what they demanded, That they might not be sued crimi­nally, nor brought into the Crown-Office, was unreasonable, since it properly belonged to his Duty, to administer Justice to all, wherein he could not be em­peached, nor have any thing prescribed unto him. This being all they could obtain, they wrote a Letter to all the States, wherein having in short, resumed what had past, they desired that in the close of the Decree, the Names of their Princes might not be inserted among the rest: And seeing that they had in vain sued for Peace, they could not contribute any thing towards the War against the Turk: That, besides, since it was provided by the Decree, That they only should have place in the Imperial Judicature and Chamber, who had admitted the same Decree, they desired that might be altered and amended; for that otherwise, they could not contribute any thing towards the Charges of the Chamber.The Agree­ment of the King of Po­land, and Marquess Al­bert of Bran­denburg made null. Having represent­ed these things, November 12, in the Afternoon, they departed. We told you, in the Fifth Book, That Albert of Brandenburg, swore Allegiance to the King of Poland, and put himself under his Protection: Now the Emperour being sollicited by Walter Cronberg, res [...]inded that Transaction, as made in prejudice of the Em­pire; and November 14, declared it to be void and null.

Five Days after, the Decree was read in the Assembly of all the States, the Em­perour being present;The Decree of Ausburg. wherein, after a recapitulation of all the Proceedings, the Emperour Enacted and Decreed, That they should not be tolerated for the future, who taught otherwise of the Lord's Supper, than had hitherto been observed: That nothing should be changed in Publick or Private Mass: That Children should be Confirmed with Chrisme, and Sick People anointed with Consecrated Oyl: That Pictures and Images should not be removed, and where they had been taken away, should be restored: That the Opinion of those who denyed Man's Free-Will, should [Page 140] not be received, because it was brutish, and reproachful to God: That nothing should be taught, which might any manner of way lessen the Authority and Dig­nity of the Magistrate: That that Doctrin of Man's Justification by Faith alone, should not be admitted: That the Sacraments of the Church should be the same in Number, and have the same Veneration, as anciently: That all the Rites and Ce­remonies of the Church, the Offices for the Dead, and the like, should be observed: That vacant Benefices should be conferred on fit Persons: That Priests and Church-men, who were Married, should be turned out of their Livings, which immedi­ately after this Dyet should be given to others; but that such as forsaking their Wives, should return to their former State, and desire to be absolved, might be restored by their Bishops, with consent of the Pope or his Legate: That as for the rest, they should have no Refuge nor Sanctuary, but be banished, or otherwise con­dignly punished: That the Priests should lead honest Lives, wear decent Apparel, and avoid giving of Scandal: That all unreasonable Compacts and Agreements that Priests have been any where forced to make; and that all unjust Sale also of Church-Goods, or the application of the same to Profane Uses, should be void and null: That no Man should be admitted to Preach, but he that had an Authentick Testimo­ny from a Bishop of the Soundness of his Doctrin and Conversation: That all should observe the Rule here prescribed in Preaching, and not venture upon that Expression, which was usual in Sermons, That some were endeavouring to stifle the Light of the Gospel: That they should also forbear flouting and reviling: That they should exhort the People to hear Mass, be diligent in Prayer, to invoke the Virgin Mary, and the rest of the Saints, keep Holidays, Fast, abstain from Meats prohi­bited, and relieve the Poor: That they should put it home to Monks and other Re­ligious, That it was not lawful to forsake their Order and Profession: In short, That nothing should be changed in those things that concerned the Faith and Wor­ship of God: That they who acted otherwise should forfeit Lives and Goods: That what had been taken from the Clergy, should be restored: That in those Places where Monasteries and other Religious Houses had been demolished, they should be rebuilt, and the usual Rites and Ceremonies performed in them: That they who within the Territories of the Adversaries, followed the Ancient Faith and Religion, and submitted to this Decree, should be taken into the Protection of the Empire, and have liberty to depart whither soever they pleased, without any Prejudice: That Application should be made to the Pope, about a Council, that within six Months he would call one to meet in a convenient Place, there to begin with the first Opportunity, and within a Year at farthest. That all these things should be firm and stable, notwithstanding any Exceptions or Appeals made or to be made to the contrary: That to the end this Decree might be ob­served and put into Execution, in as far as it concerned Faith and Religion, all Men should be obliged to employ whatsoever Fortune God hath been pleased to be­stow upon them, and their Blood and Lives besides: And that if any Man should attempt any thing against another by Force, that the Imperial Chamber, upon Com­plaint thereof made, should warn the Party that used Force, or offered Hostility, to desist, and sue his Adversary at Law: That if he obeyed not, he should be pro­secuted criminally, and to an Outlawry, which being published, the neighbouring Princes and Cities should be charged and commanded, forthwith to give Aid and Assistance to him that was in fear of being assaulted: But that no Man should be ad­mitted into the Judicature of the Chamber, unless he approved this Decree made about Religion; and that they who refused to do it, should be turned out.

During this Dyet, Luther was at Cobourg, in the Borders of Franconia, by Com­mand of his Prince,Luther's Book to the Bi­shops and Prelates. that he might be the nearer to Ausburg, in case there should have been any need of his counsel. Now that he might in his absence, contribute what he could to the Publick Good, he wrote a Book to the Bishops and other Pre­lates in that Dyet, laying before them the state of the Church under the Roman Pa­pacy, how it had been overspread with thick Darkness, Impious Doctrin, and Foul Errours, and admonishing them of their Duty, in most weighty and serious Words, he upbraids them with Cruelty and Bloody-mindedness. Moreover he exhorts them, not to let slip the Occasion of healing the Evil; alledging, That since his Doctrin agreed with the Writings of the Prophets and Apostles, all coun­sels taken against God would be in vain.Luther com­forts dejected Melanchthon. Whilst the Emperour and Papists were thus venting their Rage and Threats against the Protestants, Melanchthon was very much dejected and disconsolate, not, indeed, for his own sake, but Posterities, and those who were to come after, and wholly gave himself over to Grief, Sighing and [Page 141] Tears. But when this came to Luther's Knowledge, he endeavoured to Comfort and Chear him up by several Letters; and seeing this was not the Work of Man, but of God Almighty, he advises him to lay aside all Thoughtfulness and Anxiety, and cast the whole Burthen of it upon him: And why, said he, do you in this man­ner Afflict and Torment your self? If God gave his own Son for us, why do we Doubt and Fear, why are we cast down and dismayed? Is Satan stronger than he? Will he who has bestowed so great a Blessing upon us, forsake us in smaller Mat­ters? Why are we afraid of the World, which Christ hath overcome? If we main­tain a bad Cause, why do we not change our Mind? If it be Just and Holy, why do we distrust God's Promises? Certainly the Devil can take nothing from us but our Life; but Christ liveth and reigneth for ever, who taketh upon him the De­fence and Protection of the Truth; he will not cease to be with us until the consum­mation of all things. If he be not with us, pray, where is he to be found? If we be not of the Church, do you think that the Pope and the rest of our Adver­saries are? Sinners we are, 'tis true, and that in many things; yet Christ is not therefore a Lyer, whose Cause we maintain. Let Kings and the Nations fret and rage, as much as they please, he that dwelleth in Heaven shall hold them in Derision. God hath hitherto, without our Counsel, governed and protected this Cause, he also will henceforward, bring it to the desired end. What you write of the Laws and Traditions of Men, may easily be answered: For it is not lawful for any Man to appoint or chuse a new Work, as the Worship of God; since both the first Commandment, and all the Prophets, condemn such Works. They may, indeed, be a bodily Exercise; but if they come once to be worshiped, they become Idola­trous. As for any Reconciliation, it is in vain hoped for; for neither can we de­pose the Pope, nor can the True Religion be safe, so long as Popery continues. That ye give the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper in Both kinds, and yield not to the Adversaries in that, who will have it to be indifferent, you do well; for it is not in our Power, to appoint or tolerate any thing in the Church, which cannot be defended by the Word of God. We condemn the whole Church, cry they: But we say, That the Church was unwillingly surprised and oppressed by the Tyranny of a divided and half-Sacrament, and is therefore to be excused, in the same man­ner as the whole Synagogue was to be excused, when being captive in Babylon, it observed not the Law, and other Rites of Moses, for it was hindered by Force, that it could not. Take special heed, that ye grant not too great a Jurisdiction to Bishops, lest more Trouble ensue thereupon hereafter. For my part, I dislike all this Treaty about accommodating the Difference in Religion; for it is all Labour in vain, unless the Pope would utterly abolish his Kingdom. If they condemn our Doctrin, why do we seek for an Uniformity? if they approve it, why are the Ancient Errours retained? but they openly condemn it. All they do then, is but Sham and Dissimulation. They take a great deal of Pains, as it appears, about Ceremonies: But let them first restore the Doctrin of Faith and Works: Let them suffer the Church to have Ministers, that will perform the necessary Duties. They require that Monks may be again put into possession; but let them, on the other hand, give us back so many Innocent and Pious Men, whom they have slain; let them restore so many Souls, lost by Impious and Erroneous Doctrin; let them re­store those great Revenues got by Fraud and Knavery; let them, in short, restore the Glory of God, dishonoured by so many Reproaches. When once they have made Satisfaction as to these things, then will we reason the case with them, who has the best right to the Goods of the Church.Bucer Essaies a Reconcilia­tion betwixt Luther and Zuinglius, &c. Since the chief, and almost sole difference betwixt Luther and some others was, about the Lord's Supper, as we have said before, and that that exceedingly rejoyced the Papists, as it grieved the others. Bucer, with the consent of the Elector of Saxony, and his own Magistrates, went from Ausburg to Luther, to attempt a Reconciliation, and had a very fair An­swer from him; insomuch that he made a Progress from thence to Zuinglius and the Switzers, that he might essay to unite them more closely in Mind and Opinion. This,The Land­grave makes a League with Zurich, Basil and Strasburg, upon account of Religion. then, being the state of Affairs, and all things tending to Stirs and Trou­bles, the Landgrave concluded a League for six Years with the Cities of Zurich, Basil and Strasburg, That if any Violence should be offered upon the account of Re­ligion, they should mutually aid and assist one another: And this League was made in the Month of November.

At the same time the Emperour wrote to the Elector of Saxony, commanding him to come to Cologne by the 21 day of December, about difficult and weighty Affairs, [...]elating to the Publick. The same Day he received this Letter, which was No­vember [Page 142] 28, he had a Messenger with Letters from the Archbishop of Mentz, the design whereof,The Elector of Saxony cited by the Archbishop of Mentz, for chusing a King of the Romans. was to acquaint him; That the Emperour had desired of him, that he would assemble the Princes Electors, about the election of a King of the Romans; and therefore he cited him to be present at Cologne December 29. This thing being known, the Duke of Saxony forthwith dispatched Letters to the Landgrave, and the rest of the Protestant Princes and Cities, praying them to meet at Smalcalde, December 22; but, in the mean time, he sent away in all haste, his Son John Fre­derick, with some of his Counsellors to Cologne, that they might be present at the Day appointed by the Emperour. To them he gave Orders to represent, That the Citation of the Archbishop of Mentz was not legally made; and that this same creation of a King of the Romans was a signal Violation of the Right and Li­berty of the Empire,The Smalcal­dick League among the Protestants. and of the Statute of the Emperour Charles IV: And that therefore he did not ratifie nor approve that Proceeding. When all met at Smal­calde, they drew up the Draught of a League, not Offensive, but altogether for their own Defence. This was immediately signed by the Princes, as also by Albert and Gebard Counts of Mansfield, the Cities of Magdeburg and Bremen; but Strasburg, Ʋlm, Constance, Lindaw, Memmingen, Kempen, Hailbrun, Ruteling, Bibrach and Isne, engaged only so far, as that they would acquaint their Principles therewith, and give the rest a positive Answer within six Weeks, what they intended to do. It was agreed upon to write to George Marquess of Brandenburg, and the City of No­rimberg, because their Deputies had no Commission to act in that affair. It was likewise decreed, That Ambassadours should be sent to sollicit the King of Denmark, and the Dukes of Pomerania and Mecklenburg, as also the Cities of Hamburg, Emb­den, Northeime, Frankford, Brunswick, Gottingen, Minden, Hannover, Hildesheim, Lubeck, Stetin, and other Maritime Cities.

When the Pope understood,The Pope's Complaint to the King of Poland. what the Issue of this Imperial Dyet was, he wrote, among others, to the King of Poland; That he had fully hoped, the Presence and Authority of the Emperour, would either have quite crushed, or at least, quieted Luther's Heresie: That he had been put into this Hope from the very first time the Emperour came into Italy; which had been the chief Cause why he went to Bolonia, that he might spur him on, though he was forward enough of himself: For if that had succeeded, it would have secured Religion, and the Salvation of a great many, who were in great Danger through that Heresie, and then ways might have been found out for resisting the Fury of the Turks: But now that he understood by Letters, both from the Emperour and his own Legate, that they were so far from being re­claimed, they were more and more hardened, he who sat at the Helm, to steer the Ship of S. Peter, in so tempestuous a time, and bore the greatest share of all the Care and Trouble, having consulted with the Cardinals, could not think of any safer Reme­dy, than that which his Predecessors had had recourse unto, to wit, a General Council: That therefore he gave him warning, that when this Design should be accomplished, he would either be present himself, or by his Ambassadours promote so Holy a Cause; for that so soon as possibly he could, he would call a Council to meet in some convenient Place in Italy. This Brief was dated December 1.

The Confederate Princes,The Prote­stants Letter to the Empe­rour about the Election of a King of the Romans. we named, wrote to the Emperour from Smalcalde, December 24; That they heard, and it was commonly reported, That he had a De­sign to have his Brother Ferdinand chosen King of the Romans, a Dignity which he solicitously courted and canvassed for: That it was a thing now known to all Men, what Power and Right the Princes Electors had in that affair, by virtue of the Sta­tute of the Emperour Charles IV, when upon the Death of the Emperour, another was to be chosen in the Name of the whole Body of the Empire: That neverthe­less, his Majesty being alive and in Health, and no such case having as yet happened, the Princes Electors had been summoned by the Archbishop of Mentz, to meet at Cologne towards the latter end of this Month, quite contrary to the Proscript of the Law, and the Custom of the Empire: That they likewise heard, That at his Request, the rest of the Electors were also to be there, that Ferdinand's Suit and Pretention might be carried by way of Anticipation and Compact; so that this be­ing the Report that went far and near, they thought good to represent a few things unto his Majesty; and that though they had rather abstain from this kind of Dis­course, yet for the Love they bore to him, and the Liberty of their Country hand­ed down to them from their Ancestors; and then, in consideration that in this De­crepit Age of the World, many things were surreptitiously and craftily brought to pass, they could not otherwise chuse but do it. That in the first place, then, his Majesty knew, how seriously and solemnly, and by what express Words and Ar­ticles, [Page 143] he had bound and obliged himself to the Empire: How he had promised by Oath to observe the Caroline Constitution, on which the Liberty of the Empire chief­ly depended; how he had stipulated neither to act any thing himself contrary there­unto, nor suffer others to do it; which were Compacts and Promises that could not be violated, broken nor changed, unless with the Advice and Consent of all the States: But that now, if whilst he was alive, a King of the Romans should be cho­sen, and that his own Brother too, who canvassed and made suit for it; he himself could not but see that it was plainly contrary to Law, contrary to the Right and Liberty of the Empire, and contrary to his Compact and Stipulation, and the Faith and Promise, whereby he bound himself to the State: Nay, and how convenient and uneasie it must also be, both to himself and the whole Empire, when at the self same time, there would be two Lords and Masters to be obeyed. And that see­ing they would take it very ill, if they themselves should either be upbraided with the Breach of Faith and Promise; or with Baseness, in not defending the Rights and Liberty of the Government; therefore they most earnestly besought his Ma­jesty, to impute this their Letter, to the love they bore to him and their native Country, and the present state of the Times: That he would reflect upon things past, and according to Duty, interpose his Authority for preventing the Election of any new King, weighing seriously with himself what Evils and Inconveniences might follow thereupon, unless a Remedy were applyed in time: That they would write of these things to the rest of the Electors also; and were in good Hopes, they would do what was expedient for the Commonwealth, and endeavour to pre­vent any Rupture or Division among the States: That, in fine, they were ready to serve his Majesty, and do for him, to the utmost of their Power. Afterwards the Duke of Saxony wrote by himself to the rest of the Princes his Collegues; That since he was cited by the Archbishop of Mentz to appear at Cologne, he had therefore sent thither his Son and some Counsellors, that in his Name they might propound and act what should be thought needful: That he believed they had heard already part of his Thoughts from them; and should hear the rest on December 29: That how­ever he prayed them to desist from their Purpose, and consider with him, What Prejudices and Inconveniencies, that Action would bring with it, both to them­selves, and to their Posterity also, through the Violation of the Rights, Dignity and Liberty of the Empire: That it was his Desire also, That in those things which his Son and Counsellors might treat of with them, they would so behave themselves, as it might plainly appear, That the Interest of the Publick, and their native Coun­try, were dear unto them. At the same time the Duke of Lunenburg, the Land­grave, and the Counts of Anhalt and Mansfield, wrote at large to the Electors, to the same purpose, seriously advising them, that they would not offer such Injury to the Laws and Rights of their Country; and the rather, since it was a common Report, That there were Bribes and Promises in the case, which was directly con­trary to the Caroline Constitutions. Afterwards, on the last of December, both the Princes and Cities, we named before, wrote to the Emperour a common Letter, in all their Names; wherein they resumed all the Proceedings at Ausburg, what Sollicita­tions they had made for Peace, what Answer his Majesty made at length, especially concerning the Actions of the Crown, and what kind of Decree was afterwards made there; and that though his Majesty had himself qualified that Expression of the Elector of Brandenburg, by telling them that the Agreement he had made with the rest of the Princes, was not Offensive, but only for the Defence of himself and Cause; yet, nevertheless, if that Authority specified in the Decree, should be gi­ven to the Imperial Chamber, who could doubt but that it might extend to Force and Violence? Since therefore both they and their Ancestors, had given evident Proofs of their Zeal and Affection, both towards him and his Predecessors, they prayed, That as he had in Word softned that Expression of the Elector of Branden­burg's, so he would also really and indeed mitigate and put a stop to those Prosecu­tions of the Chamber, that they might have assurance, until the meeting of a Free and Holy Council, that they needed not be afraid of any thing: And that if they could obtain this at his Majesties Hands, they would hereafter, as in Times past, contribute their Money, Aid and Assistance, not only towards the Turkish War, but also for the other Publick Uses of the Government.

In the first meeting of the Princes Electors at Cologne, The Reasons of creating a King of the Romans. the Emperour gave these Reasons for creating a King of the Romans. Because he himself had several King­doms and People to govern, and could not be always in Germany: Because Chri­stendom, and especially Germany, was in a Troublesome and Dangerous State, by [Page 144] Reason of the Difference in Religion, the Power and Force of the Turks, the late Insurrection and Rebellion of the Boors, and because many things were undutifully and disobediently acted in Germany; for that though by their own Advice and Con­sent, in former Years, there had been a Senate and Judicature of the Empire ap­pointed, yet it was not obeyed, as it ought to have been: And that therefore it seemed absolutely necessary to him, for the Welfare of the State, that a King of the Romans should be chosen, who might under him, and in his absence, be, as it were, another Head of the Empire; that he ought to be a Man of Parts, Vigilant, Industrious and Powerful, a Lover of Peace and Concord, acquainted with the Affairs of the Empire, and in short, altogether such, as he himself might Trust and Relie upon: But that he knew no Man more capable, of that Province, than his own Brother Ferdinand, King of Bohemia and Hungary; whose Limits and Kingdoms were as a Wall and Rampart for the Safety and Preservation of Germa­ny against the cruelty of the Turks. 1531. The Princes Electors, after deliberation had, praid the Emperour that he would not leave Germany, but settle his Court and Re­sidence in it:Ferdinand de­clared King of the Romans. But he persisting in his Purpose, on the Fifth of January they decla­red Ferdinand King of the Romans. The Elector of Saxony did all he could, which was to make his Son give Reasons why he could not approve that Election, and to protest against it as illegall. Long before the Dyet of Ausburg broke up, there was a Report spread abroad, That Ferdinand would be promoted to that Dignity. From Cologne they went all afterwards to Aix la Chapelle, where King Ferdinand was Instal­led on the eleventh of January; who presently dispatched Letters to give notice of it all over Germany: The Emperour also commanded by Proclamation, That all should own him for King of the Romans, and wrote separately to the Protestants, to the same purpose. In the mean while that the Emperour was at Cologne, the Protestants Letter was delivered unto him, wherein they desired to be exempted from the Prosecutions of the Imperial Chamber, as we said before. Thereunto he made answer at Aix la Chapelle, January 13, by the Mouth of Frederick Prince Pala­tine; That they needed not to go any farther, or wait longer for any Answer; for that he had not as yet considered of it, but that he would in time think on what answer he should give them. Having done so, he went into Brabant, a Province of the Netherlands.

THE HISTORY OF THE Reformation of the Church.

BOOK VIII.
The CONTENTS.

The Princes assembled at Smalkalde dispatch Letters to the Kings of England and France, wherein they let them understand what false Reports are gone abroad against them. They solicite the King of Denmark, and the Maritime Cities to joyn with them in the League, as far as they shall think it convenient. The Switzers are not admitted into this Confederacy. The King of France returns an Answer to the Protestants Letters, and the King of England does the same. The Embassadors of the Cities deliver in at Franckford their Sentiments concerning the Creation of a King of the Romans, and there likewise the Controversie between the Bishop of Bam­burg and George Duke of Brandenburg is agitated. The Emperor appoints a Diet to meet at Spiers, to which the Elector of Saxony refuses to come. There are some Conditions laid down, upon which the Protestants do promise to make their appearance there. A Civil War breaks out between those of Zurich and the five Confederate Cantons; in which Zuinglius is slain: Soon after OEcolampadius departs this life. A Treaty is held about entring into a Peace with the Protestants, till such time as a Council should sit.—Christiern King of Denmark is taken Prisoner. Soly­man the Grand Seignior invades Austria, and is driven out of it again. The Elector of Saxony dies. The Pope sends an Embassador into Germany, to propound certain Rules and Methods for the holding of the intended Council; to each of which the Duke of Saxony, having diligently consider'd the matter, returns a very full Answer within a few days.

IN the former Convention at Smalkalde, this, among other things, was agreed upon, that since the Adversaries were very busie in throwing dirt upon their Cause, and endeavour'd every where by numerous Calumnies to bring their Profession of the Gospel into Disgrace, the Kings of England and France should in the first place be written to, that they would not suffer themselves to be influenc'd by such false Reproaches. Accordingly on the 16 day of Febr. The Prote­stants Letters to the Kings of England and France. the Dukes of Saxony, Brandenburg, Lunenburg, and the Lantgrave, toge­ther with the Cities of Strasburg, Nurenburg, Magdeburg, and Ʋlm, did, both in their own Names, and in the Names of the several Princes and Cities, their Allies, dispatch Letters of the same purport to both those Princes. That they could not but know how of a long time Complaint had been made against Ecclesiastical Corruptions; which had often been observ'd, and with much Gra­vity reprehended by many eminent Men; and of late, for instance, by John Ger­son in France, and John Colet in England. That the same thing had of late years happen'd in Germany; where a sort of Expiations, commonly call'd Indul­gences, had been carry'd up and down by certain Monks, which to the great [Page 146] Reproach of Christianity, and the eminent endangering of mens Salvation, they every where recommended, and in an infamous manner expos'd to sale; where­upon they were by some very good and learned Men gently admonished not to do so any more; but so far were they from desisting, that they flew with great Indignation in the face of their Monitors; which put these upon a necessity of undertaking the defence and vindication of the Truth; and upon this occasion they were forc'd to inspect and censure several other Practices. On the other side the Adversaries, who by their impudent Tricks, and holy Cheats had given the great occasion of Scandal, never rested till they had procur'd this Doctrin (which was thus advanc'd against their trifling Impostures) to be condemn'd as Impious, before any just or legal Cognizance had been taken of it; and to the end that they might utterly crush and sink it, they had found out ways to ren­der it highly odious both to the Emperor and other Princes. But Truth, like the Sun, displaying it's light, made it manifest to all, beyond the possibility of denying, that many ill things, through the depravity of some Men's judgments, had crept into the Church. That the States of the Empire had in the first Diet, which the Emperor held at Wormes, exhibited many things by way of Petition, which they said ought of necessity to be redress'd. Afterwards, when the matter had along time been debated in several other Conventions of the Empire be­tween the States and the Emperor's Embassadors, it was adjudg'd by the unani­mous consent of all, That the best and most expeditious way of ending the Con­troversie would be by a free Council of the Christian World. That the Emperor too was well pleas'd with this Method, as soon as he knew of it; and from that time the matter under deliberation was the time and place for holding the Coun­cil, as may appear from the Decrees that then were made. But when the Em­peror was come from Spain, The Prote­stants Confes­sion at Anspurg through Italy into Germany, his whole endeavour at the Diet of Auspurg was, that the matter might be taken up without a Council; which they believ'd he did with a good intent, and therefore they made a pub­lick recitation of their Confession in that Assembly, which they presented to him, and offer'd, if there should be occasion, a farther Explication of it: That soon after a Writing was recited in answer to this their Confession; of which when they requested a Copy from the Emperor, they could not obtain it, but upon such a condition, as might have prov'd dangerous and ensnaring unto them. After this there were some chosen out of the whole number to be as it were Umpires and Arbitrators in the Case: but neither could they so agree, although 'twas profess'd on their side, that they would do any thing that might be done with a safe Conscience: Then were there some Proposals made by the Emperor to be observ'd till the time that a Council might be call'd; but of such a nature, that they could not comply with them, without offending God, and injuring their own Consciences.The Prote­stants Appeal to a free Coun­cil. But when after all, a very harsh Edict had been set forth by the Emperor, they were then of necessity constrain'd to Appeal to a free Religi­ous Council. And altho this be the true state of the Case, this the present con­dition of Affairs; altho they desire nothing more than that their Cause may be fairly heard and known; yet they are inform'd that their Adversaries make it their sole business to exasperate the Emperor and other Princes against them by scandalous Reports; that several Opinions, unjustly imputed to them, are scat­ter'd up and down; such as are not only dissonant from Holy Writ, but ev'n from common sense; such, as should any one endeavour to propagate within their Dominions, he would not escape unpunish'd. Again, how great the dangers are wherewith they are threatned upon the score of their Profession, there is no body but plainly sees; in which certainly they would never involve themselves, were they not assured, that this their Doctrin is agreeable to the Word of God, and therefore to be adher'd to for the Glory of his holy Name. Tho on the other side their Adversaries did insinuate with Strangers,Calumny a­gainst the Pro­testants. that they did not im­brace this kind of Doctrin upon any religious account, but only for an oppor­tunity of invading the Goods of the Church; but that this Calumny had al­ready been answer'd in the former Diets, and would still be more particularly refuted in a general Council. In the mean time wise and judicious Men, upon comparing their dangers and advantages together, might easily see, that this Charge is no less absurd and ridiculous, than 'tis cruel and malicious. For is it possible that there should be any Church Possessions within their Territories so great, that for their sakes they should so evidently hazard their Reputation and Honour, their Wives and Children, their Lives and Estates? Can there be any [Page 147] advantages so dear and charming, to which they would not mightily prefer the Favour of the Emperor and such glorious Kings as themselves? Certain it is, that their Ancestors and fore-Fathers had not only liv'd in Splendor at home, but also help'd to sustain the Publick Charge, without laying hands upon con­secrated Goods; nay they erected and liberally endow'd several new Churches, as likewise enrich'd and beautify'd the old ones. As to the Ecclesiastical Possessi­ons within their Dominions, they are but moderate, and though they are neces­sary for the Support of those Ministers, who are appointed for the Instruction of the People, and whose annual Incomes are now grown very slender; yet do they not refuse, if a Council shall judge it fit, to have them converted to other pious Uses; provided it be such a Council where prejudice and partiality do not prevail. But this above all is the foulest Scandal, this the highest and most dangerous Charge, that the Doctrine, which they profess, tends to the subversion of Magistrates, and to the enervating the force of Laws: but to this Accusation an Answer was given in that Writing, which they exhibited and recited at Au­spurg. Nay this moreover may be said, that the learned Men of these times have done more towards the adorning of Magistracy, and maintaining the Dig­nity of Laws, than any former Age hath done: for they made it their business so to instruct and form the minds of Men, that the Magistrate himself might clearly understand his station and condition of life to be highly acceptable to God; and the People on the other part might be sensible, that Honour and Obedience to the Magistrate was required from them by the Law of God, who would not hold him guiltless who should offer Contempt to the Power ordained by Him. Besides, since they themselves by the Divine bounty are appointed Governors over others, what a madness must it be for them to tolerate such a Doctrine, as would let loose the reigns upon the necks of Men, dissolve their Obedience, and arm the People against themselves? What their present sense is of the Governors of the Church they have manifestly declar'd in the foresaid Writing, viz. That they are convinc'd of the legality of administring Ecclesiastical Affairs, and that the Ministry of the Word, or the Power of the Keys is entertain'd by them with the greatest Veneration.

And now since they understand themselves to be loaded with these and such like Imputations; and being sensible how much it would be for the Publick In­terest, that they, who are Princes of so great prudence and authority, should have a right and regular understanding of the Cause; they were therefore willing, for the better clearing of themselves, to acquaint them throughly with these things in writing, and humbly to intreat them that they would not give Credit to those Calumnies, nor entertain any sinister opinion of them; but that they would keep themselves unprejudic'd, till they have an opportunity given them publickly to clear themselves, which is the thing they most earnestly desire. They likewise beseech them to use their Interest with the Emperor, that, since the greatness of the Cause, and the good of the whole Church requires it, he would convene a free and religious Council in Germany as soon as may be; and that he would not determine too severely against them, till the matter was legally debated and decided.

For that hitherto they had always faithfully discharg'd their Duty to the Em­pire, and that 'tis neither out of covetousness nor petulancy, but for the Glory of God, and in Obedience to his Commands, that they now make Profession of this Doctrine, for which they are call'd in question: And this 'tis that gives them the greater hopes that their Requests will not be rejected by them: For it must needs highly redound to their Honour, if by their Authority and Interposi­tion they could so bring it about, that these Controversies might not be decided by the Sword, but that a right Judgment might be made of things, that so these Distempers might be healed, and the Churches reconcil'd, and no violence offer'd to the Consciences of Men. Lastly, they should esteem it a very signal Favour, if they would let them understand by Letters their Pleasure in this Affair.

In the month of February the Elector of Saxony summon'd all his Allies to make their Appearance at Smalcalde on the 29th day of March, A Convention of the Prote­stants at Smal­calde. there to concert about making a Defence against any Hostile attempt that might be made. These were those Princes and Cities we before mention'd; but the Duke of Saxony being himself ill, sent thither his Son John Frederick. In the former Convention it was agreed upon to solicite Frederick King of Denmark, together with the Saxon and [Page 148] Martime Cities concerning the League. Therefore now at their second meeting, that Transaction is reported, together with what Answer each of them did make. The Dane reply'd, That truly the Doctrine of the Gospel was very dear unto him; but that he had in his Kingdom many Bishops, who were very power­ful as well in Wealth as in their dependencies and conjunction with the Nobility; and therefore it would not be safe for him to enter into the League as King; but however he refus'd not to do it in right of those his Provinces, which held of the Empire. Henry of Mecklenburg excus'd himself upon the account that his Embassadors had subscrib'd the Augustane Decree; however he promis'd that he would not be their Enemy. Bernin Prince of Pomerania said, That he was not at all averse, but that the chief management of affairs was yet wholly in the hands of his elder Brother. The Lubeckers did not decline it, but said it ought to be consider'd that they had been at vast Expences in the War; and if Christiern King of Denmark, who was driven from his Kingdom, should attempt any thing, they desired to know what Assistance they might expect from them. The Lunenburgers declar'd, That they would do whatever should seem good to Ernestus their Prince. The next things that fell under their deliberation were the procuring of Votes for the speedy raising of Forces, the Contribution of mony for the keeping up those Forces, the choice of Commanders, and the admitting those into the League, which were willing to come in; the appointment likewise of Proctors and Advocates, who might answer for them in Court, if any Suit should arise in the Exchequer, either by the Command of the Emperor, or the Solicitation of others. To this branch of the defence George Duke of Branden­burg, together with the Cities of Nuremburg, Camin, and Heilsburg do make themselves Parties, though the League it self they refus'd. It was farther de­creed, That all notorious Enormities should be severely punish'd in each of their Dominions. But before they enter'd into the League, not only the Lawyers, but Divines also were admitted into the Consult. It had indeed been always the Doctrine of Luther, That Magistrates ought not to be resisted, and upon this Subject there was a Book of his Extant. But when the Learned in the Law had in this Consult declar'd, That Resistance is sometimes permitted by the Laws, and had shewn that the present State of affairs was such, as the Laws, in rela­tion to that case, do particularly mention; Luther ingenuously confess'd that indeed he had been ignorant of this Legality: But now since the Gospel, accord­ing to his constant Doctrine, does not militate against, nor abolish political Laws; and since things might so fall out in these perilous and difficult times, that not only the Law it self, but also necessity of Conscience might call upon them to Arm; he therefore pronounces that they may justly make a League in their own defence, if either the Emperor himself, or any body else in his Name, should make War upon them. He likewise publishes a Writing, wherein he expresses how obstinate the Papists had been in the Diet of Auspurg, and then strictly charges all Men not to yield Obedience to those Magistrates that should command their assistance in such a War. And having ript up the many grievous Errors of the Popish Doctrines, he tells them, that whoever list themselves on that side, do take up Arms in defence of those Errors; and this he saies is highly wicked and sinful. Having therefore shewn them how much the minds of Men were in these daies enlightned by the knowledge of the Gospel, he exhorts them to forbear associating themselves in so impious a War.

Some of the Cities had so dealt with those of Zurich, Bern and Basil, that they promis'd not to refuse the League, provided they might be admitted indefinitely without exception to any of their Opinions; which John Frederick promis'd he would report unto his Father. As to what was propounded about providing for their defence, the Cities declare, That they will give in their full Answer in rela­tion to that business in the next Assembly at Franckfort: and as to the creating a King of the Romans the Princes determine, as before, That they will not yield Obe­dience. And since the Emperor had by his Letters commanded them to acknow­ledge Ferdinand for King of the Romans, it was agreed that the Prince of Saxony should in the mean time draw up the Form of an Answer, which should be pro­duc'd in publick at Franckfort; and that then the Cities likewise should declare their Sentiments about creating King Ferdinand. The fourth of June is the day appointed for the Convention of Franckford. In the mean time, during their stay at Smalcalde, News of the Turks Incursi­ons. they receive Letters from the Emperor, to acquaint them, that he is from all parts allarm'd with the news of the Turks design to invade Germany [Page 149] with a mighty Army; his Commands therefore are, that they contribute their Aids without any Exception. They, after the manner of their Ancestors, do de­clare, that they will not decline the sustaining any Charge, or the doing any good Office, which they owe to the Publick; but that he himself must needs know, what was the purport of the Elector of Brandenburg's Speech at the Diet of Au­spurg, which yet he himself did afterwards in some measure qualifie, as likewise what was then and there decreed concerning the Imperial-Chamber; that they then did make it their earnest request that he would by his authority set aside all actions that might be issu'd out from the Imperial-Chamber upon the score of Religion; but being then not able to prevail, they had some few months since renew'd their Requests, both by their Letters and Embassadors; but could obtain no other answer, but what the Palatine Frederick had at length given their Embassadors, viz. That 'twas to no purpose for them to proceed or expect any farther; but that he would at his own leisure consider what answer was fit to be made. This they confess was much beside their expectation, however they could not imagine, but that some time or other something would have been offer'd by way of answer.

Now in that they are urg'd to contribute their assistance against the Turk, be­fore they have made their own Peace at home; the World may easily judge how dangerous and inconsiderate an action it would be in them to part with their own Defences, and as it were ham-string themselves in so difficult a juncture, when they can hardly expect any thing at home but Confiscations and Violence. For should actions be let loose upon them from the Exchequer upon the account of Religion, who can doubt but this would be a direct act of violence? they therefore again and again entreat him, that he would come to some determina­tion at last, and afford them some peace and security, by suspending all Exche­quer actions till the time of a Council; that they on their parts would to the utmost of their power endeavour to discharge their duty not only in this War against the Turks, but also in all other concerns of the Publick. Their farther request is, that he would acquaint them by these Embassadors what his Resoluti­ons are in this affair.

In the month of March, The death of the Archbi­shop of Trier [...]. Richard Archbishop of Triers departed this life, whose authority among the Electors was very considerable, both for his great experience in affairs, and his endeavours after Liberty. There was some suspition of Poison, and one of his Domesticks being put to the Torture, did by his hardiness and constancy escape the danger. At the earnest request which those of Vlm did make to the Senate of Strasburg, Bucer was sent unto them, who by the help of Oecolam­padius and Ambrose Blauret constituted Churches within their Territories, and drew up for them a religious Form.The Queen of Hungary is made Gover­ness of the Netherlands. About this time there came into the Nether­lands Mary the Emperors own Sister, whose Husband, as we said before, was Lewis King of Hungary. She was by the Emperor substituted Governess of all those Provinces in the room of Margaret his Aunt, lately deceased. There was a Con­test between Clement the Seventh and Alfonsus Duke of Ferrara about Regiun and Modena, The Emperor is made Um­pire between the Pope and the Duke of Ferrara. which by mutual consent they submitted to the Arbitration of the Em­peror; who, being at this time in the Low Countries, pronounces for the Duke of Ferrara.

The King of France on the 21 of April returns this answer to the Letters which were sent him from the Princes and Cities. That there is nothing which he more heartily wishes for,The King of France his Answer to the Protestants. than the Peace of Europe, and that he is not a little pleas'd to find their Inclinations that way, and that to this end they desire a Council may be call'd, which to him seems not only convenient but necessary. For where ever mention is made of healing the Publick Breaches, there 'tis always his judgment, that they cannot possibly lay a firmer Foundation for it, than by calling in the Blessed Spirit, that gracious discoverer of Truth, to their assistance: and would but the rest come to this Resolution; was there but a place free from all danger or suspicion set apart for the Council, where every one might have liberty to speak freely his Opinion, and where no allowance should be giv'n to prejudice, then indeed they might reasonably hope for a prosperous Issue. As to the Concern they have lest he should be alienated from them by the false Crimina­tions of their Adversaries, they have no reason to fear; for it had been his con­stant custom not to pronounce any thing rashly, even against the Reputation of his Enemies,: But since there is so close and so ancient a Friendship between the Kings of France and the Princes of the Empire, what a grand Barbarity would [Page 150] it be to entertain any sinister opinion against these his Friends and Allies, before their Cause is heard? Now how great a value he sets upon this ancient Alliance, is visible from hence, that ev'n when there is War between him and the Em­peror, the Germans and Citizens of the Empire have always found an open ingress into France, and a regress from thence, where they have the advantage of Trading as freely as if they were at home; so that France may properly be call'd A Man­sion of the Princes and Citizens of Germany. These Priviledges are very well known, and yet they are not so great, but that he will take an opportunity much to enlarge them for their sakes, especially if, according to their Declaration, they will stand to the Decrees of a religious and free Council. For that the Con­troversie (as they desire) may be decided rather by Arguments than the Sword, seems to him not only most equitable, but also most safe for the Publick, which must needs be brought into a most miserable condition, should the matter come to be determin'd by Arms.

What he speaks concerning the Affinity between Germany and France, How the French and Germans come to be akin. is thus made out. The German Franks that were Borderers upon Schwaben, having made an Irruption, and over-run those of Triers, Kesel, Morini, Hainault, Amiens, Beau­vais and Soissons, set down at length in that part of Gaul, which from them was called France and retains it's name till this very time, of which Province Paris is the Capital City. And when many of their Kings had reigned there by Suc­cession, and enlarg'd their Borders, the Government at length descended to King Pipin and his Son Charles, who for the vastness of his Exploits was call'd The Great; How Charles the Great was saluted Empe­ror. he, when he was the fourth time at Rome, was by the Pope and all the People saluted August Emperor, and took Possession of Germany, Italy and France; his Son Lewis also, and those that descended from him, were Kings of France. Hither it is therefore that King Francis traces his Original, and derives his Pedigree from the Stock of the Franks. The same Wheedle he some years since made use of, when after the death of Maximilian he affected the Imperial Dig­nity. For knowing that the ascent to this Honour was precluded to all Foreign­ers by an ancient Law, he had a mind this way to demonstrate himself to be a German. But the truth of it is, the last King of France of the Male-Line of Charles the Great was Lewis the Fifth,Lewis the Fifth the last of Charle's Race. who died without Children in the year of our Lord 988, when the Possession of the Kingdom had been in that Family for the space of 238 years. After his death the right of Succession devolv'd to Charles Duke of Lorain, Uncle to Lewis by the Father's side: but Hugh Capet, said to be Earl of Paris (whose Mother through a long Genealogy trac'd her Kindred up to Charles the Great) having vanquish'd and taken the Duke of Lorain, Hugh Capet In­vades the Kingdom. in­vaded the Kingdom, and transmitted it to his Son Robert, whose Male-Issue was continued down by Succession ev'n to this Francis. There are some who affirm, that this Capet was of a very mean and obscure Parentage; but most Historians deny that, and ascribe unto him the same Original, that I have done.

Henry▪ the Eighth King of England return'd his Answer on the third of May, That he was to his great Satisfaction inform'd by them,The King of England's An­swer to the Protestants. that their great aim and design was to heal the Distempers of the Church, and procure a Reforma­tion of those things, which either through the naughtiness or ignorance of men had been deprav'd and corrupted, without doing any injury to Religion, or disturbing the Publick Peace. That he takes it very kindly, that they had in their Letters giv'n him a Scheme of the whole Action: for there had been a Report rais'd to their disadvantage, as if they gave Protection to certain mad Men, who endeavour'd to confound and level all things. But that he had giv'n no Credit to these Reports, as well because Christian Charity so requir'd, as because he judg'd it impossible that such Crimes could stick to such illustrious, wise, and noble Persons. And though he never would have believed any of those things which were thus reported of them without a certain demonstration, yet he is very glad to see them take this method of clearing themselves, because it confirms that judgment and opinion he always had of them. As to their de­sire of rectifying Abuses, in that they may expect both his, and all good Men's concurrence with their Endeavours: For such is the condition of Humane affairs, that as in the body Natural, so likewise in the Politick, and in all publick Ad­ministrations, there is almost a continual occasion for remedies. Those Physi­cians therefore deserve the greatest Applause, who so apply their Medicines as to heal the Wound, or cure the Disease, without exasperating the parts; and he does not doubt but their Endeavours have such a tendencies as this. How­ever [Page 151] they ought diligently to beware of a sort of Men, who aim at Innovations, and Preach up Levelling Principles, and endeavour to render Magistracy con­temptible; for that he lately met with some persons of this Leaven within his own Dominions, who were come thither out of Germany. And since they make men­tion in their Letters of the Reverence due to Magistrates, he therefore gives them this short advice, that they would not open a gap to any Licentiousness this way; and if they use but a sufficient Caution in this Point, their Endeavours after a Reformation will prove a kindness of the highest Import to the Publick. As for a publick Council, there is nothing which he more desires; and his Prayers to God are, that he would inspire the hearts of the Princes with care and diligence in that Affair: That he hopes all things well of them, and there is nothing which he would refuse for their sake; he will likewise earnestly inter­cede with the Emperor, that some terms of Accommodation may be found out, and in this business he will so behave himself, as they at their several oppor­tunities shall judge most convenient.

When at the day appointed they were assembled at Frankfort, The Opinions of the Cities concerning a King of the Romans. the Embassa­dors of the Cities, according to appointment, declare their Sentiments concern­ing the Creation of a King of the Romans. That after mature deliberation they conclude it not at all advisable to raise an unnecessary Squabble, or create to themselves danger about giving the Title to King Ferdinand. For as long as the Emperor is alive, and within the Bounds of his Empire, the whole Sove­reign Power is in his Hands; but in his absence, the chief Administration indeed falls upon Ferdinand; but still he must execute in the Emperor's Name, and as his Substitute. That they had several times offer'd, as much as lay in their Power, a resignation of all their Affairs to the Emperor: and should they now oppose the creation of a King, they must expect that most Men would upbraid them with the falseness and vanity of their promise, and so upon that account be­come their enemies; and thus they should draw upon them the enmity of many, who otherwise upon the score of their Religion would never have acted against them. There is likewise great danger lest others should by these Measures be deterr'd from entring into the League, who might otherwise have comply'd. For these Reasons they think it is not safe for them to oppose Ferdinand in this business. They will therefore carry themselves indifferent as to the matter of the Election, which way soever it goes. But should Ferdinand Command any thing contrary to the Word of God, they will then by no means obey; and should he make any forceable Attempts, they will then act according to the form of the League, and contribute all they can towards a Defence.

But the Princes write thus to the Emperor and to Ferdinand; that they cannot possibly approve of any thing that is acted contrary to the Customs and Liberty of the Empire, and therefore cannot confer upon him the Title of King of the Romans. But the Duke of Saxony adds this in his Letters to the Emperor, That if the matter be carry'd on in a legal way, he will not shew himself unlike his Ancestors.The reason why the Swit­zers are not admitted into the League. Concerning the admittance of the Helvetians into the League, which the Cities very much desire, the Duke gives in this Answer by his Embassadors; that he cannot enter into any Society with them, because they entertain a diffe­rent Opinion concerning the Lord's Supper. He is not indeed ignorant of how great consequence their Accession would be upon the account of their Strength and Power; but this is what he least of all regards, lest the event thereof should prove as dismal, as is recorded in Scripture to have faln upon them, who for the strengthning of themselves, had recourse to any sort of unlawful Assistances.

During this Assembly there were Letters brought from the Duke of Saxony and the Lantgrave, to the Embassadors of the other Princes and Cities, the Con­tents of which were to this effect: That the Emperor had permitted the Bishop of Mentz and Lewis the Prince Palatine to be Mediators of a Peace, who by their Letters had desir'd that they likewise on their parts would give them the same permission, and that then they would appoint a day for a Meeting. After some deliberation the Embassadors do return their consent; and then the Lant­grave and the Duke of Saxony make the Mediators this Answer, That they are not against the Expedient, provided the Exchequer will be quiet in the mean time; this therefore being obtain'd of the Emperor, they appoint the 30th of August for the day of Meeting. The Cities which had their Embassadors in this Convention were these; Strasburg, Vlm, Lubesk, Nuremburg, Constance, Rutelingen, [Page 152] Memmingen, Lindaw, Bibrach, Isenach, Kempen, Hailbrun, Magdeburg, Bremen, Brunswick and Gottingen.

Wigand Bishop of Bamburg had some years before made a Complaint to his Associates of the Schwaben Confederacy against George Duke of Brandenburg, The Contro­versie be­tween the Bi­shop of Bam­burg and the Duke of Bran­denburg. the substance of which was this; That he had disturb'd him in his Ecclesiastical Rights, that he had very much sunk his Customs, that he had converted the Revenues of the Church to other uses, and forc'd the Priests into this Novel and false Religion, or else ejected them for their non-compliance. All which things are not only a Violation of the Pope's and Emperor's Edicts, but also of com­mon Equity and the Laws of the Country; and since he highly suffers by them, he desires, that they would either by their Interest and Authority reduce him to his Duty, or else afford him such Assistance, as they are oblig'd to by the League, whereby he may be inabled for the time to come to defend his own, and recover what he had lost. But when after various Disputes, a day was appointed for the hearing of this Cause at Nordlingen, the Embassadors of the Protestants, at the Brandenburger's entreaty, came thither in the month of July. With the Bishop of Bamburg were the Bishops of Auspurg, Wurtzburg and Aichstadt, as his Assist­ants and Counsellors. The Plaintiff puts in his Charge, wherein he sets forth how great Injury and Damage he had sustain'd; and withal declares, that not­withstanding the Associates of the League had under a penalty commanded the Defendant to desist from his Undertaking, and to restore the Plaintiff to his own, yet nothing as yet had been effected. He therefore prays that he may be proceeded against according to the Prescript of the League. The Defendant on the other side demurs to that part of the Charge which properly belongs to Reli­gion and Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction,The Elector of Branden­burg's Appeal to a Council. and Appeals from their Edicts and Decrees to a Council. But they after some days intermission, reply that they very much wonder, he should put in such an Appeal as this; because it is unusual and against the Prescript of the League, which takes care, that the Plaintiff and Defendant shall be both concluded by the Determination of select Judges: That in this they had all agreed, to defend the Ecclesiastical Liberties, and therefore the Cogni­zance of this Cause does properly belong to them. And since He himself had hitherto without any exception acknowledged their Jurisdiction, with what rea­son could he now reject it? As for a Council, they are not by any means to be superseded by that, nor ought the Preference to be giv'n unto it in this matter: for these reasons therefore they do not accept his Appeal, but proceed to confirm their former Edicts; and if he will not yield Obedience, they declare that they must proceed against him according to the Stipulation. The Defendant on the contrary protests, that he will stick to his Appeal in what relates to the Eccle­siastical Jurisdiction, nor will he take any notice of their Sentence. This Cause was managed by the Duke of Brandenburg, both in his own Name, and upon the account of his Nephew Albert, Son to his Brother Casimire, whose Guardian he was.

In the mean time the Emperor appoints a Diet of the Empire to convene at Spiers upon the Sixth of September, A Diet ap­pointed at Spiers. for the composing of Religious Differences: But upon the 21th of August there came to the Duke of Saxony the Counts of Nassaw and the Count de Newenar, Men of great Reputation for their Vertue; and being permitted by the Emperor to treat of a Reconciliation,Arbitrators for a Peace apply them­selves to the Duke of Saxo­ny. they to that end lay down five Propositions, relating to the Supper of our Lord, Ecclesiastical Rites, the Goods of the Church, Assistance against the Turk, and the Election of King Ferdinand. But when it appear'd from their Discourse, that the Em­peror lay under a perswasion, as if the Duke was a Favourer both of Zuinglius his Doctrin and of the Anabaptists: His answer was, That 'tis sufficiently known from the Augustine Confession what kind of Doctrin it is which he professes, and which the Ministers within his Dominions do Preach in the Churches: That 'tis farther plain, that while he was at the Diet of Auspurg, he had held no Correspondence with those who are reputed Zuinglians; nor yet afterwards, till they had giv'n him an explication of their Opinion: That he still continues in the same mind, and shall, by the Grace of God, till his last breath, persist in that Doctrin, of which he made profession at Auspurg: he therefore prays, that, as to that point, they will vindicate him to the Emperor. They tell him that, as for their parts, they were before very well satisfied of his Innocence, and will therefore do him justice to the Emperor, to whom they doubt not but this will prove very pleasing and acceptable News. As to the other Propositions, they [Page 153] were pleas'd to refer them to the next Imperial Diet. However they intreated him that he would either come himself in Person to that Diet, or at least send thither his Son. His Answer was, that truly he was desirous in all things to oblige the Emperor, but that he was now very aged, and altogether unfit to undertake a Journey; besides he had in reserve several weighty Reasons why he could neither come himself,Upon what Conditions the Duke of Saxo­ny will come to the next Diet. nor yet send his Son thither, for he had met both at Spiers and Auspurg with some things, which were none of the best Presidents; so that unless the Emperor would publickly pass his Word for the safety both of himself and his Friends, they could by no means make their Appearance. Besides, in what place soever he was, he could not be without the Doctrin of the Gospel, and Preaching of the Word of God; nor could he endure that in the matter of Diet any difference of meats should be prescrib'd unto him. Now if the design was to treat about Religion, the very nature of the thing requir'd, that he should bring Luther and other Divines along with him, for whom he like­wise expected a convenient Security. Moreover he had often apply'd himself to the Emperor, that he might be inaugurated into his Government according to the Custom of the Empire, as likewise for several other things, none of which he could ever obtain, notwithstanding many specious Promises had been pass'd upon him. Nay Frederick the Palatine had by the Emperor's Command return'd him such an answer to his Demands in the last Diet at Auspurg, as did let him plainly see that his Imperial Majesty had great Resentments against him, which he had but little deserv'd. For these reasons he thinks it not safe for him to make his appearance there. However would but the Emperor by their Mediation grant him these Requests before the sitting of the Diet, he promises not to absent himself.

About the later end of August the Embassadors of the Elector of Mentz and the Prince Palatine arrive at Smalcalde, The Elector of Mentz and the Prince Pa­latine send Embassadors to the Prote­stants. and there express to the Protestants Embassadors how tender a regard their Princes have for their Country and the Publick good. For since the Diet at Auspurg was broken up before the differen­ces could be adjusted, they, considering how great dangers might arise from such Dissentions, could not rest till they had obtain'd leave from the Emperor to be the Mediators of a Peace: To which end they think it the best way to concert those things again, which could not be decided at Auspurg, and so to begin there now, where they left off then. To this the others made answer, That their Masters were ignorant what Proposals would be made, and so had not giv'n them any certain and determinate Commission how to act, but had only command­ed them to return to them in writing the Propositions that should be laid down: so that if they now pleas'd to make their Proposals, they would act therein ac­cording to their Masters Commands. They on the other side do again largely rhetoricate about their Princes affection to their Country, and wonder that, since their requests about the Exchequer are obtain'd; they should not be furnish'd with a larger Power to act, especially in those things which could not be deter­min'd at Auspurg; but if they must stick there, and cannot stretch their Com­mission any further, it will prove a matter highly disagreeable both to the Em­peror and their Masters. On the other side 'tis reply'd, That they are not to be blam'd upon this account. For since the Mediators had propounded no par­ticular method of Treaty, but had only spoke of Peace in general; their Orders could not well be otherwise. And then for the debating of such Matters as these, it is necessary that Divines and Men of Learning be made use of, to whose Function it belongs. Since therefore they were ignorant of what nature the Treaty would be, they pray that they may not be misunderstood, and that they will excuse them to the Emperor, if need so require; and their earnest desire is, that they will in the mean time lay down some terms of agreement. Their Answer again is, that they might easily have collected from the Letters sent to the Duke of Saxony and the Lantgrave of what nature the Treaty was like to be. That 'tis none of their design to meddle with religious Dogmas; but since they themselves desire an Accommodation till such time as a Council may be call'd, they are therefore willing to enter into discourse with them, that so they may come in the mean time to some resolution about those Opinions which are as yet undecided; that they have indeed Orders to treat about these things, and to try which way a Peace, or at least a Truce, may be establish'd; which 'tis impossible to effect, before they come to some determination about the Points in Controversie. But if they are not permitted by their Commission to meddle [Page 154] in these things; yet however they ought to point out what they think to be the best and most convenient Expedient for accomodating the business. They re­turn for answer, that there was nothing found in the Letters, which did signifie any Conditions of the future Treaty: and as to their desire of knowing what is to be done (till a Council shall be call'd) in relation to those Points which are not yet determin'd, they do not see how they can come to any resolution in that matter, unless it be first demonstrated from Scripture what is Pious and True, what Impious and Fictitious; for the effecting of which, this is by no means a proper place. For both the Writing which they exhibited at Auspurg, and also the Answer unto it were of a considerable bulk, and contain'd a great many things, for the handling of which, Men well skill'd in Divinity ought to be made use of. But for them to appoint some Expedient for a Reconciliation, they conceive it not to be their Duty, since they stand upon the defensive part. In the Diet of Auspurg the Emperor had often been solicited for Peace, and afterwards too both by Letters and Embassadors more than once; and they now do earnestly desire the same thing. 'Tis reply'd on the other side, That they think the Expedient, which they before had mention'd, to be very proper; but since they say that they have no Orders to act in that matter, they will not urge it any farther. However they think it not advisable to break up after this manner, and since the Emperor, at the Intercession of their Princes, had granted a Cessation, they think it may not be improper to appoint a certain day, upon which the Princes themselves, together with the Embassadors of the Cities, may have a Meeting. And since a Diet of the Empire is shortly to be held at Spiers, where without question the Emperor, and the rest of the States, will be present, what if they should agree to meet together there some time before the Diet; the doing of which may possibly procure the Cessation to be continued for some longer time, however it seems absolutely necessary that one Point be particularly consider'd, namely how every Magistrate ought in the mean time to behave himself as well towards his own Subjects as Strangers. But if after all they will not appear there unless the Publick Faith be giv'n for their Security, although they think there is no need of it, yet they question not but the Mediators will easily obtain it of the Emperor. The Protestants reply, That they had already acquainted them how far their Commission reach'd, namely that whatever Propositions should be made, they should carry them home in writing: and therefore they have no Power to act in those Affairs which they desire, or to propound any other Methods of agreement. As for their Princes, they are great Lovers of Peace, and all their Counsels are directed that way, as may easily be manifested from their former Actions. That they themselves are likewise of the same mind, and do acknowledge it to be their duty to labour for the advancement of the Health and Happiness of the Publick. When nothing else could be done, they at last agreed upon meeting at Spiers upon such a day as the Mediators should think fit; but first they are to understand the pleasure of the Duke of Saxony and the Lantgrave, who at the first opportunity are to return their Opinions in that matter, both in their own names, and the names of their Allies. This De­cree was made on the second day of September.

But in the beginning of October the Duke of Saxony and the Lantgrave dispatch their Answer in writing to the Elector of Mentz and the Prince Palatine,The Duke of Saxony and the Lantgrave's Letters to the Arbitrators. wherein they shew from the example of the former Treaty, that nothing can be done to any purpose in relation to the matters propos'd without the assistance of Divines: As for themselves they still persist in that Religion, of which they made profession at Auspurg. And since almost in every Diet, not only in the absence of the Emperor, but also of late when he was present, a Council had been pro­mis'd, and promis'd too with such an Air, as if it was to have been call'd, and to begin its Session soon after the breaking up of the Diet: They now hope that the Emperor will take care to procure one in Germany with all speed. Then and there both they and their Associates shall make a larger Explication of their Doctrin, and shall omit nothing that may make for a pious Reconciliation. But for the prevention of Tumults in the Empire, their earnest and hearty desire is that they will prevail with the Emperor to suffer those to live in peace, who either are already Professors of the Evangelical Doctrin, or shall hereafter make Profession of it, till such time as the Decrees and Authority of a legal Council shall intervene. Now if they shall think fit to treat about Articles of Peace, and shall appoint a day for that purpose, they will send thither their Embassadors. [Page 155] But if any one thinks that there still remains any Error at the bottom of that Doctrin which they exhibited at Auspurg, and shall evince the same; or if he cannot do that, shall submit himself to the Testimony of Holy Scriptures, it will prove a matter highly agreeable both to them and their Confederates. If for this end the Emperor shall prefix a day for a meeting at Spiers; if he will vouch­safe a convenient Security to them and their Friends, and likewise to Luther, whom among other Ministers of the Church they will bring along with them; if he will permit the Word of God to be freely and publickly Preach'd, and the Supper of our Lord to be administred according to Christ's Institution; and if he will not oblige them to any distinction of Meats; then they will either come thi­ther themselves, or else send their Embassadors with necessary Orders; and then before the Eyes of all they will give in a rational Explication of their Doctrin. But if in that Assembly this Confession of their Faith cannot be refuted from Holy Scripture, then they hope that the Emperor will stir no more in this mat­ter, but suffer them quietly to enjoy their Religion. Now because they have Appeal'd to a legal Council, and nothing has as yet been found in their Doctrin repugnant to the Word of God; and since it is evident both from Law and Custom, that, during an Appeal, the Appellant ought not to be rigorously proceeded against; they have good confidence that the Emperor, at their Intercession espe­cially, will preserve the Peace of Germany.

We have spoke before of a Diet of the Empire to be held at Spiers on the Sixth of September, The Diet ap­pointed to be held at Ratis­bon. but the Emperor being certified by several Letters and Mes­sengers of the Turks Preparations, he Adjourns it till the next January, and sets out Ratisbon for the place, because that is so much nearer to Austria, where he foresaw the Seat of the War would be.

We have shewn in the Sixth Book how the War,A quarrel a­mong the Switzers. which above two years ago those of Bern and Zurich were about to make upon the five Confederate Cantons, was prevented by the Interposition of the neighbouring Cities. This year the Sore was rub'd up afresh, and these two Cities, having possess'd themselves of all their Passages and Avenues, would not suffer any Provisions to be carry'd unto them. This happen'd about the Summer Solstice, and now the face of things look­ing as if some great Storm was approaching, the King of France, together with those of Glarys, Articles of Peace pro­pounded. Friburg, Soleurre and Appenzel, after their Mediation, and after a long Debate, they propound these Articles; That the remembrance of all Reproaches be laid aside, and such things forborn for the future, and that the Calumniators be at present pardon'd; that those who were banish'd for the sake of Religion be recall'd; that the five Cantons may indeed retain their own Religion, but however they shall not forbid their People the reading both of the Old and New Testament; that no Molestation be giv'n to the Associates of Zurich and Bern; and that they afford one another mutual Assistances. These Overtures being made in vain, those of Zurich and Bern do publish a Writing, wherein they declare that they had been forc'd by great and manifold Injuries to put a stop, as they had done, to the Provisions of their Adversaries; and since they had rejected the Conditions of Peace which were propounded by the Mediators, and by that means giv'n a plain demonstration of their Hostile Intentions;The five Can­tons are hin­dred from Pro­visions. since they had violated the Agreement made some years before, wherein it was pro­vided, that no body should be put upon for the sake of Religion; they think they may very lawfully hinder them from Victuals. If therefore any Distur­bance shall arise from hence, it ought to be laid at their doors, who are in love with nothing so much as Quarrels. This was done upon the ninth day of Sep­tember. The War breaks out be­tween them. But when those of the five Cantons were very much press'd with the want of Necessaries, having privately hired Forces, they march'd out on the ninth of October, and arrived at the Confines of Zurich with greater celerity than could be imagin'd; In these Coasts those of Zurich had planted a Guard of above a thousand Soldiers; who upon the approach of the Enemy gave notice to those in the City by several Messengers to fly with all speed to their assistance; but such was the Expedition of the Enemy, that they could not come in so opportunely to their Relief; for having got upon the top of a Mountain, over which they were to pass, they beheld from thence their Friends in the Valley beneath very hardly press'd, and in a dangerous condition; having therefore encourag'd one another, they made a confused descent from the Mountain, the nature of which was such,Those of Zu­rich are van­quish'd. that they could not pass above one at a time. Being therefore not able to draw up all their Forces, they were over-whelm'd with [Page 156] multitudes, and having lost many of their Men, they at last turn'd their backs. This happen'd upon the 11th day of October. Among the number of the slain Zuinglius was found.Zuinglius is slain. For the custom of Zurich is such, that upon any Expedi­tion, the principal Minister of their Church goes out along with them. Now Zuinglius who was in his own nature a very stout and couragious Man, consider'd likewise with himself, that if he should stay at home, and the battel should go against them, he must needs draw upon himself a great Odium for animating other Men by his Preaching, and yet shrinking back himself in the time of dan­ger, he therefore resolv'd to run the common risque. They us'd his dead body very barbarously, which shew'd that their revenge could not be satisfy'd ev'n with his death. He was aged 44 years, being four years younger than Luther. There was a Comet seen almost all the month of August, and about that time died Lovice Mother to the King of France, she was Sister by the Father's side to Charles Duke of Savoy.

Those of Bern, who were to make War upon Ʋnderwalt, having understood the misfortune, send to encourage their Friends of Zurich, and to promise their assistance, assuring them that they will shortly be with them with all their Forces, desiring that it might be left to them to revenge their Quarrel. But when upon a meeting, which was held about eight days after the battel, they of Bern ap­pear'd somewhat slack in performance; the people of Zurich having receiv'd Aids from Basil, Schaffhausen, Suntgaw and Mulhausen, draw out from their whole Body some select Troops; who Marching out in the night do plant themselves in a Mountain near Memmingen, that so they might be ready, as soon as the Moon was up, to make an effort, and surprise on a suddain the City Zug. But the Enemy, who lay encampt not far off, having notice of the Project, flew to their Arms with all speed, and marching before it was light, came upon them unawares, setting up mighty Shouts and Cries for the greater incussion of Terror. This was upon the 20th of October. Those of Zu­rich again de­feated. Many were on both sides kill'd; and though the five Cantons had the better of it, yet those of Zurich would not in the least abate of their zeal for Religion. At length a Peace being made up through the mediation of Friends, this, among other Articles, was inserted, That those of Zurich, Bern and Basil, should depart from that League which they had lately made with the City of Strasburg and the Lantgrave, and that the five Cantons should do the same with Ferdinand. And thus having drawn up Instruments which did mutually oblige them, the Confederacy was on both sides dissolv'd. Towards the end of November OEcolampadius departed this life.OEcolampadius dies. He had conceiv'd an extraordinary grief at the death of Zuinglius, which was thought to have heightned his Distem­per, there having been an intimate familiarity betwixt them: He was aged 49 years. There are some Exercitations of his extant upon the Prophets, which are highly approv'd of by the Learned.

On the 19th of December▪ the Protestant Embassadors met again at Frankfort, and there came to an Agreement for a mutual Defence, which was the only thing they wanted. In this Convention those of Gossar, Emberk and Embden were ad­mitted into the League, as those of Esling had been a little before. But George Duke of Brandenburg was absent, as were likewise the Embassadors of Nuremburg, Camin and Heilsburg, who, though they profess'd the same Doctrin, yet as we hinted before, were averse to the League. The Emperor leaving the Low-Coun­tries in the beginning of January, 1532. directed his Journey towards Ratisbon, in order to hold a Diet there, as we have said before. Having in his way thither, ar­rived at Mentz on the last day of January, the Archbishop of Mentz and the Prince Palatine intercede with him again for Peace; about which when he had permitted them to hold a Treaty; they sent advise to the Duke of Saxony and the Lantgrave, that they would likewise give their Concurrence. Wherefore after some intercourse of Letters, it was agreed that a Convention should be held in the beginning of April at Schwinfurt, a Town of the Empire situated upon the Main. Here they began to treat about establishing a Peace till the sitting of a Council. The mediating Princes were there present themselves, and by the Emperors Order laid before them these Injunctions, That they should Innovate, Teach,Conditions of a Pacification laid down by the Arbitra­tors. and Publish nothing about Religion, besides the Writing that was exhi­bited at Auspurg; but should keep themselves within those bounds till such time as a Council should sit▪ That they should not hold Communication with the Zuing­lians, or the Anabaptists; lest under the pretext of Religion they should draw over to them, and receive under their Protection the Subjects of another State. [Page 157] That they should not suffer any of their own Subjects to teach without the limits of their Dominions: That they forbear all Reproaches, and give no disturbance to the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, or to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church: That they Contribute their assistance against the Turks, and that they be Obe­dient to those Decrees which respect the Publick Good, and the administration of the Empire: That they be Obedient to the Emperor and the King of the Romans, and that they dissolve whatever League has been made against the Emperor, the King, or those States that are of a different Religion. If they will comply in these things they hope that both the Emperor and the King will lay aside all Resentments that have been formerly occasion'd. The Duke of Saxony being detain'd by Indisposition, had sent thither John Frederick his Son; there were likewise present Francis Duke of Lunenburg and Ainhault; as likewise the Embassa­dors of the other Princes and Cities, to whom were lately added the Cities of Nortingen and Hall and Suabe. After things had been long debated, the Media­ting Princes dispatch'd in writing all the Transactions to the Emperor, who was holding his Diet at Ratisbone, to the end that they might understand what his Pleasure was. As to that Proposition which requir'd that the Duke of Saxony and his Allies should yield Obedience to the King of the Romans, they commit to writing, and deliver to the Mediators upon the 17th day of April, what 'tis they desire and expect from the Emperor in relation to that Affair; requesting that King Ferdinand would wave his design, and not carry himself as King of the Romans. But if the Emperor shall think that he has occasion for a Coadjutor, that then being assisted by the sense and counsel of the Electoral Princes,Or the Law of Charles the Fourth. he should Interpret the Caroline Law, and by his Edict give it a perpetual Sanction, which, according to the rules of Justice, ought to run to this purpose, viz. That hereafter no King of the Romans be chosen during the life of the Emperor,The condition of creating a King of the Romans. unless first the Electors and six other Princes of the Empire shall judge it fit to be done: And when it shall plainly appear to them that 'tis for the advantage of the Publick, then the Elector of Mentz shall Summon his Colleagues together, with the other six Princes, to some convenient place, there to deliberate further about the Affair; and when they have throughly weigh'd and discuss'd the Matter, then the Electoral Princes alone, with the addition of the King of Bohemia, shall have the Power of cre­ating a King: That the King of the Romans, thus chosen while the Emperor is alive, shall not manage the Publick Administration in his own Name, but in the Emperor's; nor shall he arrogate any Power or Dominion to himself. That the Princes and States of the Empire shall not be bound in any Oath or Promise unto him till after the death of the Emperor. Upon the creation of a new King there shall no Oath be taken, but according to the tenour of the Caroline Law; nor shall it be in the Power of the Electors to alter that Form: And whoever shall be convicted of acting contrary to that Oath, or shall be under a violent suspicion of so doing, and yet not be able to clear him, he shall be depriv'd of his Electoral right for ever. Moreover, for the avoiding of Prescription, three Kings shall not be successively created out of the same Family; and no Man shall be created King of the Romans, who does not descend from some Family of the Princes of Germany. That neither the Emperor nor the King of the Romans shall endeavour to alter, what the Caroline Law has ratify'd about the creation of a King. When the Electors shall see it convenient to create a King, they shall be under no necessity of giving notice before-hand to the Emperor; nor may he in that Case issue out his Orders to the Elector of Mentz to Convene the rest of the Electors; but when they shall appear just and substantial Reasons for the Creation of a King during the life of the Emperor; then the Archbishop of Mentz shall Summon in his Colleagues to appear at Franckfort, upon an ap­pointed day: nor shall it be in his Power to appoint any other place for their Meeting, unless the Colleagues shall for weighty Reasons allow of it. The Elector of Mentz may not, without the consent of his Colleagues, demand the Crown and Scepter, and other Imperial Ensigns from the City of Nuremburg. Nor shall he cut off any thing from that in three months space, which is allowed to the Princes for their meeting together, after they are Summon'd; for it might prove much to the prejudice of the Publick, should the streightness of time occa­sion the absence of one or two of them. While the Electors are upon their Con­sultation at Franckfort, every body else shall be excluded. If any Breach shall be made in these Conditions, then the Electors shall not be oblig'd to appear [Page 158] there, or to make any stay; and whatsoever shall there be transacted by them, shall be accounted void. Neither the Emperor nor the King of the Romans shall suffer the Arms of the Electors to be display'd in Italy, France, or other foreign Parts, or their proper Offices to be supply'd, but by themselves or their Em­bassadors. The King of the Romans shall not accept his final Inauguration, but in the presence of the Electors or their Embassadors. Neither the Emperor nor the King may hinder the Embassadors of Foreign Kings and Princes from coming to the Imperial Diets, and there propounding their business; for this is not only consonant to the Law of Nations, but is also full of Humanity and Civility. Neither the Emperor nor the King of the Romans shall assume to himself any peculiar Power of judging in such Causes, as may be depending between the Princes of the Empire, but shall suffer them to be legally try'd in the place where they ought. That the Emperor be careful to Maintain those things which concern the Glory, Honour, and Safety of the Princes and the Empire, and which he has faithfully promis'd to observe; and that he rectifie whatever has been acted otherwise; and that it be provided by a Law, That, whoever is King of the Romans, he shall observe the same things. If the Emperor will explain and confirm the Caroline Law in this sense, the Duke of Saxony promises that he will not be wanting to his Duty, whenever the Good of the Publick shall re­quire such a Consultation: but if the mediating Princes cannot obtain this of the Emperor, he will not however decline a legal Trial, provided that King Ferdi­nand does not in the mean time assume to himself, or Usurp the administration of the Affairs of the Empire, or any other Authority, especially over them, or over the two Brothers William and Lewis, Princes of Bavaria. But if they can­not obtain so much as this, then their Request is, That the Emperor would be pleas'd to give them a publick Audience in an Assembly of the Princes and other States; where they will demonstrate, upon what just and weighty Reasons it is, that they cannot approve of this Election. And now since they understand, that they have, upon the account of this their non-compliance, incurr'd the suspicion of Rebellion, not only with the Emperor, but also among Foreign Kings and People, they therefore earnestly desire that the Emperor would not take it amiss, if they make known the reasons of this their action to all Men, not only through Germany, but also beyond the Limits of the Empire; for this they find 'tis but necessary for them to do.

Among other things it has been said, That the Electors are to swear according to the tenour of Charles the Fourth his Law. Now the thing is thus; When they are come to Franckfort, The form of the Oath which is taken by the Ele­ctors accord­ing to the Ca­roline Law. having perform'd their Devotion, they go up to the Altar, and laying their hands upon a consecrated Book, as they call it, they, in a set Form of words, most religiously swear by that Faith which they owe both to God and the Empire, that they will choose such a chief Magistrate of the Christian Commonwealth, as they think to be worthy of so great a Charge, and who is every way fit and qualify'd for it, as far as the best of their skill and understanding will give them leave to judge; and that this they do without the prepossession of any Bargain, Gift, Reward or Promise. Now the reason, that the two Brothers of Bavaria were inserted in the number,The Princes of Bavaria op­pose the Ele­ction of King Ferdinand. is this: They among the rest had oppos'd the Election of King Ferdinand, and having communicated their Counsels with the Duke of Saxony, the Lantgrave, and the King of France, they enter'd into the League for the defence of the Liberties of Germany: And the King of France had deposited 100000 Crowns in the hands of the two Brothers, that they might be in a readiness when occasion would serve.

The Mediating Princes upon the 20th of April return an Answer to those things which we have recited.The Arbitra­tors Answer to the Prote­stants. That 'tis for the sake of Peace and Concord that they negotiate this Affair; nor could they think, that such things as these would have been propounded by them. Now that a King of the Romans should be chosen whilst the Emperor is in being, they have many weighty Reasons to urge, which reasons have been formerly made use of to John Frederick, who was then his Fathers Embassador, and should now, if the matter so requir'd, be more copiously explain'd. But since they are not alone concern'd in this business, but likewise the Emperor, the King, and the other Princes their Colleagues; they will not debate this Point any longer, but leave it undecided, that so they may come with greater ease to the accommodating of other things, as the occasion of this Assembly does require. However if it be expected that they should give them and their Allies a reason for what they do, they will not decline the trial, [Page 159] and they question not but they shall back their Cause with such Proofs, as will not admit of any Exception. But now if an account of these things should be brought to the Emperor, they are very much afraid that they will be so far from taking any place there, that they will rather prove an occasion of interrupting at least this Pacifick Treaty, if not of wholly taking it away.

To the end therefore that a Truce and Reconciliation may be brought about as well in relation to the matter of Religion, as to that of the Election, and that there may not be a separation between those two Points, they earnestly in­treat the two Princes of Saxony, the Father and Son, that they will have some regard to themselves in this Affair, and depart from their Resolution. For then they have reason to hope, that both the Emperor and King will abundantly take care, that this Election shall never be prejudicial either to them or their Heirs. Nay they doubt not but they will lay aside all Resentment, and afford their Favour to them all, especially to the Duke of Saxony, in promoting that business which he now solicits, and ev'n in the Cause of Religion, as far as 'tis possible to be done. For they are very much afraid that he cannot be prevail'd with to grant them a Peace as to matters of Religion, whilst the Point of Election remains undecided. As for their parts 'tis out of Love and Friendship that they give this advice, and do intreat them so to accept it, and that they would so manage themselves, that they at length may see, that this their Intercession was not without it's weight, nor their Diligence imploy'd to no purpose.

Four days after John Frederick the Prince made them this return;The Prince of Saxony's An­swer to the Arbitrators. viz. That he had not expected from them such an Answer as this; for in that they had among other things affirm'd, That 'twas for the Safety and Dignity of the Em­pire that a King of the Romans should be created, he is under a necessity of giving an Answer to this, as well in the Name of his Father as the other Asso­ciates, whose perswasion it is, that this Election is irregular, and not at all for the Welfare of the Empire. Now since they sustain the Character of Arbitra­tors, he greatly hop'd that they would not have defended this Cause, but have propounded it as a doubtful and controverted Point. For as to the other things mentioned by them, they do not properly belong to Arbitrators, but ought to be referr'd to such a time, when they may fall under a common deliberation. Indeed when at Cologne, the Emperor desir'd that his Brother Ferdinand should be admitted into a Partnership of the Empire, there were some Reasons offer'd for the doing of it, but they were not of such weight, that for their sakes the Caroline Law, together with the Rights and Liberty of the Empire, should be violated; that at the same time He, together, with the rest of his Father's Em­bassadors gave in their Reasons, by way of Answer, why it ought not to be done. He therefore now again repeats, what he said before, that, if the Em­peror would not admit of these their Propositions, then the Cause may come to be discuss'd in a fair Trial, that so the reasons of their Descent may be known. Now since 'tis their part to act equally and impartially, he did imagine, that being Arbitrators in other matters, they would likewise in this Controversie find out some honest Expedient, which might be for the advantage of the Empire; but since nothing of this is done, he will not urge them any further. As for his Father and his Confederates, they will undoubtedly make it evident (without in­juring any Man) how great a Breach this is upon the Laws and Liberty of the Empire; and that they are not to be blamed, if any inconvenience arises from thence. He hopes likewise, that, since these things concern the Honour and Safety of the Empire, the Emperor will not take it unkindly.

Among the other Propositions,The Tricks of the Popish Party. the first, which belongs to that head in which the Zuinglians are concern'd, has this tendency, viz. to hinder the Princes from confederating with a number of Cities, and so indeed the Umpires did in their debate explain it. That if the Zuinglians would confess and forsake their Error, then they should be included in the Peace;The Agree­ment between the Zuinglians and the Lu­therans. but if otherwise, then they were to be deserted, no assistance to be afforded them, nor any League to be made with them. But last year at Smalcalde there happen'd to be a good understanding between the Protestants; for when those of Strasburg, together with some Cities of Schwaben, had made a fuller explication of their Doctrin about the Lord's Supper, The Prote­stants lay down their conditions of a Pacification. which before had only been propounded in the Diet at Auspurg; this their Interpretation was accepted of by the Saxons. Being therefore now una­nimous, they all of them return the same Answer to the former Propositions, and agree at last to lay down these conditions of Agreement. That they, who have [Page 160] exhibited a Confession of their Doctrin, and an Apology for the same, at Auspurg, as likewise those, who hereafter shall receive the same Doctrin, shall keep them­selves within those bounds, and shall make no further Innovations, till such time as a Council shall sit, which has so often been promis'd and agreed upon, that they shall not joyn themselves (as to the Doctrinal part) with those, who enter­tain different Opinions about the Lord's Supper and Baptism, from what is con­tain'd in the Writing set forth at Auspurg. They shall not draw over to them, or give Protection to the Subjects of other States, upon the score of Religion. But if there be any whose condition is such that they may lawfully go whither they will, these, having first giv'n notice to their Governors, may Travail, if they please, and be entertain'd; they shall not send out any Preachers to teach without their Dominions, unless the Magistrate of such a place, where a Conven­tion is held, shall desire or permit it: But if he refuses it, they shall then have liberty to do it privately at home. But whenever they are present at a Diet of the Empire, or do send out Forces against the Turks, they may then make use of their own Teachers, and receive the Supper of our Lord according to the Institu­tion of Christ. That all Reproaches be forborn, however the Ministers of the Church may, as they are in duty bound, rebuke Vice and Error, and shew which is the right way, provided they do it with temper and moderation. That those of their Religion be not excluded from the Imperial Chamber. That Ecclesiasti­cal Jurisdiction stand where it does, but that the Bishops may not bring those into danger or trouble, who make profession of this Doctrin. That those Or­dinances, which have been made (but are not yet put in execution) concerning Religion, Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, Ceremonies, and the Goods of the Church, be suspended till the time of a Council: That the Goods of the Church be made use of and enjoy'd by them, who are in possession of those places, to which those Goods do properly belong, and that nothing be taken by violence from any Man; but that the annual Revenues be dispos'd of to those places, which have formerly receiv'd them, till such time as a Council shall decree otherwise. That in political Affairs every Man perform his duty; that all Men endea­vour the good of the Publick, and exercise acts of mutual kindness and fidelity to one-another.

Though both sides stood thus at a distance from one another, without any pro­bability of a nearer Conjunction, yet the Arbitrators thought fit to proceed in the Treaty; and therefore, for the convenience of dispatching a more speedy account of all things to the Emperor, they appoint another Meeting to be held at Nuremburg upon the third of June. Now though the main Controversie could not here be made up, yet by reason of the Turks Interruption into Germany, the Emperor finding himself obliged to draw his whole Strength together from all parts,The Emperor upon necessity confirms a Peace to all Germany. ratify'd a general Peace to all Germany; and did by his Edict command that no Disturbance should be giv'n to any Man upon the account of Religion, till such time as a Council should sit; and if no Council should be held, then till such time as the States of the Empire should find out some expedient to salve these Differences. To those that shall disobey this Edict he threatens a very severe punishment, and declares, that he will use all his Endeavours, that a Council may be call'd within six months, and begin it's Session the year follow­ing: But if this cannot be brought about, then the whole matter shall be brought to an Issue in a Diet of the Empire. He therefore Commands that all judicial Actions commenc'd upon the score of Religion, be suspended; and that no Pro­cess be hereafter carry'd on against the Protestants, or if there be, that all such Process become null and void. The Protestants on the other side, who were then seven Princes and 24 Cities,