Their Originals, Manners, Warres, Coines & Seales with ye Successions, Lives, acts & Issues of the English Monarchs from IULIUS CAESAR, to our most gracious[?] Soueraigne King IAMES.



Anno Cum Privilegio 1611

And are to be solde by Iohn Sudbury & Georg Humble, in Popes head alley at ye signe of ye white Horse.



HAuing thus farre trauelled in the protract, and description of this famous Empire of GREAT BRITAINE, I might here haue rested, and claimed the priuiledge that yeeres and imbecillitie haue brought me vnto: had not a further desire in others [...]ged it a mat­ter incident, historically to lay downe the originals of those Nations and successions of those Monarchs, which either by birth or conquest haue aspired to the Imperiall Crowne. And albeit I finde my selfe both tired in the former, and most vnfit to prosecute this latter, yet will I endeuour to giue herein my best assayes; though as my labours, so my wants also, thereby will be made more vulgar to the world.

For if those men were blame-worthy against whom Heraclite exclaimeth, who Heraclite. with long toile and great trouble finde a little pure substance in a great deale of base earth: how shall I then free me from the like imputatio [...], that from so many mines of pure met­tals, haue gotten so little Oare, and the same neither well tried in my defectiue for­nace, nor yet artificially cast off through the default of the mould, wanting both skil for to fashion, and measure to performe, the true proportions that in such a proiect is to be required; and how often these my defects haue disswaded my proceedings, is best knowne to him that is the searcher of the heart.

But by what fate I am inforced still to goe forward, I know not, vnlesse it be the ardent affection and loue to my natiue Countrey; wherein I must confesse that Na­ture in those gifts hath bene both liberall, yea and prodigall, though Fortune as spa­ring & fast-handed against me, euer checking the Bit with the Raines of necessity, and curbing the meanes that should illustrate my labours: which moues me some­times to thinke that if the great Philosopher Theophrastus, had cause on his death­bed Theophrastu to accuse Nature, for giuing man so long a lesson, and so short a life; then I against Fortune may as iustly exclaime, that hath assigned me so great a labour and so little meanes. And therefore let it not seeme offensiue that I draw my waters from the Ce­sterns of others, who am not able to fetch them at the spring-head my selfe: Neither that I strike vpon the same Anuile vnto their sound, though nothing so loud, nor with the like strength; wherein yet this fruit at least wil (I hope) redound of my en­deuours [Page 152] that I shall incite the more learned: if not otherwise, yet in emulation of me, to free the face drawne by Apelles, from the censure of the fault or defect in the foot, and not onely to amend, but euen to new-mould the whole. Which thing though my dayes are neere spent; and with Barzillai I may say that musicke to me is now vnplea­sing: 2. Sam. 19. 35. yet doth my eare thirst after the set of that straine, as Socrates thoughts ranne euer Socrates. on his Booke: who the night before he was to suffer death, was desirous to learne musicke, because he would die learning still something. Moses when he foresaw the de­struction of his Common-wealth, which whilst it stood, was the glory of the earth, and a paterne to all kingdomes succeeding, left this for a Law among the rest, and euen to re­maine Deut. 6. 6. 7. for euer, that the fathers should teach their children, and should commit vnto wri­ting those things which the Lord in their dayes had done, and enioyned the children; Like­wise to enquire of the times that were past, euen from the first creation of man: For when as Deut. 4. 32. Empires and Kingdomes, Common weales and Cities, do end and perish, yet the Histories thereof do remaine and liue; And that made Cicero to say as he did, that Salamina should be vtterly forgotten, before the things that were done in Salamina should perish: And therefore as among the wise answeres of Thales, the Histories of Countreis are to be Thales. accounted for principals, either as Cicero calleth them the Mistres of life, and expositions Cicero. of Times; so likewise let vs from the lyricall Poet Simonides learne this further, That he Simonides. is perfectly happy which knowes his natiue countrey to be truly glorious. And as Cassidor [...] calls Cassidore. him a worthy Citizen that seeketh the commodity of his countrey: So contrariwise he is by Bale esteemed but a fruitles clod of earth, that sucks the sappe of his soile onely to himselfe, Bale in Ley­lands New­yeeres gift. whose memoriall shall perish as the dispersed smoake in the clouds, though for a time he mount aloft in his swelling pride. This naturall loue and true affection to our na­tiue Countrey, we may further learne from the ancient Patriarks and Fathers them­selues, who besides a desire that they had to theirs, continually to liue therein during life, commanded their bodies to be buried therein after death: from whose Bowels they Gen. 49. 29. first had assumed their breathes, and in whose bosome they layd their bones, as in their last bed of rest. Yea, of the vnreasonable creatures, the Birds and Beasts, we may learne this loue, that alwayes are willing towards their home. And if it happen that Countreys grow vnkinde as Homers did, that in his old age and blind, suffred him to beg his bread; or that a Prophet in his owne countrey is not esteemed, as Ieremy felt it, Ierem. 37. 1. and CHRIST IESVS taught, yet did the one for his peoples captiuity, wish his eyes a Matt. 13. 57. fountaine of teares, and the other for his countreys destruction lamented and wept, holding Ierem. 9. 1. Luke 19. 41. it vnlawfull to take the childrens bread, and to giue it vnto others. Matt. 15. 26.

That this our Countrey and subiect of History deserueth the loue of her inhabitants, is witnessed euen by forraine writers themselues, who haue termed it the Court of Queene Ceres, the Granary of the Westerne world, the fortunate Island, the Paradise of pleasure and Garden of God; whose Typographicall descriptions for the whole Iland, and Geographical surueyes for the seuerall parts, exceed any other kingdome vnder the cope of Heauen; that onely excepted which was conquered and diuided by Iosuah; And for fruitfulnes and temperature may be accounted another Canaan; watered with riuers that doe cleaue Habak. 2. 9. the earth, as the Prophet speaketh, and make the land as rich and beautiful, as was that of Aegypt. Our Kings for valour and Sanctity, ranked with the worthiest in the world, Gene. 13. 10. and our Nations originals, conquests, and continuance, tried by the touch of the best hu­mane testimonies, leaue as faire a Lustre vpon the same stone, as doeth any other, and with any nation may easily contend (saith Lanquet) both for antiquity, and continuall Tho. Lanquet. inhabitants, from the first time that any of them can claime their originals.

And although our many Records are perished by the inuasions of strangers, through their couetous Conquest of so faire a Land; or in the ciuill dissensions of homebred aspi­rers that haue sought the possession of so rich a Crowne, yet Truth hath left vs no lesse beholding vnto her, then mightier Nations, and them that would be far more famous. [Page 153] Neither is it to be wondred at, that the Records of GREAT BRITAINE are eaten vp with Times teeth, as Ouid speakes, when as in Times ruines lye buried their Registers, Ouid. Metam▪ lib. 15. that haue bene kept with a stronger guard, as Titus Liuy in the entrance of his Hi­story affirmeth of the Romanes. As for those things (saith he) as are reported either before, or at the foundation of the City more beautified and set out with Poets fables, then grounded vpon pure and faithfull reports, I meane neither to auerre nor disproue. Of whose vncer­tainties, let vs a while heare the reporters themselues speake, before we proceed to the certaine successions of our British Monarchs: vntill which time the credit of our Hi­story may wel be said to waigh with (if not downe peize) many others. Uarro (that lear­ned Romane writer, who liued an hundred yeeres before the birth of our Sauiour Christ) Histories vn­certaine to the Flood, and from the Flood to the first Olympias fabulous. Plutarch. calleth the first world to the Flood vncertaine; and thence to the first Olympias fabu­lous: Because in that time (saith he) there is nothing related (for the most part) but fables among the Greekes, Latines, and other learned Nations. And therefore Plutarch begin­neth the liues of his worthy men, no higher then Theseus: because (saith he) what hath bene written before, was but of strange things, and sayings full of monstrous-fables imagined and deuised by Poets, which are altogether vncertaine and most vntrue. And Diodorus Si­culus Diodorus Si­culus. (that liued in Augustus Caesars time, a great searcher after Antiquities, and for thirty yeeres continuance a traueller into many Countreys, for information and fur­ther satisfaction) writing his History called Bibliotheca, conteyning forty Bookes, and yeeres of continuance one thousand, one hundred thirty and eight, of his first sixe him­selfe giueth this censure in his Proeme. These Bookes (saith he) contayning the Acts of ancient men, before the destruction of Troy, with the ancient Histories aswell of Grecians as Barbarians, are called fabulous: Which mooued Lucretius the Poet to demaund this question.

Cur supra bellum Thebanum & funera Troia,
Non alias qu [...]dam veteres cecinere Poeta?

Why haue not Poets in their workes of fained stories brought,
Things done before the Warres of Thebes, or Troyes destruction wrought?

Yea and of Troyes story it selfe, if we may beleeue Thucydides (whom Bodine Thucydides. commendeth for an absolute Historian) though it be ancient (saith he) yet a great part thereof is fabulous. And Tully out of Plato complayneth of as much: For you Grecians Tully. (saith he) as children in learning, deliuer onely things vncertaine, and haue mingled fables with the Warres of Thebes, and of Troy, things (perhaps) which neuer were, but gathered out of the scattered Uerses of Homer and others, not digested by Aristarchus, and are yet vn­certaine and obscure. And that the Greekes indeed were but babes in Antiquity, Iose­phus Iosephus contra Appion. lib. 1. in his Nations defence against Appion, sufficiently doth proue, where he affir­meth, That the inuention of their Letters was not so old as the siege of Troy, insomuch that the Poesie of Homer (then the which there is none more ancient among them) was not committed to writing, but sung by roate. And the Latine tongue it selfe by M. Cato is M. Cato in a fragment of his. said, not to haue beene in vse foure hundred and fifty yeeres before the building of Rome. And Titus Liuy their famous Historian, freely confesseth, That the vse of Letters and Titus Liui. learning among the Romanes, was rare and hard to be found before the taking of Rome by the Gaules. Yea, and of the vncertainty of Romes foundation, how lauish so euer Histori­ans haue written, not onely Fenestella hath continued whole Pages, but Plutarch Fenestella. Plutarch in the life of Romulus. likewise in the life of Romulus, hath many sayings, whereof this is one. The Historio­graphers (saith he) do not agree in their writings, by whom, nor for what cause the great name of Rome (the glory whereof is blowne abroad through the world) wasfirst giuen vnto it; some affirming, that the Pelagians after they had runne ouer a great part of the world, lastly stayed themselues in that place where Rome was new built, and for their great strength in Armes, gaue name to that City Rome, which signifyeth power in the Greeke tongue. Other say, that certaine Troians after their siege, in certaine vessels sa­ued [Page 154] themselues by flight, and being put into the Thuscan Sea, anchored neere to the Ri­uer Tyber: whose wiues being extremely Sea-sicke, through the counsell of Roma a Lady, the wisest and worthiest among them, set fire on the whole Fleete; whereupon their husbands (though sore offended) were inforced to make vse of their present necessity, and neere vnto Palantium planted this City, whose fame presently grew great, and in honour of Lady Roma named it Rome; and from hence they say the custome of kissing in salutations came, after the example of these wiues, who to appease the husbands wraths with smiles and imbracings kissed their mouths. Some will haue the name from Roma the daughter of Italus and of Lucaria, or els of Telephus the sonne of Hercules, and of the wife of Aeneas. Others of Ascanius the sonne of Aeneas. Some againe from Romanus the sonne of Ulysses and of Cyrce, wil haue it named Rome. Others from Romus the sonne of Emathion, whom Diomedes sent thither from Troy. There are that bring the name thereof from one Romus a tyrant of the Latines, who droue the Thuscans out of those parts. And they who thinke that Romulus (as that is most generall, and carieth the most likelihood to be Romes founder,) do not agree about his auncestours, as more at large in Plutarch appeareth. And therefore with Thucydides we may well say, It is a hard and difficult matter to keepe a meane in speaking of Thucydides lib. 2. cap. 7. things, wherein scarsly can be had a certaine opinion of trueth. And the rather, for that the writers themselues haue blamed each others of affectation & falshood, as in Iosephus we Iosephus contra Appion li. 1. Hellanicus. Acusilaus. Diodorus. Herodotus. Ephorus. Timaeus. Philistus. Callias. Thucydides. Suetonius in vi­ta Caesar. Sect. 55. Tacitus. F. Maximus. Silenus. Antigonus. Hierome. Dionysius Hai. Bodine. may see; who affirmeth, That Hellanicus dissented from Acusilaus, Acusilaus with Diodorus correcting Herodotus; Epherus accused Hellanicus of vntrueths; so did Ti­maeus reproue Ephorus of as much; Philistus and Callias dissented from Timaeus in his History of Sicily, and Thucydides accounted a lyar by some. Caesar is taxed by Asi­nius Pollio (saith Suetonius) to be partiall in his Commentaries; And Tacitus by Tertul­lian is blamed for vntruths; Fabius Maximus is reprehended by Polybius for defe­ctiuely writing the Punicke warres; and himselfe againe with Silenus, Timaeus, An­tigonus, & Hierom, as much found fault with by Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, for writing the Romane histories so vnperfectly. And a man may vse the very same speech against Dionysius, saith Bodine. These things thus standing, let vs giue leaue to Antiquitie, who sometimes mingleth falshoods with truth, to make the beginnings of Policies seeme more honourable: And whose power is farre scrued into the worlds conceit, that with Hierome we may say, Antiquity is allowed with such generall applause, that knowne vn­truthes Hierom in his Prolog. in Iob. many times are pleasing vnto many. Yet with better regard to reuerend Anti­quity, whom Iobs opposer wills vs inquire after, and to our owne relations in deliuering Iob. 8. 8. their censures, let this be considered; That more things are let slippe, then are comprehen­ded in any mans writings, and yet more therein written, then any mans life (though it be long) will admit him to reade. Neither let vs be forestalled with any preiudicate opini­ons of the reporters; that in somethings may iustly be suspected, or in affection, which by nature we owe to our naturall Countrey; nor consent (as Liuie speaketh) to stand Titus Liui. lib. 8. to the ancientnesse of reports, when it seemeth to take away the certainty of truth. To keepe a meane betwixt both, my selfe with Bildad doe confesse, that I am but of yesterday, and know nothing, and therefore wil relate the originall names and Nations of this famous Iland, with the successions of her Monarches and Historicall actions, so farre only as is most approued by the best Writers, and will leaue other clouds of obscurity to be cleared by the labours of a more learned penne.



BESIDES those fruitfull Ilands that dispersedly are scattered about the Mayne, like to beautifull pearls that incompasse a Diademe, the Ile of GREAT BRI­TAINE doth raise it selfe first to our sight, as the Bo­die of that most famous & mighty Empire, whereof many other Kingdomes and Countries are parcels and members. Being by the Almighty so set in the maine Ocean, as that shee is thereby the High Admirall of the BRITAINE Admirall of the Seas. Seas, and in the terrestriall Globe so seated, as that she is worthily reputed both The Garden of Pleasure, and The Storehouse of Profit, opening her Hauens euery way, fit to receiue all forraine trafficke, and to vtter her owne into all other parts: and therefore (as the Soueraigne Lady and Empresse of the rest) deserues our description in the first place.

(2) This Iland is so spacious and ample, that Ce­sar (the first Romane discouerer thereof) supposed that he had found out another World: for to his see­ming it appeared, that the Ocean was rather contained In Panegy. Orat. to Constan [...]s. within that Mayne, then that Mayne to be compassed with the Occan about. And Iulius Solinus, for her cir­cuit and largenesse, saith that it deserueth the name of Another World. But Aristides a Greeke Author speakes Aristides. much more properly, who by way of excellencie ter­meth BRITAINE, The Great Iland: As likewise Tacitus, that vndertooke to describe BRITAINE Tacit. in vit. Agr. by his owne knowledge, who saith, that of all Ilands BRITAINE the greatest Iland knowen to the Romanes. Dionysius. Strabo. Rutil. Numat. knowen to the Romanes it was the greatest: And so doth Dionysius in his description of the World.

(3) But as Strabo compares the then knowen World, to a Cloake, Rutilius Numatianus Italy, to an Oken leafe, and Dionysius Spaine, vnto an Oxe-hide: so the said Tacitus in the life of Agricola, from Liuie his anci­ent, and Fabius Rusticus his moderne, doth liken the Fabius Rustic. fashion thereof to a long Dish, or two-headed Axe: whose forme notwithstanding may better be exposed to the eie, in the draught before seene, then can be ex­plained in words to conceit, or vnto any other thing bee compared besides it selfe: especially seeing that so many good Writers haue had but very bad suc­cesse in their resemblances of Countries. And this of them is rather vnlike to either, if wee speake of the whole, which then was vnknowen, as it seemeth by BRITAINE discouered to be an Iland 136. yeeres after Iu­lius Cesars en­trance [...]to it. Tacitus in vita Agric. Tacitus. And the huge enorme tract of ground be­yond Caledonia, which runneth vnto the furthermost point, growing narrow and sharpe like a wedge, was first redoubled with the Romane fleet by Iulius Agri­cola, and BRITAINE discouered to bee an Iland, one hundred thirty and six yeeres after Iulius Cesars first entrance therein.

(4) Some haue beene induced by the narrow­nesse of the Sea, and likenesse of the Soile, to thinke BRITAINE thought one continent vvith FRANCE. Seruius Hono­rat. that BRITAINE was sometimes ioined to the con­tinent of France: whereunto Seruius Honoratius sub­scribeth in his Commentarie vpon the first Eclog of Virgil, who there mentioneth

—Penitùs toto diuisos orbe Britannos,

The Britaine people quite from all the world disioin'd.

As likewise by Claudian another ancient Poet it is stiled,

—nostro deducta Britannia mundo,

The Britaine soile remooued from our worlds continent.

And Vinianus with them affirmes, that in the be­ginning Vinianus. Britaine and Gallia were both one Land. The like doth Virgil verifie of the Ile of Sicilie, which in Sicilie thought once one conti­nent with Italie. D [...] Niger. Thought of some that all Ilands had their first se­paration from the Mayne by the rage of the gene­rall Deluge. times past hee reports to haue beene one with Italie. Others hold, that all Ilands had their first separation from the Mayne by the rage of the generall Deluge, and that the mountaines thereby shewed their tops a­boue the plaine grounds; and the plaines setling low­er, became deepe vallies. When or howsoeuer, by Gods diuine ordinance and wisdome, wee see that these Ilands situated in the Seas, doe no lesse serue and adorne the Ocean it selfe, then the Lakes and Pooles of water doe the drie land, and all of them (as members of one masse) to minister sustenance for the life of all things liuing, and pleasures to the vse and seruice of man.

(5) The Iland of BRITAINE, of all others the most famous (by Catullus reputed the furthest to­wards Catullus. the West) is bounded on the South with Nor­mandie and France, vpon the East with Germany and Denmarke, vpon the West with Ireland and the Atlan­ticke Ocean, and vpon the North with the vast De [...]ca­lidon Seas. The length thereof, measured by the gra­duations to both extremes, that is, from the Lysard Point Southward in Cornwall, which lieth in the Lati­tude of 50. degrees and 6. minutes, to the Straithy head in Scotland (being the furthest point of this Iland [Page 156] towards the North) set in the degree 60. and 30. mi­nutes containeth (according to the scale of the terre­striall Globe) six hundred twenty foure miles: not Britaines length. to trouble the Reader with other accounts, seeing the same so exactly to agree with the spaces of the hea­uens. And the extent of the Land in the brodest part is from the Lands end in Cornwall in the West (situa­ted in 14. degrees and 37. minutes of Longitude, ac­cording to Mercator his Atlas) vnto the Iland Tenet in the East of Kent (lying in 22. degrees 30. minutes) and containeth miles 340. as they haue deliuered, that Britaines bredth. with curious search haue laid the dimension thereof.

(6) The site of this Iland is set by the Mathema­ticks BRITAINE in the 8. Climate for Latitude, and for Longitude placed betweene the parallels fourteene and twenty six. in the eighth Climate for Latitude, and the Lon­gitude likewise placed betwixt the Parallels four­teene and twenty six: a seat as well for Aire as Soile, both fruitfull and milde; and for length of daies, pleasant and delightfull: for in the height of Summer the day is said to bee eighteene equinoctiall houres long, wherof sixteen and a halfe are spent from Sunne to Sunne. Yea and Tacitus saith, that in the furthest In the furthest North part of BRITAINE ye nights so short, as the space be­twixt the daies going and com­ming can hardly be perceiued. In vita Agricolae. North part of the Iland the nights are so short, that be­twixt the going out and comming in of the day the space is hardly perceiued, and the Sunne seene neither to set nor arise: Because (saith he) the extreme and plaine parts of the earth proiect a low shadow, and raise not the dark­nesse on high, so the night falleth vnder the skie and starre. Better might hee haue said, by reason of the inclina­tion of his Circle to the Horizon descending not di­rectly, but passing obliquely, razing as it were vnder their Horizon.

(7) The aire, saith Strabo and Tacitus, is rather in­clinable to showers then to snow. And Cesar com­mends it to bee more temperate, and the cold lesser, Caesar. Com. lib. 5. then that in France, as not subiect to either extremes, The cold in Bri­taine less [...] then in France. as the more Northerne and Southerne Countries are: to which temperature Cescenius Getulicus a very anci­ent Poet seemeth to haue respect, when of this Iland thus he versifieth:

Non illîc Aries verno ferit aëra cornis,
Probus in Virgil. Georgic.
Gnosia nec Gemini praecedunt cornua Tauri.

The horned Ram there butteth not the aire of tender spring:
The Twins, nor Bull do to this soile vntimely seasons bring.

(8) And although the Seas thereof are accoun­ted and called by Nubiensis the Arabian, The darke and The Arabicke Geographie. dangerous Seas, in regard of the misty vapors that ther­from arise, yet in the winter season those clouds are di­spersed into still showers of raine, that doe dissolue the rigour and great extremitie of the cold: yea and those Seas themselues stirred and working to and fro with the windes, doe thereby wax warme (as Cice­ro▪ British Seas warme. De natura Deo­rum Lib. 2. Minutius Foelix, adioined to Ar­nobius, as his eighth booke. saith) so that a man may easily perceiue within that world of waters a certaine heat inclosed. And Minu­tius Foelix proouing that GOD hath a speciall regard to the seuerall parts of the world, as well as to the whole, saith, that BRITAINE, though otherwhiles wanting the aspect of the Sunne, yet is it releeued with the warmth of her enuironing Seas; and as much refresh­ed, Britaines sea­windes in sum­mer asswage the heat. we may well say, by those sweet and gentle windes that in the height of Summer are sent from those seas, and doe abate the rigor of the Sunnes great scorching heat; and yeeldeth not only entercourse for traffique into all parts of the World, but plentifully aboundeth with all sorts of fish, to the great benefit of the Inha­bitants; and bringeth foorth Pearles, as Tacitus shew­eth, which were vsually cast out with the flood, and ga­thered In vita Agricolae. at the ebbe. These Pearles, though not altoge­ther so orient as they in India, by Amianus in his 23. booke and 12. chapter, are called Rich Gemmes. And Pliny in his ninth booke and thirty fifth chapter, v­seth the like terme: The desire whereof (as Sueto­nius saith) drew Cesars affection for the Conquest of In vit. Caesar. cap. 47. BRITAINE.

(9) The soile (saith Tacitus) setting aside the Oliue, the Vine, and such other plants as are onely pro­per to hotter Countries, taketh all kinde of Graine, Britaine abound­eth with all sorts of Graine. and beareth it in abundance: it shooteth vp quickly, and ripeneth slowly: the cause of both is the same, the ouer-much moisture of the soile, and th [...] aire. And Cesar writeth, that for timber it was stored of all kindes, as in Gallia, the Beech and Firre tree onely ex­cepted. Caesar. Com. lib 5. For abundance of Graine, Britaine is said to bee The seat of Queene Ceres, by Orpheus the old Poet; Britaine called the [...]eat of Q. Ceres. and the Granary and Storehouse for the Westerne World, as Charles the great tearmed it: and by our owne An­cestors in the blacke Booke of the Exchequer it is called a Paradise of pleasure. From whence the Ro­manes Romanes laded 800. vessels with corne in Britaine for their armies elsewhere. Zoso [...]us. were wont yeerely to transport (with a fleet of eight hundred vessels bigger then Barges) great store of corne for the maintenance of their Armies. But vnto the particular relation of each seuerall blessing belonging to this most happie Iland, wee will not a­gaine enter, seeing that in euery County wee haue suf­ficiently, and no more then truly, spoken thereof. Only, if you please, heare what hath beene said of this Land by the Romane Orators, and first in the Pane­gyricke to Constantius the Emperour.

(10) O happie BRITAINE, and more fortunate Panegyric. to Constantius. then all other Lands beside, which first didst see Constan­tine Emperour! For good cause hath nature endowed thee with all blessings both of aire and soile: wherin there is nei­ther In Britaine nei­ther excessiue cold of winter, nor extreme heat of summer. Britaine abound­ing with all plen­tie of foode for mans sustenance and delight. excessiue cold of Winter, nor extreme heat of Summer: wherein there is so great abundance of graine, that it suffi­ceth both for bread and drinke. There the forrests are free from sauage beasts, and the ground void of noisome ser­pents: in whose stead an infinite multitude of tame cattle there are, with their vdders strutting ful of milke, and loden with fleeces to the ground. And verily (that which for the vse of our liues wee most esteeme) the daies are therein very long, and the nights neuer without some light, for that those Britaines nights neuer without some light. vtmost plaines by the sea side cast and raise no shadowes on high; and the aspect both of skie and starres passeth beyond the bound of the night: yea the very Sunne it selfe, which vnto vs seemeth for to set, appeareth there only to passe by a little, and goe aside.

And in another, spoken to Constantius, the father Panegyr. spoken to Constantine. of Constantine the Great, thus is said:

Though BRITAINE be but a single name, yet surely the States losses haue beene manifold, in forgoing a Land so plentifull in fruit and graine, so rich in pasturage, so full of mines and veines of metall, so gainfull in tributes BRITAINE full of mines of metals. and reuenewes, so accommodated with many hauens, and for circuit so large and spacious.

And a Poet of good antiquity, of natures motherly Remaynes. affection towards this our Iland, hath thus written:

Tu nimio nec stricta gelu, nec sydere feruens,
Clementi coelo temperiéque places.
Cùm pareret Natura parens, varióque fauore
Diuideret dotes omnibus vna locis,
Seposuit potiora tibi, matrémque professa,
Insula sis foelix, plenáque pacis, ait.
Quicquid amat luxus, quicquid desiderat vsus,
Ex te proueniet, vel aliunde tibi.

Nor freezing cold, nor scorching hot thou art;
Thy aire a heauenly temper, sweetly breath'd:
So pleas'd Dame Nature when she first bequeath'd
To euery soile of her rich gifts a part;
Then Mother-like best choice for thee she sought:
Be thou (quoth she) the blessed Ile of peace.
What euer pleasure yeelds, or wealths increase,
From thee shall grow, or shall to thee be brought.

(11) And that BRITAINE hath beene taken for those fortunate Ilands whereof the Poets haue imagined a perpetuall spring time, is certaine by Isa­cius Tzetzes a Greeke Author of good account. And Isaci [...] Tzet­zes. in Robert of Auesburie wee read, what time Pope Cle­ment the sixth had elected Lewis of Spaine to be Prince Robert of A­uesburie. Britaine taken for the fortunate Ilands. of the Fortunate Ilands, raising him powers both in Italie and France, the English Ligier Embassadours, that lay then in Rome for King Edward the third, were so deepely set in the opinion, that this preparation was made against BRITAINE, that they wrote their suspicions conceiued, and presently with-drew themselues into England, to certifie the King of these designes. And it seemeth Pope Innocent the fourth was of the same minde, when (as Matth. Paris. wri­teth) Ad [...]. 1246. hee said, Verè hortus deliciarum est Anglia: verè puteus inexhaustus est: Et vbi multa abundant, de multis [Page 157] multa possunt extorqueri, &c. Certes the Kingdome of En­gland is the very Paradise of pleasures, a Well which can neuer bee drawen drie: where many things doe abound, and whence many things may bee extorted, &c. With Pope Innocent maketh suit to the King of En­gland to see Britaine. which his conceit he was afterward so farre transpor­ted with a longing desire, as hee made great meanes and earnest suit to the King of England (as the said Author writeth, ad ann. 1250.) that hee might come into England to see that Country which was euery where so much renowned. In a word, BRITAINE is so rich in commodities, so beautifull in situation, and so resplendent in all glory, that if the Omnipotent (as one hath said) had vouchsafed to fashion the world Ioseph. bell. Iudas. lib. 7. cap. 13. round like a ring, as he did like a globe, it might haue beene most worthily the onely Gemme therein. Whose Vallies are like Eden: whose Hilles are as Lebanon: whose Springs are as Pisgah: whose Riuers are as Iordan: whose Walles is the Ocean: and whose defense is the Lord IEHOVAH.

(12) The body then of this Imperiall Monar­chie sheweth not onely the greatnesse of it selfe in it selfe, but also extendeth her beautifull branches into many other Countries and Kingdomes farre iacent and remote. This greatnesse is made the more sensi­ble, BRITAINE sustained at once no lesse then 11. Kings command­ing great powers. for that the Iland in times past sustained at once no lesse then eleuen Kings in their royall estates, all of them wearing Crownes, and commanding great powers. Such was the Heptarchie of the Saxons seuen Kingdomes, seated on the South of Seuerius his Wall. Two Kingdomes thence had their sites in that Nor­therne part, and their seuerall Kings of Scots and Picts ruling on both sides the Clude, euen vnto the Deucale­donian Seas. And two Kingdomes (if not more) diui­ded into North and South, and their Kings of the ancient Britaines ruling the West part of this Iland D [...] in [...] of [...] in [...] the Great. beyond the Clawdh Offa, or Offa his Ditch, commonly called WALES.

(13) The Ilands likewise belonging to this Em­pire The Ile of Ma [...] belonging to Bri­taine, a kingdome within it selfe. had Kings of their owne, as that of Man, the Or­cades, and in Ireland at one time fiue Kings raigning together. France also is annexed, and so was Cyprus Cyprus and some prouinces subdu­ed to Britaine. sometimes with some Prouinces of Syria, subdued by King Richard the first, surnamed Caeur-de-lion. And at this present in the new World of America a Colonie of A Colonell of Britaines in VIRGINEA. BRITAINES is seated in that part now called VIR­GINEA; whereby the borders of our Soueraignes command and most rightfull title may bee inlarged, & the Gospell of Iesus Christ further preached, which no doubt will in time be imbraced, to the saluation of many, and great honour to the BRITAINES. And that the borders of this most roiall Tent haue beene wide spread in former times, White of Basingstocke is of Vitus Basing­stocke. The limits of the British Empire in times past from the Orcades vnto the Pyere [...] Moun­taines. opinion, who affirmeth that the limits of the British Em­pire in old time was from the Orcades vnto the Pyrenean Mountaines. And that King Athelstan after his con­quest of those Northerne parts with that of Denmarke wrote so his title: which further is confirmed by the Charter of King Edgar for the foundation of the Ca­thedrall Church at Worcester, wherein likewise he so stiled himselfe. The inlargement whereof we pray to be accomplished, especially in those parts where God is not knowen, according to the saying of the Pro­phet, that the curtaines of our habitations may bee fur­ther Isa. 54. spread, with increase on the right hand and on the left: and that our seed may possesse those GENTILES, and dwell in their Cities: whereby the ninth Nati­on Eight Nations conuerted to Christ by Englishmen. may bee conuerted vnto CHRIST, as eight others before this time by English-men haue beene.


AS touching the first Inha­bitants and originall Names of this Iland, things so farre cast into the mistie dark­nesse of obscuritie and ob­liuion, that there is no hope left vs, so lately born, to discouer them; especi­ally The first Inhabi­ters of this Iland being meerely barbarous, neuer troubled them­selues to transmit their Originals to posteritie. Caesar. Com. lib. 6. Druides the onely wise men among the first Inhabi­tants of this Iland. If the first Inha­bitants of this I­land had written any thing of their originall, yet it must needs haue perished. Gildas de excidi [...] Brita [...]iae. No vnderstāding of the first af [...]aires of this Iland, but from sorraine Writers. knowing that the first Inhabitants being meerely barbarous, neuer troubled themselues with care to transmit their Originals to posteritie: neither if they would, could haue done, being without Letters, which only doe preserue and transferre knowledge vnto o­thers. And say they had letters, yet was it not lawfull for them to commit their affaires to writing, as Cesar doth testifie of the Druides, the only wise and learned men among them, that had the managing both of Iustice and religious Rites. And had they commit­ted these things to writing, yet doubtlesse had they perished in the reuolutions of so many ages as are pas­sed, and so many conuersions or euersions of the State. Gildas and Nintus, the Britaines first Historians, confesse plainly, that they had no vnderstanding of the ancient affaires of this Iland, but from forraine Writers; and neither that aboue two hundred and odde yeeres before the birth of our Sauiour Christ. At which time Polybius a most graue Writer, and an at­tendant Polybius. vpon Scipio, saith, that the Regions Northward from Narbona (as this is) were vtterly vnknowen; and whatsoeuer was written or reported of them, was but a dreame. And therefore vntill such time as the Ro­mane Romane Writers the best directers for the antiquitie of Britaine. Writers reach foorth their hands to direct vs, wee shall wander, as without a guide, and shall seeme to heape more rubbish vpon former ruines.

(2) Yet let this bee granted, that the Originall names of Countries and Prouinces were first assumed from their possessors, whereof Iosephus in the seuenth The originall names of Coun­tries and Prouin­ces assumed first from their pos­sessors. Iudg. 18. 29. Iudg. 10. 4. Chapter of his first Booke of Antiquities is a sufficient Witnesse, who in the dispersion of Noahs sonnes and his nephewes, nameth the Countries according to their families. So did the children of Dan name Laish after their father: Iair his Cities that he conquered in the Land of Gilead: and Iudea from Iudah whose King was of him: And that this also was the practise of the Gentiles, Perionius doth shew, who saith, that himselfe [...] de origi­nal. Gallic [...]. Spaine named from Hispalus, Italy fr [...] Ital [...]. [...] the sixt sonne of Iap [...]eth the first inhabiter of this Iland, who named it [...] 252. yeeres after the flood. knew no Nation in the earth, which would not haue their names either from their Prince, Captaine, or King: the example whereof hee inserteth, that Spaine was so na­med from Hispalus, Italy from Italus, and the like.

(3) And accordingly from Samothes the sixth sonne of Iapheth (whom Moses calleth Mesech) the brother of Gomer, and of Ia [...]an, whose seed is said in the tenth of Genesis to haue replenished the Iles of the [Page 158] Gentiles, is brought by some Authors into this Iland, the yeere after the generall Flood two hundred fiftie and two, where he seated, and gaue Lawes to his peo­ple, and left to his posteritie the name thereof to bee called Samothea, after his owne. But sith the credit of this Samothes and his Samothea ariseth onely from a The credit of this Samothes and his Samothea ariseth only from a smal and new pamph­let, bearing the name of Berosus the Chaldean. small and new pamphlet, bearing the name of Berosus the Chaldean, bolstred out vnder a shew of aged An­tiquitie, and thrust into the world vnder the counte­nance of the ancient Historian himselfe: I meane not to enforce, seeing my purpose is to expose this most beautifull Iland in her owne beseeming attire, and not deformed by these rotten and patched ragges. And of this forged Berosus we haue better cause to vpbraid Iohannes Annius his Countenancer and Commenter, then the Egyptian Priests had to twit Solon, in accusing Plato in Ti [...]. Solo [...] quippeth the Grecians, as not hauing attai­ned to the yeeres of a gray head for historie. Lodouic. Viues. Gasperus Var­rerius. Berosus reiecte d. the Grecians, that for historie had not attained to the yeeres of a gray head. For it exceeds not much one hundred and twenty yeeres since the same booke first appea­red in the world; and then vehemently suspected as fabulous by Lodouicus Viues, and afterwards conui­cted by the learned Gasperus Varrerius in a seuerall treatise, and now vniuersally reiected of all skilfull Antiquaries.

(4) But the name ALBION is better receiued, ALBION ye name of this Iland so termed by the Grecians. being found so tearmed of the Grecians in ancient time, as in the booke De Mundo, written to Alexander, and supposed to be Aristotles, Pliny in his Naturall Hi­storie, Ptolomie, Strabo, and others: yet vpon what ground it should bee so called there arise many conie­ctures. Pomponius Mela, Nicolas Perottus, Rigmanus Philesius, Aristotle, and Humfrey Lhuyd, deriue it from Pomponius Mela cap. de Gallia. Albion Mareoticus a Giant, and sonne of Neptune, that The name Albion from Albion the Giant. conquered (as they say) these Samotheans, and seated himselfe in this Iland the yeere after the Flood three hundred thirty fiue. And if that be true which Perot­tus and Lilius Giraldus haue written, then may this Albion giue name to this Iland. Notwithstanding, Strabo, Munster, and Frier Bartholomew, will haue it so Strabo lib. 4. Munst Cosmogr. Bar [...]hol. de propri­etatibus rerum. named ab albis rupibus, of the rockes and white clifts appearing towards the coasts of France: which carri­eth the more likelihood through the credit of Orphe­us a most ancient Poet, who in his Argonauticks (if so be they were his) calleth the Iland next vnto Hibernia or Hernin, which questionlesse is this of ours, [...], that is, the white Land. And accordingly haue Albion called the White Land. the Welsh Poets called it Inis Wen. And this is further confirmed from Cicero, who termeth these whitish Welsh Poets cal­led this Iland I [...]is Wen. clifts mirificas moles; as also by the anticke Coines of Antonius Pius and Seuerus the Romane Emperours, wheron BRITAINE is stamped in a womans attire Britaine stamped in a womans at­tire sitting vpon rockes. Fracast. de morbis contagio [...]is, Lib. 1. sitting vpon rocks. And the same being chalkie, or of a plaster-like substance, Fracastorius supposeth was the cause of the sweating sicknesse, and whereof Albion had the name. Vnlesse some will deriue it from Al­phon, which as Festus saith, doth signifie white in Greeke; or Olbion, rich or happie, in regard of the fertilitie of the soile, wholesome temperature of the aire, and the rich commodities in the same: either from Albion for the high situation. But from the Latine albis rupibus Humfrey L [...]uyd in Bre [...]ar. Brit. it could not bee deriued, when that language was vn­knowen to the world. Marianus the Monke, Iohn Rous, Dauid Pencair, and William Caxton, from others Marianus Scotus. Ioh. Rous. Albion, from Al­bina the beauti­full daughter of D [...]oclesian. more ancient, doe fetch the name thereof from Albina the beautifull daughter of Dioclesian King of Syria, who with her sisters, thirty in number, for the slaugh­ter of their husbands, were banished their Countrey, and without man, oares, or tackles, were committed to the mercy of the Seas, who after many aduentures, lastly arriued vpon this shoare, where they inhabited, and gaue name to this Iland, calling it Albion after the A ridiculous opi­nion for a proge­nie of Giants in Albion. name of their eldest sister: and accompanying with Diuels, brought foorth a progenie of Giants, if we will beleeue the Legend of this most impudent lier, which is worthily reiected by Badius, Volateranus, Harding, Bale, Iohn Rous, and others. But that the name Albion was both of great acceptance and long continuance, is apparent by the worthy Epitheton of King Edgar the Saxon, who in his Charter for the foundation of the Abbie of Ely, hath these words: Ego Edgarus Basileus The name Albion re [...]eined in the Char [...]rs of some of our latter Kings. dilectae Insulae Albionis, subditis nobis sceptris Scotorum, Cumbrorum, & omnium circumcirca Regionum, quieta pace fruens, &c. By which hee knitteth the whole Iland together, as a Land worthily to be beloued, and calleth it ALBION.

(5) The next name ascribed vnto this Iland is BRITAINE. The Grecians first named this Iland by ye name BRITAINE. BRITAINE, and that first found and giuen by the Grecians, who were the first discouerers of these We­sterne parts of the world: either from their painted bodies; as their neighbours (if not ancestours) the Gaules were named of their long shaggie haire, or of their rich metals therein gotten, and thence carried in abundance into other Countries; or from Brute, that with his dispersed Troians conquered it, as he of Monmouth hath translated; or what occasion soeuer, Ieffrey ap Arthur. I dispute not: only it feares me I shall giue but small satisfaction to the desirous Reader, of the cause and originall of this name, being consorted with so many vncertainties, wherein the further we follow this in­tangled How this Iland came to haue the name Britanni [...] is very vncertaine. threed, the further are we lead into the Laby­rinth of ambiguitie. But as Plutarch, Liuy, and other Latine Writers haue complained of the many fictions The fainings of Poets haue bred mistrust in many true histories. and fables of Poets intermingled with the histories of truth, whereby truth it selfe was often made inctedible; so we in rehearsing the diuers names of Britannie, and the reasons thereof by sundry Writers alleged, rest free in our relations, either from impeaching the power of Antiquitie, or approouing those things that are as yet wrapped vp in Times Obliuions, leauing the credit to them that haue left the same vnto vs, and the censure of their opinions to the iudgement of the learned, and those of better experience.

(6) The vulgar receiued opinion, held on with foure hundred yeeres continuance, (some few mens Britaine the name of this Iland thought to take his name from Brute. exceptions had against the same) is, that this Iland tooke the name of Britannia from Brute the sonne of Syluius, of whom more shall bee spoken in the next Chapter for the peopling of this Iland, and from whom some (following a suspected Gildas) doe write the name Brutaine: for so doth Hierome, who transla­ting Aethicus that excellent Scythian Philosopher, cal­leth both this and the Ilands adiacent, Insulas Bruta­nicas. But besides the many obiections made both by forraine and home- [...]red Writers, that seeme to make the storie of Brute doubtfull, Humfrey Lhuyd a Cambre-Britaine, a learned and diligent searcher of In his Breuiarie of Britaine. Antiquities, doth confidently deny the name Britaine to be taken from Brute; and among many other ob­seruations, makes this an infallible argument, that the letter B. is not the first radicall of that name; and affir­meth The letter B. no radicall in the British tongue. boldly, that there is not any British word whose first radicall letter is B. And therefore hee will haue it to be anciently written PRYDCAIN, compoun­ded of two British words, PRYD and CAIN, which PRYD-CAIN signifie (as he saith) Beauty and White; the C. being lost in the latter word, for the more easie pronuntiation in the British tongue; and the P. in the former changed into B. by the Latines, for the more gentle and pleasant sounds sake: so that himselfe thinketh, that those learned and ex­pert men in the British tongue, which wrote the Ilands name with B. doe therein rather follow the Latines, then iudging that to bee the true name indeed: for proofe whereof hee citeth both ancient Copies and Traditions of their owne old Poets the Bardi, by whom Britaine vsually called Prydain. (saith he) it was vsually called Prydain, as the fittest denomination for so beautifull a Land. But if either colour or commodities were her Godfathers at the font-stone, why was she not rather named The Palace of Queene Ceres, as old Orpheus termes her; either In­sula flor [...], as it hath beene found written in a very Brita [...]ia the Insula [...]. ancient manu-script? And yet to second this his con­c [...]ited name, I finde recorded by Bishop Cooper, a lear­ned Bishop Cooper in his Dictionarie. Writer, that which makes for that purpose. At E [...]ychurth (saith he) two miles from Salisburie, in the dig­ging [...] written Pryd [...]a. downe of a wall, a booke containing twenty le [...]es of very thicke velo [...]e was found, which from the hands of Master Richard Pace, chiefe Secretarie to the King, I re­ceiued; King Edward V [...]. but being sore defaced, could read no one sentence [Page 159] thorow, yet did I well perceiue the word PRYTANIA, (not called so, from the adiuncts white and Beauteous) but rather from the Greeke word [...] Prytania, which Prytania so cal­led from the Greek word [...]. as he saith, doth signifie mettals. For the Grecians flou­rishing in wisedome, and experience, entred the Ocean, and finding this Iland full of Brasse, Tynne, Lead, Iron, Gold, and Siluer gaue name thereunto accordingly and called it Prytania. Thus farre he. And some in re­gard of these rich commodities thence brought, will haue it named Britannia, as vpon like occasion Vibius Sequester affirmeth Calabria sometimes to haue beene so called. Others, and those many, do hold a more strange Vibius Sequest. opinion, namely, that this Iland was called Britannia of Bretta a Spanish word which signifieth Earth, for Britannia of Bretta a Spanish word. that it was separated from the maine land, and, say they, it was once ioined with the continent of France. Of this opinion are Antonius Volscus, Dominicus Marius Niger, Seruius Honoratus, Vinianus, Bodine, Twyne, and Antonius Volscus Dominicus Mari­us Niger, &c. Verstegan. But how that name from that separation may be gathered I vnderstand not: for if it be gran­ted, that this Iland also was cut from the continent (as it is thought all others in the world were,) by the vio­lent rage of the vniuersall floud, yet it followeth not, that this only should claime that name, and from that occasion, more then any other, or then all of them so diuided and set apart in the maine Ocean. Others there are that would haue the name Britaine to bee brought from Britona a Nymph in Greece, daughter to Britannia named of Britona a Nymphe. Textor Chr [...]. Mars, who (as they say) to auoid the lasciuious intents of Minos, forsooke the country, and passing the seas a­riued in this Iland and by her the name arose, this hath Textor. But I might as well cite Calepine for his Anglia, and Marianus for his Albina, being all fables Textor. consorting alike together, and fictions of the same au­thority that Virgils Dido is. Hesychius deriueth the Hesychius. name Britaine from Britannus the father of Celtice on whom Hercules begat Celtus the originall of the Celtae as Parthenius Nicaeus a very ancient author writeth. Parthenius Ni­caeus. Sir Thomas Eliot. Britaine of the Greek word [...]. And Sir Thomas Eliot a learned Knight draweth the name of this Iland from the Greek fountaine also, but of other signification, viz. [...] Prutania, by which terme the Athenians signified their publike reue­nues, and yet that is iustly excepted against, seeing that it is a peculiar terme only to the Athenians, and that Grecians called this Iland [...] and not [...]. Goropius Becanus in Orig. de Ant. lib. 6. Bridania or Free-Denmark. the Grecians called this Iland [...] not [...]. Goro­pius Becanus in his Originall of Antwerp saith, that the Danes sought here to plant themselues, and so named this Iland Bridania, that is, free Denmarke. And others de­riue it from Prutenia a country in Germany. But that both these are fictions it manifestly appeareth, for that this Iland was famous by the name of Britaine many hundred yeeres before that either Dania or Britaine so na­med before ei­ther Dania or Prutenia were heard of in the world. Pomponius Latus. Prutania were heard of in the world.

Pomponius Latus would haue it Briton, and that name giuen it from the Britons in France. Indeed it is probable, that from the Celtes, the old Gaules, our ori­ginals descended: but that the name should come of them hath no colour of truth, seeing that those Britons came from vs, and not we from them: and in Caesars Britons in France came of vs. Cambden Brit. pag 8. Forcatulus. Britaine called of Brithin a drinke. White. Britaine called of an Hebrew word. Isidore. time that coast was called Armorica, but this of ours Britaine. Forcatulus deriueth the name thereof from Brithin a drinke, which as Athenaeus saith was vsed a­mong the Greeks. And others will haue it from the Brutij a roauing and stragling people in Italy: both which are accounted but idle conceits and for no lesse we will leaue them. White of Basingstocke will haue the name thereof deriued from an Hebrew word, and I­sidore from a word of her own language. Thus then is Britanny burthened with many titles vnder one truth; and these are the ascriptions, causes and exceptions, as far as we are able to gather: all which must giue place to that which is to follow out of the painfull collecti­ons and iudicious obseruances of our illustruous An­tiquarie Master Cambden. Whose words I will a­bridge, and by his good fauour bring to furnish this chapter, and further to satisfie the vnsatisfied Reader. Cambdeni Britan­nia.

(7) This then he holdeth for granted, that ancient Ancient nations had names of their owne: af­terwards wre­sted by Greeks and Latines. nations in the beginning had names of their own: and that after from these the Greeks and Latines by wresting them to the analogie or proportion of their speech, imposed names vpon Regions and countries, which tooke their denominati­ons from their people and in-dwellers. So Iewry was na­med from the Iewes, Media from the Medes, Persia of the Iewry so called of the Iewes. Media of the Medes. Scythia of the Scythians. Britta, Brito, Britones and Brittus. From Brit or Brith. Persians, Scythia of the Scythians, &c. And why not then by the authority of Martial, Iuuenal, Ausonius, Proco­pius, and in old inscriptions set vp by the Britaines them­selues, BRITTA, BRITO, BRITONES, BRIT­TVS, from BRIT, or BRITH, from whom any one being of that nation might be termed NATIONE BRITTO, as is seene so inscribed in Saint Mary the Round at Rome? The Saxons likewise themselues called the Britains [...], and Witichindas the Saxon euerie where nameth the Britaines Britae: so that the word BRIT. Witichindas. BRIT is doubtlesse the Primitiue, from whence BRIT­TO is deriued, and from whence the first glimpse of light Brit the primi­tiue from whence Britto is deriued. leading to the word BRITAINE, seemeth to appeare. And that all nations deuised their names of that, wherein they either excelled others, or were knowen by from others, whether in regard of their first founders honor, as the Iones of Iauan, the Israelites of Israel, the Cananites of Canaan; or whether in respect of their nature, conditions, and incli­nations; Israelites so cal­led in honour of their first foun­der Israel. Iberi why so called. Nomades named of their bree­ding of Cattell. Dio. Aethiopians so called of their black hue. Iulius Solinus. as the Iberi after the Hebrew Etymologie because they were Miners; the Heneti because they were straglers; the Nomades for that they were breeders of Cattell; the Almanes for their esteemed valour and manhood; the Frankners for being free; the Pannonians, as Dio concei­teth, of their coats with cloth-sleeues; the Aethiopians of their blacke hue: and the Albanes because they were borne with white haire, for so saith Solinus, that the colour of their heads gaue name vnto the people. Seeing then that these our Ilanders were known and called by a name com­mon to both them and their neighbors, Cimbri or Cumeri, Britaines and their neighbors called both by one name Cim­bri or Cumeri. Caesar, Mela, Pliny, Martial. and had no better marke to be distinguished and knowen from the borderers, then by their custome of painting their bodies, whereof the most approued authors doe witnesse, as Caesar, Mela, Pliny, Martial an [...] others, who affirme that the Britanes vsed to colour themselues with woad, called in the Latine glastum (and Glase at this day with them doth The Britaine co­loured them­selues to be di­stinguished from their neighbors. signifie blew) what if I then should coniecture (saith he) that they were called Britains from this their painted bo­dies? for what is thus stained or coloured, in their ancient country speech is called BRITH. Neither let this Etymolo­gie of Britains seeme to be either harsh or absurd, seeing the very words sound alike, and the name also as an expresse image representeth the thing which in Etymologies are chiefly required; for Brith, and Brit, doe passing well accord: And the word Brith among the Britaines, implieth that Brith and Brit do accord. which the Britans were indeed, to wit, painted, stained, di­ed, and coloured, as the Latine poets describe them: hauing their backes pide or medly coloured, as Oppianus termeth Oppianus. Cyn [...]. li. 1. Britaines so na­med for painting themselues. them. From which colours and vse of painting, the an­cient Britaines (as he thinketh) had their names, and as yet in vse among the Welsh. But this is certaine that a Britain is called in the British tongue BRITHON, and as BRITO came of BRITH, so did BRITANNIA, who as Isidore saith tooke the name from a word of their owne nation: for what time the ancient Greeks (that first Isidore. gaue name to this Iland) either as rouers or merchants tra­uelled into other remote and farre disioined countries (as Eratosthenes reporteth) learned from the Inhabitants themselues, or els of the Gaules which spake the same lan­guage, Eratosthenes. that this our nation was called Brith and Brithon: They then vnto the word BRITH, added TANIA, The Grecians vnto the word Brith added tania. which in the Greek Glossaries betokeneth a REGION, and whereof they made a compound name [...], that is, the BRITONS-LAND. And that this is so, the countries also lying in the West part of the world, as Mauritania, Lu­sitania, and Aquitania, doe sufficiently confirme: for the Grecians being the first Surueiors of those regions, of Mau­ri, whom Strabo saith was called Numidia, made Mauri­tania; Strabo. Tania added to [...] diuers countries, by the Grecians. Iuo Carnotensis. of Lusus the sonne of Bacchus, Lusitania, and of Aquis (waters, as Iuo Carnotensis is of opinion) called the country Aquitania: as also Turditania, and Bastinania, Prouinces in Spain, might arise from the Turdi, and Basti their possessors. And that this manner of composition is most vsuall in the names of countries we see: For came not Ire­land by composition of the Irish word Erim? Did not An­gle terre gr [...]w together of an English and French word [Page 160] and became England, Doth not Franc-lond proceed from England com­ming of Angle­terre. a French and Saxon word? Came not Poleland from a Po­lonian word, which with them betokeneth a plaine? and was not Danmarch compounded of Dan and the Dutch word Danmarch com­pounded of Dan and March. March, which signifieth a bound or limit? Neither haue we cause to wonder at this Greek addition TANIA, seeing that S. Hierome in his questions vpon Genesis, proued out S. Hierom. in Gene. of most ancient Authors, that the Greekes inhabited along the sea coasts and Isles of Europe thorowout as far as to this our Iland. Let vs read, saith he, Varroes bookes of Anti­quities, and those of Sisinius Capito, as also the Greeke writer Phlegon, with the rest of the great learned men, and Phlegon. we shall see, all the Ilands well neere, and all the sea coasts of the whole world, to haue been taken vp with Greek inhabi­tants, Grecians inhabi­ted well neere all the sea coasts of the whole world. who, as I said before, from the mountaines Amanus and Taurus euen to the British Ocean, possessed all the parts along the sea side. And verely, that the Greeks ariued in this our region, viewed and considered well the site and nature thereof, there will be no doubt nor question made: if we ob­serue what Athenaeus hath written concerning Phileas Athenaeus. Taurominites who was in Britaine in the yeere one hun­dred and sixty before Caesars comming: if we call to re­membrance The certainty of the Greeks inha­biting in Britain. Brodaeus Miscel­lan. lib. 3. Vlysses Altar in Caledonia. Thule thought to be one of the Iles of the Or­cades in Scot­land. Low countries. the Altar with an inscription vnto Vlysses in Greek letters, erected in Caledonia as Solinus saith, and lastly if we marke what Pytheas before the time of the Ro­mans here, hath deliuered and written as touching the di­stance of Thule from Britaine. For who had euer discoue­red vnto the Greeks, Britain, Thule, the Belgick countries, and their sea coasts especially, if the Greek ships had not entred the British and German Ocean, yea and related the description therof vnto their Geographers? Had Pytheas, thinke you, come to the knowledge of six daies sailing beyond Britaine, vnlesse some of the Greeks had shewed the same? Who euer told them of Scandia, Bergos and Nerigon, out of which men may saile into Thule? And these names seem Thule much mentioned in Greek writers. to haue been better knowen vnto the most ancient Greeks, then either to Pliny or to any Roman. Wherupon Mela te­stifieth, that Thule was much mentioned and renowned in Greek writers: Pliny likewise writeth thus; Britain an Iland famous in the monuments and records both of the Greeks and of vs. By this meanes therefore, so many Greeke words haue crept into the British, French, and withall, into the Belgick or Low-Dutch language. And if Lazarus Laza. Baysius. As other nations glory that they deriue many words from the Greeks, so may we. Baysius, and Budaeus doe make their vant and glory in this, that their French-men haue been of old [...] that is, louers and studious of the Greeks, grounding their reason vpon few French words of that Idiome, which receiue some marks and tokens of the Greek tongue: if Hadrianus Iu­nius ioyeth no lesse, because in the Belgick words there lie couertly Greek Etymologies: then may the Britains make their boast in whose language many words there be deriued from the Greeks. Thus farre M. Cambdens iudgement for Britannia.

Which name we find first mentioned by Polybius the Greeks historian, who liued and traueled with Scipio thorow most parts of Europe, about 265. yeers before the birth of Christ. And after him Athenaeus a Greek authour of good account, and before the yeere Athenaeus. For so by the Scriptures ac­count I place the time. In Britaine great store of large trees. of grace 179. mentioneth the name of Britaine, and that vpon this occasion: King Hiero, saith he, fra­ming a ship of such hugenesse and burden, as was admira­ble to the world, was much troubled for a tree, whereof he might make the maine mast: which at last with much adoe was found in Britaine, by the direction of a Swineheard: and by Phileas Taurominites the Mechanick conueied Phileas Tau­rominites. into Sicilie, whereby that want was sufficiently suppli­ed. To this let not the Criticks from Caesar say, that Caesar. Britaine brought foorth neither Beech nor Firre, as he in his fist book of commentaries affirmeth (if by fagus he meane the Beech) seeing that the same kind doth most In Scotland Firre trees for masts. plentifully grow in all parts of this Iland, and the Firre-trees for masts in the North west of Scotland vp­on the bankes of the Lough argicke of such great height and thicknesse, that at the root they beare 28. handfuls about, and the bodies mounted to 90. foot of height they beare at that length 20. inches Diame­tre, as hath been measured by some in commission, & so certified to his Maiesty: and at this present growing vpon the lands of the right worthy Knight Sir Alex­ander Hayes, his Maiesties principal Secretay for Scotland. But among the Latine Writers Lucretius was the first that before Cesar mentioneth Britaine in these verses:

Nam quid Britannum coelum deferre putamus,
Et quod in Aegypto est, quà mundi claudicat Axis:

We see the difference in the spheeres where Britaines Sunne doth goe
From Egypts Clime, wherein Charles waine is forc'd to draw so low.

(8) Other names hath this Iland beene termed by, and that either by way of note for her situation, as Insula Caeruli, the Iland in the Sea, so written in the Britaine called Insula Caeruli. sonet or parodia made against Ventidius Bassus, and by Claudian confirmed, whose sides (saith hee) the azure Sea doth wash. And in a very ancient manuscript it is found written, Insula florum, an Iland of flowers, for the abundance of Graine therein growing: as also for her subiection to the Romanes, hath beene called by Aegisippus, the Romane World, and by her owne Hi­storian Britaine the Ro­mane world. Prosperus Aquitaine. A prophecy of the Romane sooth sayers concerning Bri­taine. This Iland Bri­taine named the Roman Iland. Gildas, Romania: for being first subdued by them, the very name of seruitude (saith he) stucke fast to the soile. And Prosperus Aquitanis in expresse words calleth it, the Romane Iland, and so did the South-sai­ers when the statues of Tacitus and Florianus the Em­perours were by lightning ouerthrowen, who prophe­cied, that an Emperour should arise out of their familie, that should send a Pro-consull to the Romane Iland. Vp­on the like cause of conquest and subiection we read in Amianus, that what time the Iland had assaied a dan­gerous Amianus Marcel. lib. 28. cap. 7. reuolt in the raigne of Valentinianus the Empe­ror, Theodosius as then Gouernor of Britaine, reducing them vnder their wonted obedience, in honor of Va­lentinianus, caused the Iland to bee called VALEN­TIA, which name notwithstanding died either with, This Iland na­med Valentia. or immediately after the death of the said Emperour.

(9) But about the same time, when as by Gods de­cree the Romanes fulnesse was come to the wane, and Many countries arise by the Ro­mans downfall. the greatnesse of their glory did abate; by the downe­fall of that one Empire many Kingdomes beganne to arise, and to haue their Rulers, Lawes, and Limits of themselues. Among the rest, this Iland Britaine short­lie came to be diuided into three scuerall Kingdomes, This Iland Bri­taine diuided in to three king­domes. The first, Scotland, whose partition south­ward is from Carlile to New­castle. and each of them to retaine an absolute power in their owne dominions, and knowen by their seuerall and proper names. The first was Scotland from Sco­tia, and that from Scythia, as the best suppose, whose Southerne bounds was the famous Wall from Carlile to Newcastle, and from thence the enorme tract of all that Northerne promontorie was called Scotia, or Scotland. The second was Cambria, of vs called Wales, sited in the West of this Iland, inclosing those waste The second. Cambria or Wales, whose partition is from Basingwark to Wye. mountaines with a ditch drawen from Basingwarke in Flint-shire in the North, to the mouth of Wye neere Bristoll in the South, so separated by great Offa the Mercian King. And the third was Angle-lond, the East, the most fruitfull, and best of the Iland, lying coasted The third. Angle-lond coa­sted with the French and German Seas. with the French and Germane Seas; so named when the vnited Heptarchie of the Saxons was ruled by King Eg­bert, who by his edict dated at Winchester, Anno 819. commanded the same to bee called Angle-lond, accor­ding to the name of the place from whence his ance­stors This Iland na­med Angle-lond of a place in Denmarke cal­led Engloen. the Angle-Saxons came, which was out of the continent part of Denmarke, lying betwixt Iuitland and Holsatia, where to this day the place retaineth the name Engloen. And therefore Calepine is to be reiected, that would haue the name from Queene Angela, and Goropius, of good Anglers; either from Pope Gregorie his attribute of Angell-like faces; or from others that Gregorie 1. would faine it from Angula the Giant-like brother to Danus; or force it from Angulus Orbis.

(10) Neither indeed was it called England before This Iland not called England before the daies of Canutus the Dane. the daies of Canutus the Dane; but with Angle-land, retained still the names both of Albion and Britaine, as in a Saxon Charter made by King Edgar the tenth in succession from Egbert, and no lesse then one hun­dred forty and nine yeeres after this Edict is seene, This Iland vsu­ally called both Angle-lond, Al­bion, and Britain, before Canutus daies. where in the beginning he stileth himselfe thus: Ego Edgar totius Albionis Basileus, &c. And in the end of the same charter thus: Edgar Rex totius Britannia D [...]co­nem [Page 161] cum sigillo S. Crucis confirmaui. And yet vpon his Coines wrote himselfe Rex Anglis, whereby wee see the rellish of the former names not vtterly extinct, though a new was imposed by the Saxons.

(11) This last name this Iland still retained, The name En­gland not chan­ged either by the Dane or Nor­mane Conque­rours. though two seuerall Conquests of two seuerall Nati­ons were made of the same. Neither did William the Conquerour attempt to alter it, it sounding belike so Angel-like in his eares, accounting himselfe most hap­pie to be King of so worthy a Kingdome: the glorie whereof is further inlarged by the ranking of Christi­an Hath the fifth place in all Ge­nerall Councels. nations, assembled in their generall Councels, wherein England is accounted the fifth, and hath place of presidencie before kingdomes of larger territories. This name of England continued for the space of se­uen hundred eighty and three yeeres, vnto the com­ming Hath continued and kept the name England the space of se­uen hundred eighty and three yeeres. in of our Soueraigne Lord King IAMES, in anno 1602. who by the hand of GOD hath vnited all these Diademes into one Imperiall Crowne, and redu­ced the many Kingdomes in one Iland, vnder the go­uernment of one Monarch: and after the manifold conquests, irruptions, and dissensions, hath settled an eternall amitie; and extinguishing all differences of names, hath giuen the whole Iland the ancient name of Now reduced to the name of Great Britaine. GREAT BRITAINE, by his Edict dated at Westminster, quartring the royal Armes of his seuerall Kingdomes in one royall Scutchion, and for his mott, as is most meet, BEATI PACIFICI.


IT is not to bee doubted, but that this Iland with the Vniuersall was reple­nished Britaine repleni­shed with people before Noahs flood. with people, imme­diately after that men be­gan to be multiplied vpon the earth, euen in the daies of the former Patriarkes, and long before the Flood of Noah, as sundrie ancient Writers haue related. And surely if wee consider in those first ages of the world the long life of man (the only meanes to multiplication) and the worlds conti­nuance for one thousand six hundred fiftie and six yeeres before it was destroied, wee shall easily yeeld, that euery Country and corner of the earth was plen­tifully peopled and inhabited. And so much doe the Sacred Scriptures intimate vnto vs, where, by the Pro­phet Esay it is said, Thus saith the Lord, that created hea­uen; God himselfe, that framed the earth, and made it: he Isa. 45. 18. hath prepared it; he created it not in vaine; he formed it to be inhabited.

(2) But when the wrath of GOD was executed vpon the world for sinne, and all ouer-whelmed with a Flood of waters, the whole earth thereby became al­together vnpeopled, eight persons only with the breed­reserued Noahs flood. creatures saued in the floting Arke: Whose Port or Hauen was the mountaine of Araret in Arme­nia; The hauen of Noahs Arke, Mount Araret. whence, with the blessing of procreation, man­kinde againe began to be multiplied vpon the earth; and from the confusion of Babels building, to be scat­tered Babels Tower the cause of sundrie Languages, and dispersion of people. by Tribes and Colonies, according to the diuer si­tie of Languages, into diuers parts and Countries of the world, giuing names to the places where they sea­ted, according to the names of their Princes, or chiefe Commanders. Amongst whom the sonnes of Iapheth the eldest sonne of Noah (whom Moses declareth to Iapheths progeny peopled Europe. Genesis 10. haue peopled the Isles of the Gentiles) betooke them­selues into Europe, these westerne parts of the world: as Sem did into Asia, and Cham into Africa: whose Sems planted in Asia. Chams off-spring seated in Africa. Ioseph. lib. 1. posterities accordingly dispersed Iosephus in his first Booke of Antiquities hath both branched into their se­uerall diuisions, and reduced them to their first roots and originals.

(3) Now that the Iles of the Gentiles mentioned Europe the Iles of Gentiles. by Moses, were these of Europe, all learned men con­fesse: and therefore those especially of Britannie and Sicilie, as Wolfangus Musculus is of opinion. And that Wolfang. Mus­cul. Origen. lib. 9. cap. 2. Wolfang. Europe fell to Iaphets portion, Iosephus and Isidore doe agree: who affirme his off-spring to haue inhabited from the Mount Taurus all Europe Northward, so farre Lazius. Theophilus Episc. Antioch. ad An­ [...]ol. lib. 2. as the British Seas, leauing names both to places and people. And Gildas, as Nubrigensis witnesseth, and Polydore Virgil granteth, will haue this Iland inhabi­ted euen from the Flood. But of these ancient things, Sebastian Mun­ster. saith Sebastian Munster, no man can write certainly, it depending only vpon coniecturals, and the same by Stories of the first times meere­lie coniecturall. heare-say, and flying reports of priuate men, as Ori­gen speaketh.

(4) Gomer then, the eldest sonne of Iapheth, gaue Gomer the eldest sonne of Iapheth. name to the Gomerians, who filled almost this part of the world, leading (as Villichius saith) in the tenth Villichius. A Colonie of Go­merians called Combri or Cimbri, of Gomer, came into [...]. Englishmen were of Cimbrica Cher­sonesus, which came from Italy. Ioh. Lewis in Re­form. hist. li. 1. ca. 9. yeere of Nimrod, a Colonie out of Armenia into Italie, which of Gomer were called Combri, and afterwards Cimbri: whence such as departed Italy went into the North parts and gaue name to Cimbrica Chersonesus: from whence it is certaine we the English proceede, and of whom also it is likely the Britaines came. For so iudgeth a learned Britain himselfe, who saith his countrimen the Welsh which are vnlearned, as yet know no other name for their land and people, but only C [...]mbri.

(5) And that of these Gomerians were also the Gaules of the Go­merians. Gaules, learned Clarenceaux that brightest lampe to all Antiquities, out of Iosephus and Zonaras sufficiently hath obserued; who that they were also called Cim­bri, he proueth out of Cicero, & Appian Alexandrinus; Appian. Alexand. Lib. [...]. that those Barbarians whom Marius defeated, Cice­ro plainly termeth Gaules, where he saith C. Marius re­pressed the armies of the Gaules, entring in great num­bers Gaules by all Hi­storie were the Cimbrians. into Italy: which, as all Historians witnesse, were the Cimbrians. And the Habergeon of their king Beleus digged vp at Aquae Sextia, where Marius put them to flight, doth shew the same: whereon was en­grauen in strange characters BELEOS CIM­BROS; as also the testimony of Lucan doth no Marius Haber­geon. Marius killed by a Cimbrian. lesse, who calleth the Ruffine hired to kill Marius, a Cimbrian, whom Liuy and Plutarch in the life of Mari­us affirme to be a Gaule. They also who vnder the conduct of Brennus spoiled Delphi in Greece, were Delphi spoiled by Brennus. Gaules, as all writers with one voice agree; and yet that these were named Cimbri, Appian in his Illyricks [Page 162] doth testifie. And for Brennus their Grand-Captaine, Brennus a Britaine or a Cimbrian. our Historians report him to be a Britaine: as likewise Virgil (though in taunting wise) termeth that Gram­marian Virgil. Catalect. lib 8. cap. 3. Quintilian. the Britaine Thucydides, whom Quintilian af­firmes to be a Cimbrian.

(6) And if of the rest of Noahs nephewes, seated The Turkes, the Iones, Medes, and Thracians come of Noahs ne­phewes. in seuerall countries, the Nations proceeding from them, are knowen by their originall names, as the Turkes of Togorma, whom the Iewes to this day so terme, the Iones from Iauan, the Modes from Madai, the Thracians from Tiras, and so of the rest, whose names as yet sound not much vnlike to their first planters; why then shall not we thinke, that our Bri­tanes or Cumerians, are the very of-spring of Gomer, Britaines or Cu­merians the off­spring of Gomer. and of Gomer tooke their denomination, the name so neere according? Sith granted it is, that they planted themselues in the vtmost borders of Europe, as Isodore Isodore. hath said. For the Ark resting in Armenia, and the peo­ple Armenia the fountaine region of all Nations. Places neerest Armenia first peopled. thence flowing like waters from the spring, reple­nished those parts first that lay next their site: as Asia the lesse, and Greece before Italy: Italy before Gaule, and Gaule before Britaine. And if we consider the oc­casions, that might be offered, either for disburde­ning the multitudes of people, for conquest, desire of The occasions why people dis­perie. nouelties, smalnesse of distance, or commodities of the aire and soile, we may easily conceiue this Iland to haue been peopled from thence. For it standeth with sense that euery country receiued their first inhabi­tants Each Nation peopled from places neere. from places neere bordering, rather then from them that lay more remote: for so was Cyprus peopled out of Asia, Sicile and Candie out of Greece; Corsica and Sardinia, out of Italy, Zeland out of Germany, Island out of Norway, and so of the rest. Now that Britaine had her first inhabitants from Gaule, sufficiently is Britaine had her first inhabitants from the Gaules. proued by the name, site, religion, manners, and lan­guages, by all which the most ancient Gaules and Bri­taines haue beene as it were linked together in some mutuall society; as is at large proued by our Arch-Antiquary in his famous worke, to which I refer the Britannia Camb­deni. studious reader.

(7) And although the inner parts of the Iland were inhabited, as Caesar saith, of such whom they themselues out of their owne records, report to haue Caesar. Comment. Lib. 5. been borne in the Iland: yet the sea coasts were peo­pled The sea-coasts of Britaine peo­pled out of Belgia. by those, who vpon purpose to make war, had passed thither out of Belgia, and Gaule, who still caried the names of those cities and states, out of which they came: as the Belgae, the Attrebatij, Parisi, and the like names of people both in Gaule, and in Britaine, that after the warres there remained. Which is the more confirmed in that both the Prouinces were gouerned by one and the same Prince, as Caesar in his owne re­membrance Caesar. Com. lib. 2 A part of Gaule and Britaine go­uerned by one Prince. knew, and nameth one Diuitiacus to hold a good part of Gaule, and also of Britaine vnder his go­uernment. Yea and Tacitus the most curious searcher into Britaines affaires, in the life of Agricola thus disci­phereth them. Now (saith hee) what manner of men Tacitus in vita Agricola. the first inhabitants of Britannie were, forraine brought in, or borne in the land, as among a barbarous people, it is not certainly knowen. Their complexions are different, and thence may some coniectures bee taken: for the red haire of the dwellers in Caledonia, and mighty limmes, import a German descent. The coloured countenances The Caledoniant import a German disscent. The Silures from Spaine. of the Silures, and haire most commonly curled, and site against Spaine, seeme to induce, that the old Spaniards passed the Sea, and possessed those places. The neerest to France likewise resemble the French, either because they retaine of the race from which they descended, or that in Countries butting together, the same aspect of the heauens doth yeeld the same complexions of bodies. But generally it is most likely, the French being neerest, did people the Land. In their ceremonies and superstitious Britaine most likely to be peo­pled by the French. perswasions, there is to be seene an apparant conformitie. The Language differeth not much: like boldnesse to chal­lenge and set into dangers: when dangers come, like feare in refusing: sauing that the Britaines make shew of great courage, as being not mollified yet by long peace.

(8) Whereby wee see, that these Cimbrians (of whom, as Appian Alexandrinus saith, came the Celts, Appian. Alexand. in [...]. Celt. and of them the Gaules, as Plutarch in the life of Ca­millus Plutarch. Plato. Aristotle. affirmeth, with whom both Plato and Aristotle agree) were the ancient progenitors of these our Bri­taines: and them, with the Gaules, to be both one and the same people, is allowed by Pliny, that placeth Britaines and Gaules both pla­ced in the Con­tinent of France them both in the continent of France; for so Eustathi­us in his Commentarie vnderstandeth Dionysius Afar, that these Britaines in Gaule gaue name to the Iland now called GREAT BRITAINE, as Pomponius Pomponius Laetus. [...]. hist. Angl. lib. 1, cap. [...]. Laetus and Beda before him had done. These things considered, with the neerenesse of their sites for ready entercourse, made both Cesar and Tacitus to conceiue as they did. Neither were these things following small motiues vnto them: for their religion was alike, saith Lucan. Britaines and Gaules alike in many respects. Strabo, Tacitus, Dion, &c. Caesar, Strabo. Lucan and Tacitus: their boldnesse in warres, and ma­ner of armes alike, saith Strabo, Tacitus, Dion, Pliny, Herodian, and Mela: Their building alike, saith Cesar and Strabo: their ornaments and manners alike, saith Pliny and Cesar: their wits alike, saith Strabo and Taci­tus: their language alike, saith learned Bodine: and in Bodin. all things the vnconquered Britaines to the ancient Gaules alike, saith Tacitus. And all these doe warrant Tacitus. vs (me thinkes) to come from the Cimbrians, whose sonnes, and our fathers, were the Celts and Gaules: The Celts and Gaules our fa­thers. Bale Cent. 1. Britaines assisted the Gaules a­gainst Cesar. the bands of whose amities were so linked together, that the Britaines gaue aid, and assisted the Gaules a­gainst Cesar, which was no small cause of his quarrell against them.

(9) Not to deriue the truth of our historie from the fained inuentions of a forged Berosus, that bring­eth Berosus thought a forged author. Samothes to people this Iland, about one hundred fiftie two yeeres after the Flood, to giue lawes to the Land, and to leaue it to his posteritie, for three hun­dred thirty fiue yeeres continuance: although hee be Holinsh. hist. lib. 1 cap. 2. Vitus hist. Brit. lib. 1. annot. 25. Genes. 10. 2. countenanced by Amandus Zirixaeus in the annotati­ons of White of Basingstocke: and magnified vnto vs by the names of Dis and Meshech the sixt sonne of Ia­pheth, from whom this Iland with a Sect of Philoso­phers tooke their names, saith Textor, Bale, Holinshead, Textor, &c. Iob. Caius in An­tiq. Canterb. lib. 1. and Caius: yet seeing this building hath no better a foundation but Berosus, and he not only iustly suspe­cted, but long since fully conuicted for a counterfeit, we leaue it, as better fitting the pens of vulgar Chroni­clers, then the relish or liking of iudicious Readers: whilest with Laertius wee iudge rather, that those So­phes Laertius in vit. Philosophorum, cap. 1. Villichus. were termed Semnothoes, and they not from Sa­mothea, as Villichus would haue vs beleeue.

(10) Neither soundeth the musicke of Albions le­gion tunable in our eares, whom Berosus with full note, and Annius alloweth to be the fourth sonne of Hollinshead. An vnlikely sto­rie of Britaines first peopling. Neptune, and him the same that Moses calleth Napth­tahim, the fourth sonne of Mizraim, the second sonne of Cham, the third sonne of Noah, (because his fictions should be countenanced with the first) who being put into this Iland by Neptune his father (accounted for­sooth the god of the Seas) about the yeere after the Samothea this Iland Britaine conquered by Chams posterities flood three hundred thirty and fiue, ouercame the Sa­motheans, as easily he might, being a man of so great strength in bodie, and largenesse of limmes, that hee is accounted among the Giants of the earth. Him Her­cules Pompon. Mela. surnamed Lybicus in battle assailed for the death of Osiris his father, and after forty foure yeeres tyran­nie (saith Bale) slew him with his brother Bergion in Bale. the continent of Gallia neere to the mouth of the ri­uer Rhodanus: whence Hercules trauelled into this Iland, as Giraldus (from Gildas the ancient Briton Po­et) coniectureth, whose fifth dialogue of Poetrie hee Giraldus. had seene; and the rather beleeued, because Ptolemy calleth that head of Land in Cornwall, Promontorium Hercules in Bri­taine left the pos­sesion thereof to Chams posteritie. Herculis, and left the possession of the Iland vnto them of Cham, contrarie to the meaning of the Scriptures, that made him a Captiue, but neuer a Conquerour ouer his brethren, whiles their first Policies were standing.

(11) The last, but much applauded opinion, for An opinion much applau­ded. the possessing and peopling of this Iland, is that of Brute, generally held for the space of these last foure hundred yeeres (some few mens exceptions reserued) who with his dispersed Troians came into, and made Brute and his Troians conque­red this Iland. conquest of this Iland the yeere of the worlds creation [Page 163] 2887. and after the vniuersall flood 1231. in the eigh­teenth yeere of Heli his Priesthood in the land of Isra­el, and before the incarnation of Christ our Sauiour one thousand fifty nine. This Brute is brought from the ancient Troians by descent, yea and from the per­sons of the heathen deified Gods: as that he was the Brute descended from Iupiter. sonne of Syluius, who was the sonne of Ascanius, the sonne of AEneas, the sonne of Anchises by Venus the Goddesse, and daughter to Iupiter their greatest in ac­count. And if Pliny and Varro hold it praise worthy to challenge descents (though falsly) from famous Pliny. Varr [...]. personages, wherby, as they say, appeareth an inclina­tion to vertue, and a valorous conceit to perswade vnto honor, as sprung from a race diuine and power­full: A false descent may not be challenged. Geffrey of Monmouth died in Anno 11 [...]2. Acts 17. 28. then by all meanes let vs listen to him of Mon­mouth, who hath brought his Nation to ranke in de­gree with the rest of the Gentiles, which claime them­selues to be the Generation of the Gods.

(12) But why do I attribute the worke to him, as the Author, sith he professeth himselfe to be but the translator of that history out of the British tongue, Monmouth his excuse. which Walter the Archdeacon of Oxford brought out of Normandie, and deliuered vnto him? For the fur­ther confirmation thereof, and more credit to his sto­ry, Henry of Huntington, who liued in the time of king Stephen, and wrote likewise the history of this land, Henry of Hun­tingdon died in Anno 1148. bringeth the line of Brute from AEneas the Troiane, and his arriuage and conquest to happen in the time of Heli his Priesthood in the land of Israel, as Geffrey ap Henry Hunting­ton also recor­deth Brutes line and arriuall in Britaine. Geffrey ap. Arthur. A booke hereof found. Arthur hath also done: not taking (as some thinke) a­ny thing thereof from him, but rather out of an an­cient booke intituled De Origine Regum Britanno­rum, found by himselfe in the library of the Abbey of Bec, as he trauelled towards Rome: which history be­gan at the arriuall of Brute, and ended with the acts of Cadwalader, as by a treatise of his owne inditing, bea­ring the same title, hath been compared, and found in all things agreeing with our vulgar history, as indu­strious Lamberd affirmeth himselfe to haue seen. And Ninius is said by the writer of the reformed history, to Wil. Lamb. Per­amb. Ninius and Ta­liesin bring the Britaines from Brute. bring these Britaines from the race of the Troians, foure hundred yeeres before that Geffrey wrote: yea and long before Ninius also, Taliesin a Briton Poet in an Ode called Hanes, of Taiess his course of life, in these words, Mia deythymyma at Wedillion Troia, that is, I came hither to the Remnants of Troy.

(13) That William of Malmesbury (who wrote in the daies of King Henry the first) was before him of Died in Anno 1142. Monmouth, is most certaine; yet doth he make menti­on of Arthur a Prince (saith he) deseruing rather to be aduanced by the truth of records, then abused by false im­putation Malmesb. de Gest is rerum An­glorum. lib. 1. of fables; being the only prop and vpholder of his country. And Beda, his ancient also, nameth Ambrosius Aurelianus to be King of the Britaines, long before Beda hislor. Angli. lib. 1. cap. 16. that Geffrey was borne: So was Brennus mentioned by Liuy; Bellinus, (if he be Belgius) by Iustine; Casibe­lan by Caesar; Cunobilin by Suetonius; Aruiragus by Liuy. Iustine. Caesar. Suetonius. Martial. Rusebius. Eutropius. Nicephorus. Ambrose. Socrates. Harding Chr [...]. chap. 11. Iohan. Hanuil. Nichola. Vpton. Martial; Lucius by Eusebius; Coel, Constantius, Carau­sius, and others by Eutropius, and Paulus Diaconus; and Helena by Nicephorus, Ambrose, and Socrates. These are the affirmatiues that giue countenance to the Arch­deacon of Monmouths translation, and credit to Brutes conquests and successours; yea and Iohn Harding his Herauld, in his home-spun poetry, can easily emblaze his armes to be Gules, charged with two lions rampant endorsed Ore; and the same to be borne by the Kings of Troy. And his banner displaied at his entrance is said to be Vert a Diana of gold fitchel, crowned, and in­thronized, [...]. the same that AEneas bare, when he entred the land of the Latines. But the censures of these rela­tions I leaue to the best liking of iudicious Readers, only wishing them to be vnlike the inhabitants vnder the rockes of the Cataracts of Nilus, whereof Cicero and Ammianus make mention, who were made deafe Cicero de Som. Scipionis. Ammianus Mar­cel. lib. 22. cap. 14. Histories must be weighed with iudgement. by the continuall noise of the fall of Nilus: left by the sound and loud voices of these writers, the excep­tions of others can not be heard, which from the ful­nesse of their pennes I will likewise declare, without offence, I hope, vnto any.

(14) First (with a reuerend reseruation had to the sacred histories) Varro the most learned Latine writer, Va [...]o. diuiding times motions into three seuerall parts, that is, from the creation to the flood, which he termeth al­together vncertaine: from the flood to the first Olympi­ad (by Beroaldus computation set in the yeere of the Times motions diuided into three parts. Beroaldus. world 3154. and thirty one of the raigne of Ioas, king of Iudah: seuen hundred seuenty and foure yeers before the birth of our Sauiour) he calleth fabu­lous: and the last age from the first Olympiad to him­selfe The third only historicall. he nameth historicall. Now the story of Brute be­ginning two hundred sixty seuen yeeres before the The story of Brute fabulous. first Olympiad, falleth in the time wherein nothing els is related, either of the Greeks or Latines, the only lear­ned writers, but fables and tales, as both himselfe and others haue told vs, much more then, among the bar­barous, vnlettred, and vnciuill nations, as all these parts of the world then were.

(15) Whereupon Gildas our ancientest home­borne writer, (cited and in whole sentences followed Gildas. by venerable Beda, who termeth him the Britaines hi­storiographer) in this of Brute is silent, and in his lamen­table Beda hist. Angli. lib. 1. cap 22. Gildas maketh no mention of Brute. passions neuer dreames of him, but as one ouer­whelmed with griefe bewaileth the wickednesse of the time wherein he liued, who was born, as himselfe saith, in the forty fourth yeere after the Saxons first en­trance, about the yeere of Christs incarnation 493. and died, as Bale citeth out of Polydore, the yeere of our re­demption 580. Ninius also another ancient writer, Bale out of Polydore. Ninius also saith nothing of him. who liued aboue eight hundred yeeres since, taking in hand the Chronicles of the Britaines, complaineth that their great Masters and doctors could giue him no assistance, being ignorant of skill, and had left no memoriall of things passed, nor committed their acts vnto writing, whereby hee was inforced to gather what he had gotten from the annals and Chronicles of the holy fathers. Beda likewise, whose history ended in anno 733, beginneth no sooner then with Iulius Cae­sars Beda hist. Angli. lib. 5 cap. 24. Beda beginneth but at Iulius Caesar. Beda had the help of the Ab­bat Albinus. entrance; notwithstanding he had the assistance of the Abbat Albinus, who was brought vp vnder The­odorus Archbishop of Canterbury, and had begun the history of this land with most diligent search from the records of the kingdome of Kent, and the prouin­ces adioining; as also being further assisted by Daniel Bishop of the West-Saxons, who sent him all the re­cords that were to be found of the same Bishoprick, Of Daniel Bi­shop of West-Saxons. South-Saxons, and the ile of Wight. The like helpes had he from Abbat Essius, for the country of East-Angles; Of Abbat Essius. from Cymbertus and the brethren of Laestinge for the prouince of Mercia, and East-Saxons. And from the Of Cymbertus and brethren of Laestinge. Of the brethren of Lindisfarnum. brethren of Lindisfarnum, for the country of Nor­thumberland; besides his owne paines in collections, knowledge and experience: all which he did disgest and historically compile, and before the publication thereof sent it to king Ceolulphe at that time raigning in Northumberland, to be approued or corrected by his most learned skill: yet in none of these found he that history of Brute nor his successors, which as some The history of Brute not to be found in Beda his time. Elward. would haue it, was then vnbegotten in the world.

(16) After him Elward, as William of Malmsburie calleth him, or rather (as he writeth himselfe) Patrici­us Consul fabius Questor Ethelwerdus, a diligent sear­cher of antiquities, a reuerend person, and of the blood roiall, wrote foure bookes, briefly comprising the whole history of England, from the beginning of the world vnto the time of king Edgar wherein he li­ued; Elward speaketh nothing of Brute. Ingulphus. Florentius of Worcester. of Brute nor his Britaines speaketh a word; but passeth with silence to the Romans and Saxons. What need I to cite Ingulphus, who died anno 1109. Flo­rentius of Worcester, that florished in the daies of King Henry the first, or William of Malmsbury, that wrote vn­to William of Malmsbury. All these writers before Geffrey and yet none mention Brute but he. the end of his raigne; all of them writers before Geffrey of Monmouth, but none of them mentioning this story of Brute. This moued William of Newbourgh, borne (as himselfe saith) in the beginning of King Stephens raign, & liuing at one and the same time with this Archdeacon of Monmouth, too too bitterly to in­ueigh against him and his history, euen so soone as the same came foorth: as in the proeme of his booke is to [Page 164] be seen. And that the words are his and not our own, take them from him as they lie. In these our daies (saith he) there is a certaine writer risen vp, deuising fictions and tales of the Britaines out of the vaine humors of his owne William of New­boroughs Chro­nicle inueighing against Ieffrey ap Arthur. braine, extolling them far aboue the valorous Macedoni­ans, or worthy Romans; his name is Geffrey, and may well assume the sirname Arthur, whose tales he hath taken out of the old fables of the Britaines, and by his owne in­uention augmented with many vntruths, foiling them ouer with a new colour of the Latine tongue, and hath inuested them into the body of an history. Aduenturing further to diuulge vnder the name of autentick prophesies, deceit­full coniectures and foredeemings of one Merline (a Wi­zard), Merline a wizard. whereunto also he addeth a great deale of his owne. And againe: In his booke which he hath intituled the Bri­taines History, how shamelesly, and with a bold counte­nance he doth lie, there is no man that readeth therein can doubt, vnlesse he hath no knowledge at all in ancient true hi­stories; for hauing not learned the truth of things indeed, he admitteth without discretion and iudgement, the vanitie and vntruths of fables. I forbeare to speake (saith he) what great matters this fellow hath forged of the Britaines acts before the Empire and comming in of Caesar. Thus farre Paruus.

But I know the answer to this so great an accusation: A deuice to put by this William of Newburghs accusation. namely, that this William making suit vnto Dauid ap Owen Gwyneth, Prince of North-wales, for the Bisho­prick of Saint Assaphs, after the death of Geffrey, and thereof failing, falsly scandalized and impudently be­lied that most reuerend man. Which surely had been a great fault, and might of vs be beleeued, had not o­thers of the same ranke and time, verified asmuch.

(17) For Syluester Giraldus, commonly called Cam­brensis, that flourished in the same time with the said Descript. Camb. cap 7. He florished in Anno 1210. Giraldus Cam­brensis calleth Bruts history the fabulous story of Ieffrey. Iohn Weatham­stead. author, made no doubt to terme it The fabulous story of Geffrey. The like is verified by Iohn Weathamstead Ab­bat of Saint Albanes, a most iudicious man that wrote in anno 1440. who in his Granarie giueth sentence of this history as followeth. The whole discourse of Bru­tus (saith he) is rather poeticall, then historicall, and for diuers reasons is built more vpon opinion then truth, first because there is no mention thereof made in the Romane story, either of his killing his father, or of the said birth, or The discourse of Brutus dispro­ued by Iohn Weathastead. yet of banishing the sonne. Secondly, for that Ascanius begat no such sonne who had for his proper name Syluius by any approued Author: for according to them, he begat Ascanius had no sonne whose proper name was Syluius. only one sonne, and his name was Iulius, from whom the family of the Iulii tooke their beginning. And thirdly, Syl­uius Posthumus, whom perhaps Geffrey meaneth; was the sonne of Aeneas by his wife Lauinia, and he begetting his sonne Aeneas in the thirty eighth yeer of his raigne, en­ded his life by course of naturall death. The kingdome ther­fore now called England, was not heretofore, as many will haue, named Britaine of Brutus the sonne of Syluius. A ridiculous thing to vsurpe gentility. Wherefore it is a vaine opinion and ridiculous to challenge noble blood, and yet to want a probable ground of the chal­lenge: for it is manhood only, that enobleth a nation; and it is the mind also with perfect vnderstanding, and nothing Wisedome the true nobility. els, that gaineth gentility to a man. And therefore Seneca writeth in his Epistles to Plato; that there is no King but he came from vassals, and no vassall but he came from Seneca Epist. 44. Kings. Wherefore to conclude, let this suffice (saith he) that the Britaines from the beginning of their nobility haue been couragious and valiant in fight, that they haue subdu­ed their enemies on euery side, and that they vtterly refuse the yoke of seruitude.

(18) Now that William of Newborough, had suffi­cient cause (say some) to exclaime against the fantacies of Merline, and the fictions of Arthur, is made mani­fest in the sequel, not only by the decree of that ob­truded Councell of Trent, wherein was inhibited the publication of Merlines books; but also (in effect) by the statute enacted the fifth yeere of our last decea­sed Merlines books inhibited. Queene Elizabeth of blessed and immortall memorie, wherein is forbidden such fantasticall predictions, An Act inhibi­ting fantasticall predictions. vpon occasions of Armes, Fields, Beasts, Badges, Cogni­zances, or Signets, such as Merline stood most vpon; and likewise William of Malmsbury saith that Arthur Malmesburies testimony of Arthur. being the only proppe that vpheld his country, de­serued rather to be aduanced by truth, then abused with fables wherewith that story is most plentifully stored. And also, that Weathamstead had reason to ac­count Brutes acts and conquests, to be rather poeticall then any waies warranted by the records of truth, ap­peareth by the silence of the Romane writers therein, who name neither Brute nor his father in the genea­logie of the Latine Kings: and if any such were, (saith Brute not menti­oned in the ge­nealogie of the Latine Kings. the contradictors) how could they be ignorant of the vntimely death of their king, slaine by the hand of his naturall (though in this act vnnaturall) sonne? or what should moue them, being so lauish in their own commendations, to be thus silent in their Brutes worthinesse, that with seuen thousand dispersed Tro­ians warred so victoriously in Gallia, conquered a king­dome of Giants; subdued a most famous Iland, raigned gloriously, and left the same to his posterity; none of them, either in prose or poetry once handled, but left to destiny to be preserued by a long ensuing meanes, or to perish in obliuion for euer? And surely this mo­ued the whole senate of great Clerks to giue sentence, that neuer any such Brute raigned in the world; such Neuer any such king in the world as Brute. Boccace, Viues, Hadrianus Iu­nius, &c. The Criticks argument. as were Boccace, Viues, Hadrian Iunius, Polydore, Bucha­nan, Vignier, Genebrard, Molinaeus, Bodine, and others.

(19) Yea, and there are some Criticks that faine would take aduantage from the defenders of Brutes history themselues, as from Sir Iohn Prys, that produ­ceth many vncertaine ensamples of the originall of o­ther nations; which granted, (say they) doth no waies confirme the truth or certainty of our owne; neither is it any honour to deriue these Britaines from the No honor to the Britans to be de­riued from the Troians. scumme of such conquered people as the Troians were. Humfrey Lhuyd likewise denying absolutely the deriuation of the Britaines name from Brute, and bringing it from two compounded words, (as we haue said) doth thereby weaken the credit of his con­quest of this Iland to their vnderstanding, as also the The Britaines histories weak­ned by them­selues. catalogue of his successors, which are said to raigne successiuely for many hundred of yeeres after him. And another industrious British writer, hauing the helpe of two most ancient British copies, the collecti­ons of Caradock of Carnaruan, their owne Bardies eue­ry D. Powell begin­neth his history of Wales but at Cadwaller. third-yeeres visitation, and twenty seuen authors of good account, (all of them cited in the preface of his Chronicle) besides his helps had in the offices of re­cords for this realme; yet ascending no higher then to the person of Cadwallader, Prince of Wales, whose raign was in the yeere of Christs incarnation 682. and no lesse then one thousand seuen hundred twenty and sixe yeeres, after that Brute is said to come into this Iland, doth not warrant (say they) the story that is in­cluded betwixt, but rather euen the same is enterlaced Cadwallers story also doubtfull. with many doubtfull vncertainties, and so left dis­putable by the said compiler himselfe; as namely whether that this Cadwallader whom the Britaines Ran. Chest. claime to be their king, be not the same Chedwald whom the Saxons would haue theirs; both liuing at Rob. Fabian. one time, both in acts alike, and names neere, both a­bandoning their kingdomes, both taking the habit of religion, both dying in Rome, both buried in one Church, nay, say they, in one Sepulchre. The like he bringeth of the Britaines Iuor, and the Saxons Iue, in the like coherences of names, acts, deuotions, and deaths: so that this history of Brute carieth not so smooth a current for passage as is wished, nor is that Gordeons knot so easily vnloosed.

Againe, the Reformer of the British history himselfe, al­though Iohn [...] he hath written one whole chapter in defence of Geffrey Monmouth, and straineth to make his booke authenticall, complaining often and accusing learned and vnpartiall Cambden seuerall times, for blowing a­way Master Cambden accused by the defender of Ieffrey of Mon­mouth. sixty of the Britaine Kings with one blast: yet when he compareth the generations with the time, is forced thus to write: From Porrex to Mynogen are twenti one Kings in a lineall descent, and but yeers ninety two: now diuide 92. by 21. and you shall find, that chil­dren A further dis­proofe of Brutes history. beget children, and these (saith he) by George Owen Harry in his book of pedegrees dedicated to his Ma­iesty appeareth to be in a lineall descent, besides three or [Page 165] foure collaterals. And yet goeth further: Though the Scripture (saith hee) allege Iudah, Hezron, Salomon, and Ezekiah, to be but yoong when they begat their sonnes, Ach [...]z he should haue said. Rabbi Isack. Aug. de ciuit. Dei, lib. 16. cap. 43. Hierome. which (as Rabbi Isack saith) might be at thirteene yeeres of age: And although Saint Augustine say, that the strength of youth may beget children yoong; and Hierome bringeth instance of a boy that at ten yeeres of age begot a childe: yet this doth not helpe to excuse the mistaking of yeeres for the British Kings aboue mentioned.

Thus far Iohn Lewis: and for the exceptions made a­gainst Brute: wherin I haue altogether vsed the words of others; and will now (without offense, I hope) adde a supposall of mine owne, seeing I am fallen into the computation of times, which is the onely touch-stone to the truth of histories, especially such as are limited by the bounds of the sacred Scriptures, as this for Brutes entrance is. And that the same cannot bee so The Authour [...] owne opinion of Brutes historie. ancient (supposing it were neuer so certaine) as the vulgar opinion hitherto hath held, the circumstance of time, to my seeming, sufficiently doth prooue.

(20) For Brutes conquest and entrance are brought Brutes conquest in the eighteenth of Heli his priest­hood. by his Authour to fall in the eighteenth yeere of Heli his Priesthood in the Land of Israel, and so is fastned into a computation that cannot erre. Now the eigh­teenth yeere of Helies gouernment, by the holy Scrip­tures 1. Sam. 4. 18. most sure account, is set in the yeere of the worlds creation 2887. after the vniuersall flood 1231. and be­fore Heli his priest­hood in anno [...] 28 [...]7. the birth of our blessed Sauiour 1059. yeeres. Brute then liuing in this foresaid time, was foure descents from the conquered Troians, (as he of Monmouth hath laid downe) which were Aeneas, Ascanius, Syluius, and himselfe: so that by these generations successiue in order, the very yeere almost of Troys destruction may certainly be pointed out and knowen: which in searching hath beene found so doubtful, that by some it hath beene thought to be a meere fable. Yet with more reuerence to antiquitie obserued, let vs cast and compare the continuance of these foure generations vnto Brutes Conquest, not shortning them with Ba­ruch, to be but ten yeeres to an age; neither length­ning them with Iosephus, who accounteth one hun­dred Baruch 6. 2. Ioseph. contra Appion. lib. 1. and seuenty yeeres for a generation: but with more indifferencie let vs with Herodotus, who wrote Herodotus i [...] Euterpe. neerer these times, allow thirty yeeres for a succes­sion, as hee accounteth in his second booke. Now foure times thirty make one hundred and twenty, the number of yeeres that these foure Princes successiuely did liue: by which computation likewise measured by Scripture, the ruination of Troy fell in the thirtie eighth yeere of Gideons gouernment in Israel, and was the yeere after the worlds creation 2768. But the Iudg. 8. 28. Clemens Alexand. Stromat. 1. authoritie of Clemens Alexandrinus, alleged out of Menander, Pergamenus, and Letus, destroieth that time of Troies destruction, and placeth it fully two hun­dred and thirtie yeeres after, euen in the raigne of King Salomon: for in his first booke Stromat [...]n thus he writeth: Menelaus from the ouer throw of Troy came Menelaus retur­ned from Troy when Hiram gaue his daugh­ter in mariage to Salomon. into Phoenicia, at that time when Hiram King of Tyrus gaue his daughter in mariage vnto Salomon King of Isra­el. Where, by him we see, that Troies ruines and Sa­lomons raigne fell both vpon one time. And so Brute hath lost of his antiquity, by this account, 230. yeeres; and entred not in Helies Priesthood, but rather in the vsurpation of Iudahs Kingdome by Athalia, and in 2. King. 11. 3. Brute his con­quest rather in Athalia her time. Ioseph. cont. Ap­pion. lib. 1. & 2. the yeere of the world 3118.

(21) To whom let vs ioine Iosephus, an Authour of great credit, and without suspicion in this case, who in his Nations defense against Appion, in both his bookes, confidently affirmeth himselfe able to proue by the Phoenician Records of warrantable credit, that Phoenician re­cords. Carthage built after King Hi­rams raigne 155. yeeres. the City Carthage was built by Dido, sister to Pigmalion, one hundred fiftie and fiue yeeres after the raigne of King Hiram, which was Salomons friend, and one hundred forty three yeeres and eight moneths after the building of his most beautifull Temple. Now wee know by Virgil, Virg. [...] lib. 1. from whom all these glorious tales of Troy are told, that Carthage was in building by the same Dido at such Tacitus [...]. lib. 16. cap. 1. time as Aeneas came from Troies ouerthrow, through the Seas of his manifold aduentures. If this testimo­nie of Iosephus be true, then fals Troies destruction a­bout the twentieth yeere of Ioas raigne ouer Iudah, which was the yeere of the worlds creation 3143. wherunto if we adde one hundred and twenty yeeres for the foure descents before specified, then wil Brutes conquest of this Iland fall with the twelfth of Iothams Brutes conquest rather in Iotham his time. 2. King. 15. 32. raigne in the Kingdome of Iudah, which meets with the yeere of the worlds continuance 3263. And so hath he againe lost of his antiquitie no lesse then 375. yeeres.

(22) And yet to make a deeper breach into Brutes storie, and to set the time, in a point so vncer­taine, as from which neither circle nor line can be tru­lie drawen; Manethon the Historian Priest of Egypt, in Manethon cited by Iosepo. cont. Appion. lib. 2. Israelites depart from Egypt 1000. yeeres before the warres of Troy, by Iosephus account. Iosep. cont. Appion. lib. 1. Brutes conquest rather after Ale­xander the great. his second booke cited by Iosephus, affirmeth that the Israelites departure from Egypt was almost a thousand yeeres before the warres of Troy. If this be so (as it see­meth Iosephus alloweth it so) and one hundred and twenty yeeres more added, for the foure descents a­boue mentioned, the number will fall about the yeere of the worlds creation 3630. long after the death of Alexander the Great, and Greeke Monarch. By which account the great supposed antiquity of Brute, is now lessened by seuen hundred fiftie and two yeeres; and the time so scantelized betwixt his and Cesars en­trance, that two hundred forty six yeeres onely re­maine: Two hundred forty six yeeres a time too short for the raigne of se­uenty two Kings. a time by much too short for seuenty two Princes, which successiuely are said to raigne each af­ter others, and from Brute to Cesar recorded to haue swaied the regall Scepter of this Iland.

(23) But vnto these obiections I know the an­swer will be ready; namely, the diuersities of Scrip­tures A supposed an­swer. account, being so sundrie and different, that the storie of Brute cannot thereby bee touched, but still standeth firme vpon it selfe. Indeed I must confesse, that from the first Creation, to the yeere of mans Re­demption, the learned Hebrewes, Greekes, and Latines, differ much, and that not only each from others, but euen among themselues so farre, that there can be no indifferent reconciliation made, as by these seuerall computations may be seene, as followeth:

  • Baal Seder-Holem—3518.
  • Talmundistes—3784.
  • New Rabbins—3760.
  • Rabbi Nahsson—3740.
  • Rabbi Leui—3786.
  • Rabbi Moses Germidisi—4058.
  • Iosephus—4192.

  • Metheodorus—5000.
    The great diffe­rences in com­putation of yeers among Writers.
  • Eusebius—5190.
  • Theophilus Antioch—5476.

  • Saint Hierome—3941.
  • Saint Augustine—5351.
  • Isidore—5210.
  • Orosius—5190.
  • Beda—3952.
  • Alphonsus—5984.

And yet doe these disagreements helpe little the Obiectors if this be considered, that the maine foun­dation of these diuersities consisteth chiefly in the first world before the Flood, wherein it is manifest, that These differen­ces were chiefly before the Flood. Septuagint. the reputed Septuagint addeth to the Hebrew Origi­nall fiue hundred eighty and six yeeres. And from the Flood to Abrahams birth, is accounted two hun­dred and fiue yeeres more then Moses hath. As like­wise Ioseph. Antiquis. lib. 1. cap. 7. the like is done in the latter times: for from the Captiuitie of Babylon to the death of Christ, one hun­dred thirty and seuen yeeres are added, more then the Sunnes course hath measured: so that it seemeth the differences were not great for the times of Heli, Salo­mon, nor Iudahs Kings, in whose raignes Brute is brought to people and possesse this Iland. But leauing these diuersities, and to come to a certaintie, let vs calculate the yeeres of the holy historie according as Functius, Beroaldus, and sundry other Theologicke Chro­nologers [...]. Beroaldus. [Page 166] haue done; who from the Scriptures most sure The accounting of yeeres by the Scripture is a m [...]st sure maner of computation. account, so tie the stories of times together, that like to a golden chaine, the linkes are fastned each to o­ther, and the whole so compleat, that a yeere is not missing from the fall of man, vnto the full time of his redemption.

(24) First then from the Creation to the Flood are From the creati­on to the flood 1656. reckoned yeeres 1656. gathered by a triple account, from the ages, begettings, and deaths of the fathers. The like is thence obserued for foure hundred twen­tie From the flood to the seuentie fif [...]h of Abrahams life 427. and seuen yeeres, that is, to the seuentie fifth of A­brahams life, wherein God began to tie the times ac­counts in holier summes: for Terah, the first recorded Idolater, was the last in honour that had the Sunnes Ioshua 24. 2. course measured by mans life. And now the bounds of time tie the Promise to Abraham, to bee before the From the pro­mise to Abraham, till the Law, 430 Galath. 3. 17. From the Law, to Salomons Temple, 480. 1. King. 6. 1. From the foun­dation of the Temple, to Salo­mons death, 36. yeeres. 1. King. 11 42. From Salomons death, to the bur­ning of the Tem­ple, 390. yeeres. 2. King. 25. 8. Eze. 4. v. 2. & 5. From the bur­ning of the Tem­ple, to the end of Iudah [...] captiuity, 51. yeeres. Ier. 25. 11. Isa. 45. 1. 2. Chron. 36. 21. 22. 23. Ezra 1. 1. 2. From the first yeere of Cy [...]us, vnto the death of Christ, 490. yeeres. Law foure hundred and thirty yeeres, as the Apostle to the Galathians affirmeth. From the Law to the buil­ding of Salomons Temple, and that in the fourth yeere of his raigne, were yeeres foure hundred and eightie: and from that foundation, to his death, were thirtie six yeeres: for his whole raigne was fortie. From his death and Kingdomes diuision, vnto the burning of that Temple, which was executed in the nineteenth of Nebuchadnezzar King of Babel, were yeeres three hundred and ninetie, as by the daies of Ezekiels siege and sleepe appeareth in the second and fifth verses of his fourth Chapter. From the burning of the Temple, to the end of Iudahs captiuitie, were yeeres fiftie and one, for the whole time of Babels bondage contained seuenty yeeres, as Ieremy 25. 11. whereof nineteene were expired; and fifty one remaining vnto the first yeere of Cyrus their deliuerer, whom the Lord in that regard calleth his annointed Isay. 45. 1. In the first yeere of whose Monarchie he published an Edict for the re­turne of the Iewes and new building of their Temple, as in the books of Chronicles and of Ezra is seene. And from this first yeere and proclamation of King Cyrus, vnto the last yeere and death of Christ our Sauiour the great yeere of Iubilie, the acceptable time, wherein he troad the winepresse alone; to the finishing of the cere­monies, the taking away of sinne, the reconciling of ini­quity, the bringing in of euerlasting righteousnesse, to the sealing vp of vision and prophecie, and to the anoin­ting of the most holy; were yeeres foure hundred and ninety, as the Prophet Daniel from the Angell Gabriel receiued, and vnto vs hath deliuered Dan. 9. 24. all which added together make the number to be three Dan. 9. 24. thousand nine hundred and threescore yeeres. And by this said computation, I haue accounted Brutes story, as all others wherein I shall bee occasioned to speake.

(25) Lastly, if from among these misty cloudes of ignorance no light can be gotten, and that we will needs haue our descents from the Troians; may wee not then more truly deriue our blood from them through the Romanes, who for the space of foure hun­dred Britaines may more truly de­riue their descent from Troy by the Romanes. Britain [...]s tooke wiues of the Ro­manes, and they of the Britaines. B [...]da hist. Anglic. lib. 1. cap. 16. Gen. 6. 1. threescore and six yeeres were planted amongst vs? in which continuance it is most certaine, they tooke of our women to be their wiues, and gaue their women to be wiues vnto vs, seeing that some of their Emperors did the like themselues, and from whose blood, saith Beda, the Britaines Ambrosius lineally des­cended. And if beauty and parts be the instigaters vn­to loue, as in the first world we see it was, no doubt then the features of the Britains were mouing Angels vnto the Romanes, whose faces euen in those times were accounted to be angelicall, and whose persona­ges as yet, are respected as the best (if not better) then any other in the world. But that the Romans them­selues descended from the Troians, or AEneas should be the roote of the Iulian family, howsoeuer the ficti­ons of Poets as a spring tide haue flowed from the Romanes to be [...] discended of the Troians is a fable. fulnesse of their pennes, yet Tacitus their best writer accounteth those things not far vnlike to old fables, Tacit. [...] 1 [...]. 1 [...]. wherein he iudgeth that Nero to win credit before the Consuls, and to get reputation in the glory of elo­quence vndertooke the pleading of the Ilienses cause, declaring the Romanes descent from Troy: and the Iulij from the loines of AEneas, which notwithstan­ding he censureth as is said. And Iosephus in the dis­persion of Noahs sonnes and families, affirmeth that Ioseph. 1. 7. Romus the origi­nall of the old Romanes. Romus was the Originall of the old Romanes and he of Chus, and Cham, if he meane as he speaketh. To con­clude; (by what destiny I know not) nations desire their originals from the Troians; yet certaine it is, that no honor from them can be brought, whose city and fame stood but for six descents, as vnder the To haue a descēt from Tr [...]y, cannot be an honour to any Nation. Troians thrice vanquished. raignes of Dardanus, Erithonius, Troos, Ilion, Laomedon, and Priamus, during which time they were thrice van­quished; twice by Hercules in the daies of Laomedon, and the third time rased by the rage of the Grecians in the raigne of King Priamus, and the Troians them­selues made as it were the scum of a conquered peo­ple. And therefore as France hath cast off their Fran­cio King Priamus his sonne, Scotland their Scotia King Pharaoes daughter, Denmarke their Danus, Ireland their Hiberus, and other Countries their Demi-gods; so let BRITAINES likewise with them disclaime their BRVTE, that bringeth no honour to so renow­ned Brute embaseth the descent of the Britaines. a Nation, but rather cloudeth their glorie in the murders of his parents, and imbaseth their descents, as sprung from Venus that lasciuious Adulteresse.


HAuing thus farre spoken of the ancient Names of this famous Iland, and of the Nations acknowledg­ed to bee the first Planters and Possessors thereof; it remaineth that somewhat be mentioned of the Man­ners and Customes of those people and times, though not so pleasing or acceptable as were to be wished, for that the clouds of ignorance and barbarous inciuilitie did then shadow and ouer-spread almost all the Nati­ons of the earth: wherein I desire to lay imputation no further then is sufficiently warranted by most au­tenticke Writers: and first from Cesar, who formost of all the Romanes discouered and described our anci­ent Britaines.

(2) Touching their persons: All the Britaines (saith Of their Per­sons. Cas. [...]. [...]. 5. where hee vseth the word [...] Cesar) vsed to die themselues with woad, which setteth a blew colour vpon them, and that maketh them more terri­ble to behold in battle. But [...] Mela therein mo­ueth [Page 167] a doubt. They died their bodies (saith he) with woad; but whether to make a gallant shew, or for what other cause else is vncertaine. And yet Herodian here­in absolutely determineth, where hee saith, that the Herodian. Britaines knew no vse of garments at all, but about their wastes and neckes wore chaines of iron, suppo­sing Pliny also addeth another orna­ment, and saith that the Britains wore rings on their middle finger. The Britaines would not be clad, because they would shew the gay pain­tings of their bodies. Plinie. Oribasius calleth that herb, Vi­trum; and the Britains call that colour, glasse: whence our En­glish word glasle, (called also Vi­trum in Latin) may seem to be taken, by reason of the colour thereof. Dio Nicaeus. Caesar. Some Britains clad in leather. Solinus. them a goodly ornament, and a proofe of their wealth: and their bare bodies they marked with sun­dry pictures representing all manner of liuing crea­tures; and therefore they would not be clad, for hi­ding the gay paintings of their bodies. To which painting Pliny also agreeth, and describeth that hearbe woad, to bee like to the Plantine in Gallia, naming it Glastum, with the iuice whereof (saith he) the women of Britaine, as well wiues as yoong women, anoint and die their bodies all ouer, resembling by that tincture the colour of the Aethiopians, in which manner they vse at solemne feasts and sacrifices to goe all naked. And Dio Nicaeus out of the epitome of Xiphilinus, saith, that the custome of that Nation was, to abide in tents all naked and vnshod. Notwithstanding, Ce­sar doth elsewhere report, that they clad themselues in leather, which perchance is meant of the ciuiller sort of them, and in time of battle. Solinus likewise speaking of the Britaines, saith, their Country is peo­pled partly with Barbarians, who by meanes of artifi­ciall incisions of sundry formes, haue from their child­hood diuers shapes of beasts incorporate vpon them; and hauing their markes deepely imprinted within their bodies, looke how their growth for stature, so doe these pictured characters likewise increase. Nei­ther do these sauage Nations repute any thing a grea­ter testimonie of their patience, then by such durable skarres to cause their limmes drinke in much painting and colour. These skarres by Tertullian are tearmed Britannorum stigmata, The Britaines markes. And vn­to Tertullian. Britannorum stigmata. this skie-colour, or blewish dyings, it seemeth Mar­tial had relation in his praises of Lady Claudia: Martial.

Claudia caeruleis tùm sit Rufina Britannis,
Edita cur Latiae pectora plebis habet?

Sith Claudia comes of Azurde Britaines race,
Whence comes her minde so deckt with Roman grace?

And of this vse of painting, as our great Antiquarie iudgeth, both the Britaines had their primitiue deri­uation, Master Cambden. and the Picts (a branch of British race) a long Picts of the British race. time after, for that their accustomed manner, were called Picti by the Romanes, that is, the painted people. Called Picti of their painted bodies. Caesar. com.

(3) The haire of their heads, saith Cesar, they let grow, and wore long, which naturally was curled, and of colour yellow, (as in the Panegyricke Oration a­scribed to Mamertinus, and spoken in praise of Maxi­mianus, is to be seene) all other parts of their bodies Mamertinus. being shauen, sauing only the head and vpper lippe. Yet their complexions were much different, as by Tacitus wee see, who auoucheth that some of those Tacitus in vit. Agricola. Ilanders were red of haire, as the Caledonians in the Northerne Promontories; the haire of the Silures co­loured and curled, like to the old Spaniards; and those Caledonians the Northern people. Silures the Westerne. neerest vnto Gallia resembled their complexions, though not altogether so yellow, saith Strabo. But their wit by Tacitus is preferred before them, and their statures more tall, as Strabo affirmeth, whose li­neaments Tacitus. shewed a good making of body, and mea­surable Strabo. proportion in all parts answerable. Their women faire, and of exceeding good features, as is described by the Romane Writers. Such was Boudicea, saith Xiphilinus; Claudia and Helena, saith Martial and Xiphilinus. Martial. Eutropius. Eutropius.

(4) That the strength of nature wrought long in the Britaines, we read out of Plutarch, who reporteth that the people liued one hundred and twenty yeeres, Plutarch. They liued to a great age. for that, saith he, their cold and frozen Country kept in their naturall heat: whose conditions by Diodorus Siculus are commended to be plaine and vpright, farre from the wilinesse and craft of the Romanes. And by Diodorus Siculus. Strabo their dispositions are partly resembled to the Gaules, but yet somewhat more rude and plaine; and Strabo. those most ciuill, who were the inhabitants of Kent, by reason of their oftner conuersing with other Nati­ons, as Cesar sheweth. But the farther from the con­tinent, Caesar. These Britaines in Kent the ciuil­lest. Pomponius Mela. the more rude, and lesse acquainted with other kind of riches besides cattell, as Pomponius Mela affir­meth.

(5) Now touching their domestick matters. Their buildings were many, and like to them of the Gaules Of their do­mestick mat­ters. Caesar. The Britaines townes are their woods being fortified. Strabo. saith Iulius Caesar; notwithstanding they giue the name of Townes to certaine combersome woods, which they haue fortified with rampires and ditches, whither they retreat, and resort to eschue the inuasions of their enemies. Which stand them in good stead, saith Strabo: for when they haue by felling of trees, mounted, and fenced there­with a spacious round plot of ground; there they build for themselues houses and cottages, and for their cattell set vp stalls and folds, but those for the present vse onely, and not for long continuance. Which, as Diodorus Siculus saith were vsually thacked with reed; but the cities without walls, and the coun­try Diodorus Siculus. without townes; as Dion describeth the Calidoni­ans and Meats. Dion.

(6) Their wiues were ten or twelue a peece, as Caesar hath alledged, which they held common a­mong The Britains multiplicity of wiues. Caesar. brothers and parents; yet the issue reputed his, who first maried the mother when she was a maide: and Dio indeed affirmeth no lesse, adding withall, that Dio. the children thus begotten, were fostred and brought vp in common among them. And Eusebius likewise Eusebius [...]. praepar [...]. 6. testifieth, that many Britaines together kept one wife in common to them all. This community in mariage moued Iulia the Empresse of Seuerus, to twite the Iulia her re­proofe to a Bri­tish woman. wife of Argetecaxus, that the fashion of the women of Britaine in accompanying with men, was very impu­dent; to whom she replied and said, we British women The answer. do indeed herein differ from you Roman Ladies; for wee satisfie our appetite, by accompanying with the worthiest men, and that openly, but you with euery base fellow, in a Dion. Cas. lib. 76. corner.

(7) For their diet; it was a heinous matter with them to eat either Hen, Hare, or Goose, saith Caesar, The Britains diet. Prohibited. meats. Caesar. which notwithstanding they bred for their plea­sures; neither fed daintily at full and rich tables, as Diodorus Siculus affirmeth, but rather in necessity could liue vpon barkes and roots of trees, and with a Diodo. Siculus. The Britaines of a very spare diet. kind of meat no bigger then a beane, after which for a good time they did neither hunger nor thirst, saith Dio Nicaeus: who likewise testifieth that the Britains, did till no ground, neither eat fish, though their ri­uers Dio Nicaeus. thereof be pleneously stored, but liue vpon prey, They eat no fish. venison, and fruits: to which also Caesar addeth milke, whereof (saith Strabo), they had not then skill to Caesar. Vnskilfull to make cheese. Strabo. Their drinke of barley. Solinus. Plinie. make cheese. And according to Solinus, their vsuall drinke was made of barley. But for tillage Pliny see­meth to contradict Dio, affirming that the Britaines manured their grounds with Marle in stead of dung; which argueth no such simplicity in gardening, plan­ting, and in other like points of husbandry as Strabo Strabo. doth taxe them with. And this foresaid temperance of diet differeth much from that, which Saint Hie­rome chargeth their neighbors the Anthropophagi of Ireland, who vsed to feed on the buttocks of boies, and Hiero. [...] lib. 2. womens paps, as their most dainty and delicate dish.

(8) For their religion, or rather diabolicall super­stition, was as the rest of the world, (some few excep­ted) Of their reli­gion and lear­ning. when Satan had clouded the truth of Gods do­ctrine, by the foggy mists of confused darknesse. For Tacitus makes their superstitions, and ceremonies to be the same in conformity with the Gaules. And what that was, Dio Cassius in his Nero, and Solinus in his hi­story, Dio Cassius. Solinus. doe declare; who doe ascribe to them the most inhumane offering of mans flesh in their sacrifices. The Britaines inhumane sa­crifices. The names of their Idols. And besides their ancient Idols, such as Dis, Iupiter, Apollo, Diana, and the like, they worshipped Andates for their Goddesse of Victory, vnto all which they performed no small adorations and honors, imputing their prosperities vnto them: vnto whom also they erected temples with such magnificence as they then had; whose walles, as it seemeth, long after remained, whereon some of those prophane portraitures with deformed lineaments were seene by mournfull Gil­das, [Page 168] carrying a sterne and grim countenance, after the Gildas. wonted heathenish manner: here see we (saith he) vpon these desert walles, the vgly features of the Britains Idols, The Britains I­dols exceed Ae­gipt for number. meerly diabolicall, and in number almost exceeding those of Egypt. So by Tacitus they are noted with the com­mon custome of the Gentiles, which was that they sought for the direction of their Gods by the looking into the entralls of Beasts, yea and of men too; and that they honored the Altars of their Gods with the sacrifice and blood of such as they tooke captiue in wars. And Plinie writing of Magick, saith, that in his Plinie. Magick highly honored of the Britaines. daies the art thereof in Britaine was highly honored, and all the people thereunto so much deuoted, yea and with all such complements of ceremonies in the same to be performed, that a man would thinke the Persians had learned all their Magick skill from them. Priests and instructers had they, whereof the chiefe were called Druides, whose office was imploied about holy things, saith Caesar; for they had the managing of publike and priuate sacrifices, and to interpret and Caesar. com. 6. discusse matters of religion. Vnto them doe resort great numbers of yong men to learne at their hands, and they be had in great reuerence. For they deter­mine almost all controuersies, and matters in vari­ance, The Druides de­termine almost all controuer­fies. as well publike as priuate. And if there happen any thing to be done amisse, if there be any murther committed, if there rise any controuersie concerning inheritance or bounds of lands, they take the matter into their power, and award either recompence or penalties in the case. And if there be any, be he priuate person, or be it corporation, that will not stand to their iudgement, they interdict him, which punish­ment among them is held most grieuous. They that are so excommunicated are accounted in the number of the wicked and vngratious: all men shun them, all Excommunica­tion of great sorce in the time of the ancient Britaines. men eschue their company and communication, lest by conuersing with them, they should defile them­selues and receiue harme. If they demand law, they may not haue it: neither may they enioy any place of honor. Ouer all these Druides there is one Primate, Among the Dru­ides one Primat and chiefe ouer the rest. which hath chiefe authority ouer them. When he is dead if there be any of the rest that excelleth in wor­thinesse, he succeedeth: or if there be any equall, he is chosen by voices of the rest, and diuers times they striue for the soueraignty by force of armes.

These men at a certaine season of the yeere, in the borders of the Caruntes (whose country is counted the middle of all Gallia) do sit together in a place hal­lowed, They assemble once a yeere at a place in France to heare contro­uersies. whereunto resort from all sides all such as haue any controuersies: and looke what is decreed and iudged by them, that they stand vnto. This order of discipline is thought to haue had beginning in Bri­taine, Here appea­reth, that Aca­demies were then amongst the Britans, and from their ex­ample deriued into other coun tries. They are exemp­ted from war. and from thence to haue been brought into Gal­lia. And at this day, they that are desirous to attaine this skill more exactly, do commonly repaire thither to learne it. These Druides customably are exempted from the wars, neither do they pay taxes and tallages with other folke: for they are priuiledged as from the warres, so from all other burthens. Allured with so great rewards, many euen of their owne accord, do register themselues in that order, and diuers are sent thither by their parents and kinsfolke. Where they are reported to learne a great number of verses by heart. Their schollers must learne a great many ver­ses by heart. Whereof it commeth to passe, that diuers continue twenty yeeres in learning. Neither do they thinke it lawfull to put them in writing, whereas in all other things, for their accounts, as well publike as priuate, they vse the Greek letters.

This order they seeme (in mine opinion) saith he, to haue taken for two considerations: partly because They vse the Greek letters lest their skill should be too common. they will not haue their discipline published among the common people; and partly because they will not that they which shall learne, trusting too much to their bookes, should haue the lesse regard of remem­brance: in that it hapneth well neere to most men, that vpon trust of the helpe of their booke, they are slacker in learning things by heart, and lesse care to beare them in mind. This is one of the chiefest things Their Theology is, that the soule dieth not, but passeth from one to another. that they labour most to beat into mens minds, that the Soules die not, but do after death passe from one to another: and hereby they thinke men should be most stirred vnto virtue, when the feare of death is nothing regarded. Also they dispute many other things: as of the starres, and of their mouings: of the Their naturall Philosophie. bignesse of the world, and the earth: of the nature of things: of the strength and power of the goddes im­mortall: and do therein instruct the youth. Vnto these Druides and their doctrine had Lucan the Poet relation in his first booke towards the end, where he Lucan. writeth thus of them.

Et vos barbaricos ritus, morem (que) sinistrum
Sacrorum, Druidae, positis repetistis ab armis.
Solis nosce Deos & Caeli sydera vobis
Aut solis nescire datum. Nemora alta remotis
Incolitis Lucis. Vobis autoribus, vmbrae
Non tacitas Erebi sedes Ditis (que) profundi
Pallida regna petunt, regit idem spiritus artus
Orbe alio: longae, canitis si cognita, vitae
Mors media est. Certè, populi quos despicit Arctos,
Foelices errore suo, quos, ille timorum
Maximus, haud vrgent laethi metus: inde ruendi
Inferrum mens prona viris, anima (que) capaces
Mortis: & ignauum est rediturae parccre vitae.

In English thus.

You (Druides) free from wars, with barbarous deuices
Sinistrous rites performe, and vncouth sacrifices.
High Mysteries, of God, and Heauens, you only know;
Or only erre therein. Where shady woods doe grow;
There you repose; and teach, that Soules immortall be;
Nor silent Erebus, nor Plutoes Hall shall see.
And, (if your Sawes be sooth) Death is no finall dome,
But only Mid-way, twixt life past, and life to come.
Braue Britain bloods perdilwarmd with this happy error,
Death (greatest feare of feares) amates the with no terror.
Hence t'is, they manly rush on pikes, and griesly death,
And scorne base minds, that stick to sped reuiuing breath.

(9) These Britaines being meerly barbarous, as most of the Western parts of the world then were, li­ued Of their com­merce and traffick. priuately to themselues with scarce any com­merce, or entercourse with any other nation: neither indeed were much known to forraine people, for a long time. For the first notice of them extant, was by Polybius the Greek writer, that accompanied Scipio in Polybius the first that tooke notice of this land. his warres, about the yeere of the worlds creation 3720. and two hundred and nine, before the birth of our Sauiour Christ. Which Author nameth their Iland to be plenteously stored with Tynne: but of other Polyb. lib. 3. things therin is silent, saying that al those parts which lay betwixt Tanais and Narbor bending Northward in his daies were vnknown and vncertaine, and there­fore the reporters of them he held as dreamers. So doth Master Cambden another Polybius, & no way his Cambd. Britannia de moribus Bri­tan. inferior, account it a prodigall humor of credulity, to be perswaded that Himilco, from the state of Carthage sent to discouer the coasts of Europe, in the said expe­dition Matters scarse to be beleeued. That Himilco entred this Iland. Polyb. Eclog. lib. 10. That Hannibal should war here. That Alexander came hither. entred this Iland: or that Hannibal should war in this Iland, because Polybius in the Eclogues of his tenth booke saith that he was inclosed within the streits of Britaine, which place is mistaken for the Brutij in Italy: or that Alexander came from the East Indians, to Gades, and from thence into Britaine, though Cedrenus say so, seeing all other writers are a­gainst it; or that Vlysses, (ancient enough if he be that Elishah the sonne of Iauan, the fourth sonne of Ia­pheth) That Vlysses should visit Bri­taine. should visit Britaine in his trauels, whereof Bro­daeus maketh doubt; though Solinus report that an Altar in Caledonia was erected, and Vlysses in Greeke letters thereon inscribed. Which might very well be: for who doubteth but that the Greekes, in their vaine deuotions, did both build and sacrifice vnto their Gods, which they made of their worthiest men? and sith Vlysses, (in regard of his farre sea-trauels) was had in speciall account among all nauigators, why might The like exam­ples we haue now of Cap. Henry. &c. The Romans not mentioned either by Thu­cydides or Herodotus. not such monuments be reared, and his name inscri­bed, as farre as the Grecians trauelled, though his per­son neuer came there?

And if the Romanes, at whose greatnesse the whole world trembled, were so lately known in those anci­ent [Page 169] times, as that neither Thucydides nor Herodotus made mention of them: yea and with much adoe at last were heard of by the Grecians themselues: as Iose­phus affirmeth; And if the Gaules and Spaniards, (in­habitants Ioseph. contra Ap­pion. lib. 1. Gaules and Spaniards for many yeeres vn­known to Histo­riographers. in the continent) for many yeeres together were vtterly vnknowen to the worlds historiogra­phers; shall we then thinke, that this remote Iland, and people then far from ciuility, were noted foorth with markes of more certainty? surely to my see­ming, nothing lesse: seing that their next neighbours the Gaules knew not so much as what manner of men they were: none resorting thither, except some few The Britains vn­known to their next neighbors. Caesar com. lib. 4. merchants, and they no further, then vpon the sea coasts, neither able to describe the bignesle of the I­land, the puissance of the inhabitants, their order for war, the lawes that they vsed, the customes of the people, nor their hauens for the receit of ships; all which Caesar by diligent inquiry sought after, but could find no satisfaction till he had sent some pur­posely to search it out.

(10) Neither is this their want of knowledge to bee wondred at, seeing the entercourse of their traf­ficke was vpheld by so meane commodities: for Stra­bo saith, that their merchandizing chiefly consisted in Their merchan­dize of small vse. Strabo. Iuory Boxes, Sheeres, Onches, Bits, and Bridles, Wreaths & Chains, with other conceits made of Am­ber and Glasse; for which notwithstanding they were compelled to pay customes and imposts vnto Oct aui­an Augustus, as elsewhere shall be shewed.

(11) And as their commodities were very mean, so were their meanes either for exportation or im­portation very slender in those times; I meane their shipping. It is true, that some are of opinion, that Their shipping very meane. Sh [...]s first inuen­ted in Britaine, is a matter to be doubted. Ships were first inuented in these our Seas: but that this should be true, I haue cause to doubt, that Art being long before inspired by God himselfe into the heart of Noah for making the Arke, and no doubt practised by that paterne of many others. But that the ancient Britaines had ships of reasonable vse, though of simple Art, Cesar testifieth, saying, that the The ships of this Iland according to Caesar. keeles and ribs of their ships were of light wood, and couered ouer with leather: which kinde the now-Britaines call Corraghs: and with them (saith Polyhistor) they did saile betwixt Britannie and Ireland, (which sea for rough­nesse and danger may bee compared with any other whatsoeuer) though the bulke of their vessels were but of some flexible wood, couered with the hides of Bufflles: and as long as they were sailing, so long did they abstaine from meat: whereby it seemeth they neuer sailed any great iourneys. And of this their shipping Pliny also speak­eth, and Lucan singeth, thus: Plinie and Lu­can of the ships of this Iland.

Primùm cana salix, madefacto vimine, paruam
Texitur in puppim, caeso (que) induta iuuenco,
Vector is patiens tumidum super emicat amnem:
Sic Venetus stagnante Pado, fuso (que) Britannus,
Nauigat Oceano.—

At first, of hoary sallowes wreathed boughs, the ships
Small bulke is trimly twist, and clad in bullocks hide:
Then, patient to be rul'd, on swelling wanes she skips.
Thus on the spacious Poe the Venice Merchants glide,
And Britaine Pilots saile on surge of Ocean wide.

But after-times brought the Britaines to more exqui­site skill in nauall affaires, insomuch as the royall Na­uie of this Kingdome hath beene reputed (and so is at this day) not only the inuincible walles of our owne, but the incredible terror of al other Kingdoms, which haue or shall enuy our happie peace: and the aduen­tures likewise of Merchants, and the skill of our Sea­men, hath left no corner of the world vnsearcht.

(12) And their trafficke amongst themselues was not of much worth, in that, as Cesar saith, the Coines Casar. which they had were either of brasse, or else iron rings sized The Britaines coines. at a certaine waight, which they vsed for their monies. Of which kind some haue auerred they haue seene found and lately taken vp in little cruses or pitchers of earth. But as times grew more ciuill, and trafficke more fre­quent, they shortly after stamped both siluer and gold; and thereon the faces of their Kings, euen in the daies of Iulius Caesar, who was the first that had his owne The first Romane coynes with [...] were in Caesars time. stampt on the Romane Coynes. Many of these are a­mongst vs remaining, whereof I haue inserted some few, as in their due places shall follow, which I recei­ued from the liberall hand of that most learned Knight, and worthy storer of Antiquities Sir Robert Cotten of Cunington. These Coynes are commonly im­bossed Sir Robert Cotten. outward and shield-like, whereon the inscripti­on, The m [...]ks to know [...]. or face, is seen; the reuerse hollow, and therein their deuise set: and by these formes are they known to be the Britaines, no other nation stamping the like, except some few among the Grecians.

(13 We come lastly, to speake of the manner of Of their warres. Caesar com. 4. their warfare, which Caesar thus describeth. First (saith he) they ride round about all parts of the battell, ca­sting off their darts: and often times with the terrible noise of their horses, and the ratling of their chariot They amaze the enemy [...] the [...] of their chariot [...]. wheeles, they amaze the enemy and breake their ar­ray. And when they haue wound themselues in a­mong the troopes of horsemen, they leape foorth of their waggons, and fight on foot. In the meane while the waggoners withdraw themselues somewhat out of the battell, and set their waggons in such order, that if they be ouercharged by the enemy, they may haue speedy and easie recourse vnto them. By meanes whereof they are both as ready to remoue as the horsemen, and as stedfast to stand in the battell as the footmen, and supply both duties in one. And they are come to such perfectnesse by daily practice and exer­cise, that euen in steepe and falling places they will stop their horses running a full gallop, and guide and turne them in a short roome, & run vpon the vergies, and stand stedfastly vpon the beames, and quickly re­couer themselues back againe into the waggons.

These would often giue ground to egge their ene­mies from their maine battell, and then would leape Casar. com. 5. out of their chariots and fight on foot. And they kept also such an order in fighting on horseback, that whe­ther the enemies chased, or were chased, they were alwaies in danger. For they neuer fought in great companies together, but scatteringly a great way di­stant They fight not in great companies together. the one from the other, and had stals lying in diuers places one to supply another, hauing euer fresh and lusty men in the roomes of them that were wea­ry. They haue euer fresh men in the roomes of them that are weary. Strabo. Diodorus Siculus. The Britaines fight in chariots as the vse was in the worlds first age. Pomponius Mela. Of this their manner of fight in chariots, Strabo al­so declareth; and Diodorus Siculus saith that the Bri­taines liued after the manner of the first age of the world, vsing chariots in their fight, as the report goes of the ancient Greeks at the Troian warres. Pomponius Mela also describing these Britaines, affirmeth that their fight was not only with horsemen and footmen, but also with waggons and chariots, harnessed, and armed at the ends of the axle-trees with hookes and sithes, after the manner of the Gaules; but with appa­rance of greater courage, as Tacitus saith; as being not yet mollified by long peace. Their strength in Tacitus. field consisteth most of footmen, yet some countries Their chiefe strength consists in sootmen. there are (saith he) that war in waggons, the greatest persons guiding the same; and so much doth Iuuenal intimate, who in shew of prophecie but indeed in Iuuenal. flattery of the Emperor Domitian, salutes him after this manner.

It boads thee Triumph great; to captinate some King;
Or fierce Aruiragus from Chariots beame to ding.

Dio Nicaeus from Xiphilinus more particularly decla­reth their strength; Their horses (faith he) are but little, Dio. yet therewithall swift of pace: their footmen also run very speedily, but in their standing are the strongest: their armor Their footmen run swiftly. Their armor. are shields, and short speares, in the nether end whereof is fastned a round bell of brasse like vnto a ball, which at the first onset of incounter they shake with great courage, sup­posing that such a ratling noise doth much amate the enemy. And Herodian saith that their shields were nar­row and speares short, wearing swords hanging down their Herodian. naked loines, hauing neither knowledge nor vse either of corslet or helmet.

(14) Some haue thought that their women also were not exempted from the wars; but certaine it is Many British women renow­ned for valour. Tacitus. that many of that sex were renowned for their valour amongst them. Which made Tacitus to say, it was vsu­all [Page 170] for the Britains to fight vnder the conduct of women, (which the Romans found to their smart) nor to make any difference of sexes for gouernment. A more noble patterne whereof, neuer had any age, then in our late glorious Virgin Queen, (the wonder of her sexe, and of al future ages,) who, as she was inferior to no Prince Queen Elizabeth a glorious virgin Queen. euer liuing, for her admirable gouernment in vphol­ding of her kingdomes peace, so was she a match (to say no more) to the proudest monarchs, in her mana­ging of her wars; as (when occasion was offered) she was ready to make good, in her owne roiall person in A most valorous Princesse in war. the field. But besides the vse of armes, the ancient Bri­tish women had another imploiment in the field, which I will only set downe in Tacitus his words, speaking of Paulinus Suetonius his assailing of Angle­scy: Tacitus. The British Army (saith he) stood on the shore, thicke of men and munition, and women running vp and downc amongst them, like furies, carrying burning firebrands in rufull attire, and with their haire hanging about their shoulders. The Druides meane while went with their hands The British wo­mens rufull at­tire and the Dru­ides behauiour in praier amaze the Roman souldiers. lift vp to heauen, pouring out praiers and imprecations. The strangenesse of which sight so amazed the Ro­man souldiers, that they stood still like stocks, whiles the other wounded them at their pleasure; till Pauli­nus encouraged them, and they excited one another, not to be so danted by an army of women and wi­zards. &c.

(15) In the relations of these things, let no man thinke, that the glory of these ancient and warlike nation of Britains, is any waies disparaged, or made in­ferior to them that would be more famous, whose beginning haue been as meane, and state as rude, if not more. For let vs consider the Romans so lauish in their The Romans deriue their name from an infamous person. owne worths and greatnesse; who notwithstanding, bring their name and originall from Romulus, a ba­stard by birth, nourished by a beast, educated among a sort of rustick shepheards: and grown to the ripe­nesse of his owne affections, he became ring-leader of a damned crue, that liued by robberies and without lawes: besides the shedding of his naturall brothers blood, as Titus Liuie their owne historian witnes­seth: and both himselfe and followers, had in such Titus Liuius, &c. contempt and derision by their neighbour nations, that they both disdained and refused to giue them their daughters in mariage, lest in time they also should become lawlesse, vntill that by subtilty and force, they had rauished their virgins, and thereby made them vnworthy of other matches. Yet when their after fortunes and successe had mounted them vpon the wings of glory, and seated them on the necks of their subdued neighbors, their Caesars would needs be more then mortall, and their pedigrees must lineally be brought from the Gods.

(14) And, to let passe many others, the like may be said of the beginners of the Scythian and Turkish The poore be­ginnings of Scythian and Turkish Em­pires. Empires, two golden pillers raised vpon leaden bases, howsoeuer now, the power of their command, circles three parts of the earth. Nay what more is, that preti­ous, roiall, and Gods only people, from whom the e­ternall King of Kings descended, in their offrings made And of Iewish. in time of their highest glory, were by the Lord thus commanded to acknowledge and say: A Syrian was my father, who being ready to perish for hunger, went down Deut. 26. 5. into Egypt, and soiourned with a small company. And the richest stone of that most beauteous building in his highest pride is counselled by the Prophet, to looke back to the rocke whence it was hewen, and to the hole of the pit Isai. 51. 1. whence it had been digged.


WEE come, at length, to speake of the gouernment and politicall estate of the The British go­uernment. Britaines, which doubtlesse (the times then conside­red) was as honorable in their rulers, and as ma­nageable in the subiects, as any other nations in these West parts of the world: their temperance, religion, learning, and no­ble resolution shewing no lesse. But in this point I must craue pardon of our British Heraulds, and some learned Antiquaries, if I bring not a lineall succession from Brute, and a monarchicall gouernment in those Their succession doubtfull. times of obscurity, through whose mists no Egles eies could pierce, before the daies of Geffrey ap Arthur, as before was touched. And therefore following his counsell, who is best able in these things to giue dire­ction; I will begin the succession of Great Britains Mo­narchs, at the entrance and person of Iulius Caesar; at Not meerly monarchicall. which time, it seemeth, by him and other Latine wri­ters (the best Recorders of kingdoms affaires,) this I­land was gouerned rather after the manner of an Ari­stocratie, that is, by certaine great Nobles and Potent men, then vnder the command of any One as an absolute Monarch: though herein is a difference, in that in the Aristocraticall regiment, the rulers are all Peeres of one Common wealth; whereas here, as many Princes, so many seuerall Publike weales. For so Caesar himselfe found the state of Britaine to be How in Caesars time and after. diuided into Provinces vnder the names of her in­habitants; and to be ruled by diuers Peeres or petty Kings.

(2) And such a Gouernor was Cassibelan, ouer the Trinobantes: Cingetorix, Caruilius, Taximagulus, and Segonax, all foure Rulers together in Kent: Comes sup­posed to be King of the Atrebatij, and to be the same Comius of Arras, whom Caesar imploied to tease and worke the Britaines to his subiection. Caractacus the warlike King of the Silures, Galgacus the worthy King of the Caledonians; yea and women also, without ex­ception of sex, held gouernment among them, such as Tacit. an. 14. 11. was faithlesse Cartismandua Queen of the Brigantes, and famous Boudicea Queene of the Icenians. Where­by Tacit. histor. lib. 3. cap. 9. it seemeth that euery seuerall Prouince owed ser­uice and alleageance only to their owne Prince. And as their gouernments were confined vnto certaine bounds and limits, so were the Inhabitants diuided and distinguished by diuers Names: of whom because we shall haue occasion hereafter often to speak, it shal not therfore be amisse in this place once for all, table­wise to lay downe the same; whereby our narrations may passe vntroubled without more explanations, and the readers mind carried with lesse incombran­ces. Those ancient names of people, and places for abode, throughout the whole Iland, from Ptolemie were as follow.

[Page 171]

Ely Iland.
TAEZALI.Buquh [...]e.
CARNONACAe.Strath [...]ern.

[Page 172] (3) These States ambitiously banding ech against others, to raise their owne Prince to a more soue­raigne Their emulati­ons & ambition. supremacy, and to enlarge their Prouinces vp­on the borders of the next, were euer ready, the least occasion ministred, saith Pomponius Mela, to enter quarels, and seldome held amity, or were quiet. This Pomponius Mela. was the cause, as Tacitus tells vs, which brought that pu­issant nation into bondage: and was the only helpe to the Tacitus in vita Agrico. Romans victories: for seldome it chanced (saith he) that two or three states met in counsell, and concurred in o­pinion to repulse the common danger: so that whilst they resisted and fought one by one, all at length were sub­dued. But this was not at once performed by Iulius Caesar the first Roman enterer, who (as he saith) rather shewed the place to posterities, then gaue them the possession Caesar first en­terer, not con­querer. thereof, supposing it his glory sufficient, to haue done what he did. For vnto the daies of Domitian, they held play with the Romans, and that with such valour, that the subduing of some small part of this Iland was ac­counted by themselues to match the conquests of o­ther mightier countries, and more notes of honour shewed in their publike triumphs for one Britaines misfortune, then vsually was solemnized for whole kingdomes subdued. Caractacus.

(4) That such people possessed, and that many Kings together raigned here in Britaine, Pomponius Mela doth shew: Britaine (saith he) bringeth foorth Nations, and Kings of nations, though they be all without ciuility and barbarous. And Caesars intendments being known vnto them, it is said that many of their Cities sent him by their Embassadors profers of submission: whereby appeareth their diuersities of States, where­of only two held promise, and the rest failing was the occasion of his second expedition for Britaine. And Ta­citus, speaking of the shipwrack suffered by the Ro­mans Tacitus Annal. lib. 2. cap. 5. in the raigne of Tiberius, saith, that many of their souldiers then distressed and torne, being cast vpon the coasts of Britaine, were by the people curteously releeued, and by their petty Kings sent backe vnto Germanicus their Generall into Germanie; which Princes or petty Kings, were drawn (as else where he saith) by emulati­on into many partialities and factions; which was in­deed their owne destruction. And by Gildas these were termed cruell Tyrants, taking his authority out Gildas. S. Hierome. of Saint Hierome.

(5) Let thus farre suffice, in generall, of these an­cient Britains; whose particulars we will further pro­secute in the places of their resistances, lest otherwise they should seeme to fight only against themselues. And therefore so many of these Gouernors, as either yeelded their subiections to the Romans, or stood their opposits till their owne strengths were spent, I will briefly touch, vntill such time as the land was made a Prouince, by the valour and industry of Iu­lius Agricola the first Roman that found it an Iland, and left it more ciuill, and in subiection to the Roman Empire; and by the way I will insert some of such ancient Coynes, as among them were then vsed, expressing their names, and places of coy­nage.



THe first British Coyne (as is supposed) both by the fa­shion thereof being shield­like, and Name thereupon inscribed REXCOM: denoteth Comius, (if he be a Britaine) King of the A­trebatij in this Iland: whom some iudge to haue fled thence vnto Caesar, as a traytor to his Natiue country; and in Gallia vanqui­shed those parts, that lay coasted against the Whight, Ptolem [...]i Geo­graph. wherein (by Ptolemy) the people called likewise the Atrebatij inhabited: ouer whom he receiued the go­uernment by the gift of Caesar, and was by him im­ploied to worke the Britaines to his obedience. And that he was King of the Atrebatij in Britaine, may be strengthned by that which Caesar in his second book of Commentaries affirmeth, where, by his owne knowledge he saith, that one Diuitiacus raigned ouer a great part of Gallia, and some portion of Britaine also: and so likewise this Comius is reported to be of great respect among our Britaines, and able in that country to doe much. Neither is it altogether Caesar. [...]. lib. 4. vnlikely, seeing the Britaines distasted his loyalty to Caesar, and his Ambassage for their subiection, with such dislikes, that they laid violent hands on­ly vpon him, and cast him in prison; vsing no such rigor against the rest of their owne Ambassadors. Notwithstanding when successe altered, they set him at liberty, and made him their meanes to pacifie Caesar.

Other Coynes I haue inserted to such British princes as by their inscriptions are known to be theirs. And whereas some are not yet noted by that honor to the world; I haue vnto such added only blankes, if happily more be reueiled hereafter, and the bowels of the earth deliuer to others, her trea­sures hid, as formerly (and in these our searching daies) she hath already done.

[Page 173]


(2) Cassibelan, as the most worthy among the Britains Kings, to withstand the common danger now ready to light vpon them all, by the inuasions and wars of the Romans; was by a generall consent cho­sen their chieftaine, though in times past, he had mo­lested his neighbouring prouinces to the inlargement of his owne. Whose signiories, as Caesar saith, were seuered from the Cities towards the sea coast by the riuer Thames, about fourescore miles from the same. Caesar. commen. lib. 5. He had obtained the gouernment of the Trinoban­tes, by the slaughter of Imanuence, and the expulsion of Mandubrace his sonne. And, with great valour, held opposit to the Romans, vntill the reuolt of his chiefe Citie, the Cenimagues, Segontians, Ancalits, Bibroces, Cas­sians, and other states, which drew backe, and yeelded to the enemie; his confederates, the foure Kings of Kent, ouerthrown, his owne towne won, and himselfe forced to yeeld vnto Caesar, and the land to pay a tri­bute of 3000. pound yeerly to Rome. A British Coyne of gold with the inscription CAS in scattered letters we haue inserted; as also another wheron is instamped the word VER, supposed to be his, because it is thought to haue bin coined in antient Verolam, the City of Cas­sibelan, Verolam a fa­mous City neere to the place where now S. Albons is. and that in his daies, before the Romans won it.



Cingetorix:whom Caesar calleth Kings that raigned in Kent, were in­stigated by Cassibelan suddain­ly to set vpon, and to assault the Roman forces, that lay incamped vpon the sea shore whilst he kept Caesar occupied further in the mayne: which thing they attempted, but failed of their hoped expectation, their men being slaine, three of them chased, and Cingetorix the chiefest taken cap­tiue. This heauy newes and vnfortunate successe, cau­sed Cassibelan to sue vnto Caesar, and by the meanes of Comius obtained his peace.

(4) Mandubrace a prince of the Trinobantes, but a traytor to his country; whose father Imanuence being slaine by Cassibelan, and his owne life likewise sought after, and in danger, fled vnto Caesar into Gal­lia, and followed his fortunes in the wars; wherein, he was a great spurre vnto Caesars forwardnesse for Britain, both to be reuenged vpon the murtherer of his father, and to recouer the gouernment of the Tri­nobantes vsurped by Cassibelan: preferring his owne ambitious desire, and the reuenge of one mans death, before the freedome of his natiue Country, or the deaths of many his coūtrimen, that daily stopped the Romans passage with streames of their blood. He recouering his chiefest City with the protection of the Romans, yeelded subiection, & forty hostages to Caesar: whose example drew others to sell their owne liberty, & to buy many miseries at too deere a rate, and with too late repentance, him doth Beda call Androgorius. Beda hist. Angl. lib. 1. cap. 2.



CenimaguesInhabi­tants ofNorfolk. Suff. Cam. &c.
Camb. Britan.
Hendly hund. in Oxford.
BibrocesBray hund. in Barkshire.
CassiansCaishow hund. in Hartf.

These people or states, seeing the proceedings and happy successe of Caesar, after the example of the Tri­nobantes, whose chiefest Citie had yeelded him obedi­ence, and were thereby secured, and protected from the harmes of his souldiers, sent him like­wise their submissions, and were accepted into subiection: so ready were they to saue their owne stakes, that they left the whole to the hazard of losse, which soone after followed as an ouerflowing flood, wherein was lastly drenched the whole I­lands liberty.

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(6) Cunobeline (for so vpon his Coynes his name is instamped) was the son of Theomantius and he the sonne of Lud (as say our British historians, by whom his name is corruptly writ­ten Kymbeline) he liued at Rome, and in great fauour with Augustus Caesar the Emperor, by whom he was made Knight, and by his meanes the peace of Britain was continued without the paiment of their Tribute, as Fabian out of Guido de Columna hath gathered. In the foure­teenth yeere of his raigne the Day-star of Iacob ap­peared, and the rod out of I shal did flourish from Numb. 24. 17. the wombe of a Virgin, when the wonderfull Isay. 11. 1. Counsellor, the mighty God and Prince of Peace, the Emmanuel with vs was borne at Beth-lehem of Isay. 9. 6. his maiden-mother the blessed Virgin Mary, and was made man like vnto vs in all things, sinne only excepted. These were the times that great Kings and Prophets desired to see, but sàw them not, when Matt. 2. the Wolfe and the Lambe, the Leopard and the Kid, the Calfe and the Dyon fed together; for war was Esay 11. 6. not heard of then in the world, but rather their swords were made into mattocks, and their speares Mica. 4. 3. turned into sithes, as the Prophets, Sibyls, and Poets from them haue affirmed. In Rome the temple of Ianus was shut, and in Britaine Cunobeline enioied peace with the rest of the world, and his fame made more famous by the many Coynes instamped of him, and whose face thereon among all the British Kings was first inscribed, as by these here inserted doth eui­dently appeare, one with two faces, like vnto Ianus, and foure more with his owne, besides three others wherein is read his name, one of them with a womans head, another with a horse, and the third with a wreath: all these (if not more) are knowne to be his, which shew­eth his wealth, his fame, and his ciuill respect. The chiefest Citie for his princely resi­dence was Camalodunum, now Malden in Essex, wonne by Claudius from the sonnes of Cu­nobeline, as by the inscription of the Coyne next ensuing appeareth, and wherein many of the British monies also receiued their im­presse. This City with the free towne Vero­lam afterwards felt the heauy hand of merci­lesse BODVO in her reuenge against the Ro­mans, who laid the beauty and gorgeous buil­dings thereof so leuell with the earth that those walles and mounted turrets neuer since aspi­red to halfe their wonted heights.

[Page 175]


(7) Adminius the first sonne of Cunobeline, King of the Britaines, by Suetonius his report, vpon some offence was banished the Iland by his father; and with a small traine fled ouer the seas into Belgia; where Caius Caligula was in making his ridiculous expedition against the Ocean. And yeelding him­selfe to his protection, added matter to his vaine glorious humors, as of a great victory and conquest; sending the newes therof to Rome, with an especiali S [...]ton. i [...] vitae Catig [...], s [...]. 44. command that his letters should be deliuered in the Temple of Mars, and that in the assembly of a full Senate. It is iudged by learned Cambden that the Roman Coyne aboue prefixed, vpon whose reuerse is inscribed Metropolis Etiminij Regis, to be meant of this Adiminius the sonne of Cunobeline, whose Citie Camalodunum, Claudius Caesar the Emperour after­wards wonne, and wherein a temple was built and consecrated vnto him, attended by the Priests Au­gustals: which heauily burdened the poore estates of the Britaines.


(8) Catacratus another son of Cunobeline, immedi­atly after the death of his father, found himself agr [...]e­ued Dio calls him Catacratus. at the Romans, for the retaining of certaine fugi­tiues the betraiers of their natiue country; wher [...] one Bericus was a chiefe, and a great firebrand of Clau­dius his attempts against the Britains. This Catacratus maintained resistance against Aulus Plautius the Em­perors Deputy, with such noble resolution and warlike encounters, that often he endangered both his per­son and army. But Fortune and victory attending the Romans, brought at length Catacratus their captiue into bands, with great slaughters of his Bri­taines, himselfe led shortly after in great triumph through Rome, in honor of Plautius his so fortu­nate successe. The miseries of others thus made the Romans to mount the chaire of their triumphs; and the chaines of their captiues, the records of their pre­sent aspired pride.

But the bordering D [...]buni seeing his fall, made their owne standings surer by yeelding themselues subiects to Rome.


(9) Togodamnus the third sonne of Cunobeline, and successor to Catacratus, prosecuted his countries quarrell with the like boldnesse and resolution as his brother before him had done: & was the only touch­stone that gaue Vespasian his lustre, whose interpositi­ons Tacitus in vitae Agric [...]. (as Tacitus saith) was the beginning of that great­nesse whereunto afterwards he aspired. And with such manhood followed the chase of the Romans, that in a bloody battell he ended his life, and brought Plautius their Lieutenant vnto a stand, where straitned in dangers both of place and people, he was forced to send to Claudius the Emperor; whose con­ceit was then grounded, that in Britaine was grea­test glory to be gotten, and therefore came to his as­sistance in person himselfe, the first since Iulius Caesar that attempted their conquest. His recorded com­positions made with Aruiragus, the mariage of his daughter and building of Glocester, I leaue to be read out of Geffrey of Monmouth, and to be allowed at the choice of his hearer; only noting that the possession of so faire a land drew the affection and aged per­son of this Emperor to vndergoe so farre distant and dangerous a iournie, as this of Britaine lay from Rome.


(10) Cogidunus a Britain borne, receiued in pure gift at the hands of the Romans, certain Cities, ouer which he peaceably raigned their King. For when they had conquered the neerest part of this Iland, and reduced it into the forme of a Promi [...]; according to their an­cient policie, it was their custome, (saith Tacitus) to [Page 176] vse Kings themselues for instruments of bondage, both in admittance of their authority, and in pro­tecting Tacitus in vita Agricola. them against their opposits. Other memoriall of him none remaineth, but that he is reported to haue rested euer most faithfull to the Romans, and was of them accordingly esteemed, albeit his owne people bare him no such good will, but rather ac­counted him and others his like, to be Romes only instruments, and Britaines vipers, that brought in strangers to eat out the home-bred inhabitants, and fettered the freedome of their land, with the heauy chaines of a forrein subiection.


(11) Caractacus the most renowned prince of the Silures, in nine yeeres resistance waded through many aduentures against the common enemy. For when as the Icenians, Cangi, and Brigantes began to faint and giue ouer, he only with the Ordouices held out with such seruice and fame, that thereby he grew both famous and fearefull to the Romans. But Desti­nies determining the downfall of Britain, the props that were set to stay it still vp, proued too slender and brake vnder the waight. For this bold Caractacus o­uerthrown in battell, his wife, daughter, and brethren taken prisoners, and his forces defeated, committed himselfe to the protection of Cartismandua the Bri­gantes faithlesse Queene: who by her was deliuered to the Romans; and by P. Ostorius brought to Rome; where beholding the riches and glory of that City, he openly and boldly checked the auarice and ambi­tious humors of the Romans, who being owners of so great and glorious things, were (notwithstanding) couetous and greedy for the poore possessions of the Britains. And there being led in triumph, with admi­ration he was beheld of all the spectators, and for his Zonaras. vndanted spirit and magnanimous resolution relea­sed of bands, and taken into fauour by Claudius the Emperor. And the Lords of the Senate assembled to­gether made glorious discourses touching Caractacus captiuity, affirming it to be no lesse honorable then when P. Scipio shewed Syphax vnto the people, and L. Paulus, Perses, or if any other had exhibited to the Tacit. Annal. 12. cap. 8. view of the people kings vanquished and ouercome. The British Coyne here aboue shewed, by the scatte­red letters therein inscribed, is by the iudicious obseruers of such ancient monies supposed to be his.


(12) Venutius, a famous King of the Brigantes, and husband to Cartismandua, (a woman of an high and noble linage, but of a base and vnsatisfied lust:) finding his bed abused by Vellocatus his seruant and harnesse-bearer, raised his power against her, and her paramour. With him sided his Brigantes, and the neighbour countries adioining, whose good will went generally with the lawfull husband, fearing the ambitious authority of a lustfull woman. With her went the Romans, at the command of Didius their De­putie: and these striking battell won the day: yet so, as the war continued to the Romans, the kingdome to Venutius, and the infamy with Cartismandua, both for betraying the pledge of her trust reposed by Caracta­cus in his distresse, and her truth to Venutius her noble Lord and husband: preferring the licentious plea­sures of a vassall, before the bed of chast mariage, or the nuptiall imbracements of a worthy King, and hath to ages following left her name noted with the scarres of infamy, that time nor continuance shall euer weare away. His ancient coyne is thought to be as thou seest here aboue described.


(13) Prasutagus Boduo King and Queene of the Iceni­ans, a people vnshaken by war, and themselues rich, (as Tacitus reporteth;) the only cause of their ruines, for which the Romans then war­red; were brought to destruction vpon this insuing occasion. King Prasutagus dying, by will left Nero his heire (supposing by this meanes to leaue his state the safer,) together with the protection of his two daughters. These, contrary to trust, were abused, and defloured, the mother Boduo turned out of all, and against all manly ciuility, or womanly (much lesse, princely) respect, contumeliously and despitefully whipped. In the reuenge of which vnsufferable wrongs she so opposed and oppressed the Romans, that at one battell seuenty thousand (or as Dion Cassi­us saith 80000. of their slaughtered bodies she sacri­ficed to her dead husbands ghost; and hath left the fame of her proceedings registred, euen by her ene­mies themselues, to her immortall and neuer dying memory. The strong Cities, Camalodunum, and Vero­lanium, [Page 177] she sacked with the rage of mercilesse war; Pe­tilius, Lieutenant of the ninth Legion, she discomfited, Catus the Procurator droue ouer the seas, Posthumus the Campe-master durst not resist her, and all indeed feared the valour of this heroick Lady: whose lawes were not martiall to saue vpon ransome: whose re­uenge was not pacified with yeeldings or submission, nor did she thinke there was blood enough in the Ro­mans to imbrue the altars of her assisting gods, or to wash off the staine of their vnnoble and vnmanly iniuries. But when successe altered, after losse, and valorous resistance, she made an end of her life by poison, lest liuing she should see either her owne mise­ries in their triumphs, or leaue her remembrance in the records of their lauish and selfe-pleasing histo­rians. Her Coyne of gold we haue here expressed, the forme shield-like, and vpon the embossement thus inscribed: BODVO.


(14) Aruiragus, the valiant British King, whom Humfrey Lhuyd confidently affirmeth to be the same man that is called Meurigus, and is said to withstand Claudius in his enterprises for Britaine, vntill a com­position of mariage was concluded betwixt the Em­perors daughter and himselfe. Notwithstanding by Iuuenal it is plaine, that this Aruiragus was in his fame in the daies of Domitian, vnto whom the Poet, as a Prophet, would foredoome his happy successe in the dispossession of his gouernment ouer the Britaines, as in these his verses are seene;

It bodes great honor to thy selfe, some King th [...] shalt depriue,
Or els Aruiragus from the rule of Britains waine shalt driue.

An ancient British Coyne of siluer is here inserted, and a mans head thereon instamped, which is supposed to be his, the letters alluding so neere to his name.


(15) Galgacus, a worthy and most valiant prince of the Caledonians, for vertue, and birth, preferred before any other in the Northern parts of this Iland, and made their Generall against the inuasions of Iuli­us Agricola, was the last Britaine, that against the Ro­mans stood out: accounting those only happy, which were free from the contagion of that Roman tyranny, and themselues the flower of all the British nobility, that yet had not subiected their necks to their yoke. The resistance which he made was great and warlike, but against the decree of God no man can stand; for the Romans, risen to their greatnesse, bare downe all that withstood them; and in a bloody battaile sub­dued him, and his forces, making all silent before them where they came, and leauing desolation in the places where they had been. Thus then was the whole Iland subiected to the Roman Emperors, about one hundred thirty and six yeeres after Caesars first entrance, and the land that had been ruled by many petty kings, was brought now (as most parts of the world besides were) vnder the gouernment of one absolute Monarch. Grieuous, no doubt, was the losse of their liberties, but a greater gaine was gotten not many yeeres after; for from the rude and sauage manners of the barbarous, they were reclaimed, and became most ciuill. And he that had giuen their Iland to his Christ, prepared their hearts to receiue him their King; vnto whose subiection also they were Psal. 2. motiues to the Romans themselues. Two ancient British Coynes stamped in siluer we haue here set downe, attributing them both to this Galgacus of Ca­ledonia. Notwithstanding in these (as in the rest) I must submit my selfe to the more experienced, and the cen­sures of these ancient things to the learned and more iudicious.


(16) These then were the resisters of the Ro­mans proceedings, that rather yeelded their brests to the sword, then their necks to the yoke of a forrein subiection, and made their assaulters more famous in their conquests, and themselues more renowned to following posterities: neither in these relations haue we followed the records of our owne, but the appro­ued testimony of their best writers, who haue deli­uered what we haue said, and no doubt felt the like repugnancy of many others, both in the South and North of this Iland, though their names died with their valiant resistance. And as these Britains held the Romans at euen hand the space of one hun­dred thirty and six yeeres, neither yet then were sub­dued without themselues, that euer sided with the enemy against themselues, and whose factions made way for the feet of their conquerors, as from Tacitus we haue declared: So their successors the Saxons found as warlike withstanders, till God for Britains sinnes had cast downe their strength, whereof more shall follow (Christ assisting) in the due place of their stories, that from the raigne of Vortigerne the scourge [Page 178] of his country to Cadwallader the last prince of the Britains, spent their liues in the quarrell of liberty, and hath left their memorials famous for their countries defence.

(17) But the state of kingdomes (how largely so euer extended, or by what humane wisedome strengthned with defence) do find their periods not to exceed much the number of six hundred yeeres, as by common experience among most nations is seene. In these times therefore when the world was shaken with wars, first by the Romans that stroue to mount hie the spires of their intended glory, and were by Gods decree appointed to ouerrun and afflict the earth, when Kings of people (I say) were en­forced to lay the Crownes from their heads at their conquering feet; and free nations loaded with the yokes of their bondage: then was fulfilled the reso­lution of this question demanded, Alas who shall liue Numb. 24 23. when God doth this? And then among the rest, Bri­taine gaue place to necessity with as manlike resi­stance as did states more stronger, or kingdomes confined with far more larger compasse. And Caesar himselfe bought his entrance with such losse to the Romans that no Emperor after assaied the like, be­fore aged Claudius, whose opinion was, that thence the remembrance of his succeeding glory should wholly arise.

But when the props of that Empire began for to faile, as nothing can bee firme in this still-wea­ring world, the Saxons, for their valour a second triumphant nation, began as it were where the Ro­mans left: for besides the continuall possession of their owne country, as in that case vnpartiall Tacitus doth tell vs; their legions were transported into all parts of the world, and without whom almost no victory was wonne: of whose power and prowesse in the expeditions of warre both Dionysius, Arrianus and Seneca, doe speake. To these then likewise if the Britains gaue place, their lots came foorth with the like price of the rest, and in this Iland they bought their conquests as deere as they had done in any other part of the world. Neither was Britaine sub­dued by either of these nations, or their inuersion and exchange of policie altered, but with as vnwil­ling subiection and streames of blood as had been slu­sed out of the sides of their mightier nations, or by them had bin tamed to follow their triumphal chari­ots. And more honour attributed to passe these British seas, with more admiration only to see the I­land it selfe, then was vsually conceiued of king­domes more larger, or that lay iacent as farre from Rome. And the conquest of some small parts of Bri­taine in no small selfe-glory to be inscribed as tro­phies of their victories vpon their Coynes, and to giue sirnames to the Emperors and their sonnes: as shall be shewed, when the age of this history shall be increased with the times of the Romans assaires in this Iland. Free from subjection before the attempts of Caius Iulius Caesar by the testimony of Diodorus Sicu­lus, and neuer had yeelded to any forrein power, as not prouoked by Dionysius or Hercules, nor inforced by any to maintaine their liberties by the feats of warre. But Caesar in Gallia thirsting after nouelties, or his conceited humor to purchase renowne, made the sea seeme safe from dangers in passage, and himselfe resolute to venture his person amongst those bold and barbarous Britains: wherein he left no meanes vnassaied for their conquest and subiection, nor his successors omitted any prouident care to retaine and keepe the land in their possessions, which whilst it stood a prouince in their obedience was held and ac­counted the fairest plume in their triumphant Dia­dem, and the losse thereof (if no more but only in name) as was publikely affirmed, wold proue a great detriment to the Empire. This made the Romans to desire it as they did, who besides the great glory they conceiued in the conquest, made it the granary for the westerne garisons, besides the delicate prouisions for their Emperors owne tables.

And the German Saxons straitned in their owne countries through increase of their people, or haply to supply their owne wants, infested with piracies these West parts of the world, and among all others set the eie of their affections vpon this most beautifull Iland, and neuer left their at­tempts vnassaulted till they set the glorious diadem thereof vpon their owne heads. Changing the name Britannia into Anglia, a terme most fit to expresse that subiect, and pleasing in sound as Angelicall like, nei­ther haue themselues proued vnworthy of so rich a possession, that in wars haue maintained, and by voi­ages made known her fame as far as the sunne hath his beames, or the endlesse Ocean her ebbes and tides. But of these things wee shall haue occasion here­after.

And now addresse our selues to describe our anci­ent Britaines, and to shew their true pictures as they are reported. At first rude and vnciuil (I taske them no further then all others then were in the world, some few excepted that were only taught by God) and with the first were reclaimed to a more ciuill re­spect, both in their apparell and apprehension of lite­rature; whose pictures in the Chapter succeeding we will demonstrate as they are described by Caesar, Pliny, Dio, Herodian and others; at first altogether naked, cut, and painted as thou seest, afterwards partly clad in imitation of others which frequented their coun­try either for traffick or conquest; in both which manner take them as they are reported to bee by these authours, and impute no liberty in the draught to the workmans best liking, nor thy selfe any whit disparaged to be brought from such parents, which here are set as the pillars spoken of by Iosephus, that Ioseph. Antiqui. lib. 1. cap. 3. after the flood did preserue the inuented science of the celestiall bodies, lest time or elements should con­sume that knowledge or deuoure those rules before demonstrated: So the true portrature of our ancient progenitors may by these be preserued from the ru­ines of time & made our motiues to be thankful vnto him that hath brought vs forth in these most ciuill times, and not only clad vs with the garments of hu­manity, but by his spirit hath guided vs vnto a cele­stiall knowledge.


THe vnderstanding and apprehensions of men clouded in ignorance, are Aristotle. by a Great Philosopher compared to the eye­sight of such men, as stand and behold things afarre-off; because both of these, though they ap­prehend some generall shapes and notices, yet can they not discerne of the true proportions and proprieties of their Obiects. The like happeneth in the search and suruey, as of all other Nations, so of our owne, of our first begin­nings, our antique Customes, behauiours, habits: the true Circumstances whereof are the more difficill to find, in that those things are not onely remote many de­grees beyond the kenning of our Eye, (yea so ma­nie Ages from the times wherein we liue,) but are also shadowed and enwrapped in manifold vncer­tainties and contrarieties, wherewith euen those Wri­ters The reason why Nations Origi­nals are so hardly found out. haue perplexed our way, who vndertooke to be both our Guides and our Lights. Notwithstanding, our purpose being to propose vnto the eye of our now glorious and gorgious Britaines, some generall draughts of our poore and rude Progenitours, (that as King Agath [...]cles in his chiefe feasts vsed onely earthen dishes to put himselfe in minde that his Father was but a Potter, so wee may remember that true British Nobilitie is more in Vertue then in Auncestors;) let vs first see what the principall notes and markes are whereby the persons of those first Britaines were made so remarkeable among all other Nations.

(2) These Notes were chiefly three; first, their going naked; secondly, their staining and colouring of The three chiefe notes of the Bri­taines. their whole Bodies; thirdly, their cutting, pi [...]king and pouncing of their flesh, with garnishments (for so they thought them) of sundry shapes and fashions, as the two first ensuing Icones or Portraitures doe repre­sent. Touching all which, the reports of Authors are very discrepant: and therefore, sith light is gotten out by collision of flintes, wee will essay, whether out of those Writers contradictions (brought to the stroke, and confronted together) we may strike some glime­ring light to direct vs how to paint them forth, who so delighted in painting themselues.

(3) First touching their going naked, the autho­rity of Caesar must ouersway (as being auncientest) 1. The first note of the Britaines, their Nakednes. the too-generall reports of such others, as seeme to re­late that the Britaines generally vsed no Gouer [...]e, as neglectiue either of weathers iniurie, or of ciuill modesty; for he saith, interiores pleri (que) pellibus sunt ve­stiti: the In-land men for the most part were clad with Caesar. skinnes. And yet these Inlanders were the rudest of all the rest, the Kentish and Sea-borders being full of humanity and little differing from the French ciuilitie. So that when Herodian saith, Vestis vsum non cognos­cunt, nec induuntur quidem, They neither know the vse of Herodian. Garments: nor put any on: either he speaks on hearesay, or his large report must bee restrained to some cer­taine Persons, Times, and Places. And for certaine Persons and Times indeed Plynie somewhat limits it, Pliny, saying, that their married weomen, both elder and yon­ger, (coniuges, nurus (que)) in certaine festiuals vsed to goe starke naked: so doth Dio also for certaine Places: in their Tents (saith he) they liued naked and vnshod, where Dio. he seemeth to allow them some couerture abroade. The like may be supposed in time of Winter or War, where Herodian himselfe saith onely, plera (que) corporis Herodian. nudi, A great part of their body was bare.

(4) Itmay seeme hereby, that those Originals of Particular Nations were not much vnlike that first beginning of the vniuersall prosemination of Man­kind, when our first Parents innocencie walked in naked simplicitie: the foundations of all things be­ing, as farthest from our sight, so more simple and farre from those artificiall fraudes, which some call Wit and cunning. And though an Saint Cypri [...] in­terprets. A [...], East. D. [...], West. A. arctos, North. [...]. [...]. South. ancient Father be mistaken, in conceauing that by the foure letters of the name of Adam, were signified the foure quarters of the World, (that being an Hebrue name of three letters, and not a. Greeke of foure) yet all those Quar­ters of the World participate somewhat of Adams dis­positions; and as all Naturall things retourne by course to that whereof first they were framed, so if Lawes, discipline, and Customes, did not restraine men, they would in time, of themselues reuolue to that first neglectiue condition, and carelessenes of those outward respects whence men are now named Ciuill.

(5) But in our Britaines, three reasons there seeme of this their going v [...]loathed. First, their hardines, Causes of the Bri­tish nakednes. 1. Hardinesse. which was partly naturall, and partly acquired by practise of their bodies to durance: of whom Dio re­cords that all of them had an excellent habit in tolerating Dio Nic. hunger, cold, and labours in somuch as they could endure to abide many daies together in the water vp to the chinne without any food at all; that they would liue in the woods on roots and barkes of trees; though one kind of foode he there mencioneth vnknowne in our times, where­of vsing to make as much as a beane onely, they were not subiect either to hunger or thirst. No maruaile, if those, who would endure this, could endure the want of garments: especially in a soile whereof wee find this See Chap. 1. 5. 10 Euloge. Tu [...] nec strict a gelu, &c.

Nor freezing cold, nor scorching hot thou art;
Twixt both thou hold'st the meane and pleasing'st part.

The like patience we find euen now not onely in the wilder Irish, and Virgineans, but in rogues and Wan­derers of our owne Countrey, who often pittilesse of [Page 180]


themselues voluntarily depriue their Bodies of this Protection against the Aires offence, to procure pit­tie of others. And what speake we of these? seeing euen children for Custome, and Women for pride, wil suffer their Breasts, and most tender parts of their Body, to be exposed not only to offence of weather, but of modesty also? yea generally, the handes, and fa­ces, being of most subtilest sence, yet by custome are enabled now to endure that, which by the like cu­stome the olde Britaines endured in their whole Bo­dies; whereby Plutarch thinkes they vsually liued so long Plutarch. euen to the age of sixescore, the externe cold keeping in and augmenting their internall heate.

(6) As abilitie to endure colde, so ignorance (in many) of meanes to preuent it, may seeme another 2. Ignorance. occasion of these Britaines nakednes. The Romans (it seemes) in their old Consuls times, and after, had not the skill nor vse of Hats, Breeches, &c. That Britaine abounded with wooll and other materials for cloa­thing, is past all doubt, for which cause, by one Pane­gyrick, it is named Riche in Pasturage, which by ano­ther Paneg. ad Constan. Paneg ad Constan. is thus explicated, that therein was an infinite multitude of tame cattell both with Vdders full of milke, and loaden with Fleeces to the ground. So then Woll was not wanting, but Will, or Skill; the latter in most like­lihood: for, as Strabo saith, that though those strut­ting Vdders yeelded great store of milk, yet some of them had not skill to make cheese, and hauing so rich grounds, Strabo. yet had not the art of tillage, so their sheepe might haue such heauy sleeces, yet some of their Owners no cun­ning to keepe themselues warme therewith. Some of them, I say; for otherwise, as Pliny, touching Tillage, giues light to Strabo, witnessing, that others of them were so good Husbands as to manure their grounds Pliny. with Marle, as likewise doth Dioscorides, saying they had skill to make drinke of Barley: so probable is it, that Dioscorides: those other who were by Caesar and Tacitus said to be so like the French in conditions, had also some Caesar. Tacitus. part of their Art in fitting the Burthen of their Sheepes backes to couer their owne.


(7) The last reason of such their going naked 3. Pride. sometimes, was out of an opinion that no cloathing so adorned them, as their painting and damasking of their Bodies, for which cause (saith Herodian) they Herodian. would not couer themselues, lest then their gay painting should not be seene: but Pomponius Mela makes doubt, Mela. whether their thus painting themselues were for or­nament or for some other vse; which doubt Caesar seems to resolue, as if the men did it; because it made them Caesar. looke more terrible in warre.

(8) And thus we are now orderly fallen on the second of those three notes appropriated by Au­thors 2. The second note of the Bri­taines, their pain­ting. Caesar. to our Britaines, which is their painting and stai­ning of their Bodies, which appeares by Caesar to haue beene more vniuersally vsed, then going naked, for all the Britaines (saith he) die their bodies with staining. As Authours differ in the reason of this their painting, (as we shewed) so in the name, perchance also in the substance. of that wherewith they stained themselues, and somewhat also in the colour it selfe. The substance Caesar calles luteum, which yet in vulgar acception is thought to be some yellow substance, as Pliny cals lute­um Caesar. Pliny. oui, the yolke of the Egge; Pliny himselfe saith the Frenchmen call it glastum, describing it to be an herbe like Plantayne, which Oribasius (as learned Cambden Cambd. in Bri [...]. p. 14. Mela. sheweth) doth terme Vitrum, in which sense Mela is vnderstood, to say, that they were stained Vitro (and not Vltrò,) it being generally taken to be Woad, from those ancient times hitherto vsed for the surest staine. But for the colour which is made, Caesar and the rest agree, it was Caeruleus, blewish or azure, which colour the Cambro-Britannes doe yet call glace, whence our glasse for windowes (called also vitrum) seemeth by reason of the colour, to haue taken name. Onely Pliny Pliny. leaueth some scruple, in saying, that the naked painted women imitated the Aethiopian colour; which must be vnderstood either comparatiuely, in respect of People white and vnpainted, or because blew a farre-of hath the appearance of blacke.

(9) That the Britaines tooke their Name from See Chap. 25. 7 [Page 181]


this painting, hath beene already shewed out of Isi­dore, who writes, that they had that name from a word of their owne language, wherein Breeth signifieth as Isidore. What the Picts were. much as painted or stained; but whether those other Inhabitants of the more Northerne parts of this I­land, called also Picti or painted, had their name vpon the same ground, & whether they were some branch of the British stocke, or of some transmarine Colonie, it is a question not yet decided. Pomponius Laetus, and some other, deriue them from Germany, some from the Pictones in France; but Beda, from Scythia, whence saith hee, they are reported to haue come into Ireland in a few long bottomes, and finding no seating there to haue entered into Britaine. Though Beda his autho­ritie Cambden p. [...]2. be venerable, yet the learned find reasons to in­duce them rather to beleeue, that they were the re­maines of those ancient Britaines which either inha­bited the North-part of this Iland, before the Romanes entrance, or which (vpon their Conquest) fled the­ther to auoid the Romish yoake, where the difficulties of the aire & soile protected them from the Romanes ambition and inuasion. Whereto Tacitus well accor­deth, Tacitus. saying, that Agricola droue the Romanes Ene­mies (he meanes the more vntractable Britaines) into those parts, as it were into another Iland. And it is thought incredible, that those Enemies of the Ro­manes, who sent forth against Agricola an Army of thirty thousand strong, and who so vexed Seuerus, that in one Expedition he loste seuenty thousand of his Ro­manes, & their Aiders were so vtterly extinct, as that none of them remained; but that rather they won­derfully multiplied, being those who afterward much perplexed and ouerran the Romane Prouince, and to whom (not vnlikely) some other, such as Beda mentioneth, did afterward ioine themselues.

(10) If we would adde reasons vnto Authorities, to proue that these Picts were no other then that multiplied ofspring of those Britaines, we could pro­duce their Beda makes thē diuers tongues, but they were onely different Dialects. See Cambden. language, their manners, their kind of Go­uernment (all bearing British Resemblance) to con­firme


the same. But what neede? since the selfe-man­ner of painting is an vndoubted marke in the Chil­dren representing of what Parents they were borne. That they were painted, Claudian shewes, calling them, The Pictes, so truly named; which Isidore well ex­pounds, Claudian. Why the Pi [...] were so called. Isidore. The Pictish Nation had their name from their Bodie, depainted with the iuice of an herbe growing a­mongst them. When therefore the Romanes exclu­ded them from their other Prouinciall Britaines, this name (Pictes) for distinctions sake was in vse amongst them; before which times, yea and long after, they were knowne to Writers by no other name then Bri­taines, and the Romaine Emperor, Commodus, Seuerus, Bassianus, Geta, vpon the Conquests of them, instiled themselues Britannici, British (not Pictish) Conquerors. But after the Romane tongue had preuailed with the Romane sword, the Britaines themselues vsed to name any thing painted by the name of Picte; as may bee gathered out of Vegetius, who saith, that the Britanes called certaine Shallops, Picts, because their sailes, tac­kle, and Marriners apparell, were coloured blew, the very colour, wherewith these British Pictes (as V [...]. Annal. An­glor [...]. some­where they are truely called) vsed to staine them­selues. When afterward the Irish-Scots had confede­rated themselues with these against the Romanes, they all beganne by degrees to be more ciuilized: the more Southerly of them being by Ninian the Britaine con­uerted vnto Christ, about the yeere of Grace 430. those other more Northward, by Columbanus Anno 565. by which time, it is likely, that Ciuilitie increa­sing, their painting and other like ruder Customes were well nigh forgotten, both amongst them, and also amongst those other Britaines vnder the Romanes Gouernment. In which regard we haue besides those praefixed Icones, and Patternes of their first and most sauaged times, here added also their Habits, when they beganne to put on, with conditions, a little bet­ter cloathing also.

(11) Neither may we thinke that formerly they 3. The thi [...]d note of the Britaines, their picturing of their bodies. refused such Apparell, onely to shew this staining and [Page 182] colouring of their Bodies: for besides it, some other bellishments they had, which they esteemed much more gracefull, then either their painting was, or any Cloathes could be. Which of the Britaines, Solinus thus deliuereth: The Country is in part (note that he Solinu [...] makes it not generall) inhabited by People barbarous, who by artificial formes of incision haue from their Child­hood sundry shapes of Beasts depourtraied in their bodies, and as their limmes increase in growth, so doth the pictu­red worke together therewith, neither doth these wild Peo­ple boast of any greater kind of patience, then in bearing long-lasting scarres, where the paint had deeply suncke in­to their sliced flesh. The very paralell whereof is al­so by I sidore set downe touching our Picts whose bo­dies I sidore. sliced and pinked be an artificiall punchion, did suck in the tuice of the stayning herb, carying these rasures on their pictured limmes, as badges of their Noblenes, thus endamasked. Neither only the shapes of Beasts, but Maculosa Nobi­litas. of all other things, were so printed in their flesh; which Herodian takes to bee the prime reason, why Herodian. they delighted to goe naked, least they should hide these their pleasing garnishments. Where also by the way may be obserued, since Solinus saith that the bar­barous onely vsed so to doe, and Herodian, that those who did so, vsed therefore to goe naked; that therefore not the Britaines in generall, but the most barbarous of them vsed to goe naked. And very answerable to Solinus, (who elegantly calleth such their figuring of themselues, inscriptis visceribus, a writing on their Bo­dies,) Solinus. is that of Claudian, Perlegit exanimes Picto mori­ente Claudian. figuras, On dying Picts he reades the breathles shapes, as if the beasts so liuely portraited on them, seemed to lie dead together with the murdered bodies of the Picts.

(12) By these varieties of picturing, (if The Appendix to Hariots Virgi­nea. Their married weomen. some haue not misinformed vs out of their alleaged anci­ent Authors,) those people so distinguished them­selues, The vse of their different pictu­ring. that the maried weomen were knowne by ha­uing pictured on their shoulders, elbowes and knees, the heads of some fierce beasts, as Lions, Gryphens, &c. On their Belly, the Sunne spreading his beames: on their Pappes, Moones and Starres &c. On their armes, thighes, and legges, some other fancies of their owne Choice. But for their Virgins, their whole Body was garnished ouer with the shapes of all the fairest kinds Their Virgins. of flowers & herbes; which (to speake indifferently) could not but yeeld, though a strange, yet no vnplea­sing aspect. Whereas the Men were (as Caesar speakes) very horrible to bee looked on, hauing all their The Men. breast & bodie disfigured with vgly Beasts, Serpents, rauenous Birdes, scales and finnes of fishes &c. In which relation yet, this scruple will not easily be re­moued (if it bee true, that from their childhood their prints encreased with their bodies) how those, who be­ing Virgins had no prints but of herbes and flowers, becomming Wiues were so easily transformed either into Beasts or heauenly Creatures.

(13) The later Women, (as you see by the later portraicture,) became farre more modest, that is in­deed The later British weomen. more womenly; hauing learned that then they openly shew most beauty, when openly they shew not their beautie; much lesse should they expose to the view, that which nature most endeuoured to hide, as knowing it least worth the viewing: yea * some obserue that weomen being drowned, natural­ly swimme with their face and foreparts downward, Agryppa de la [...]de saeminarum. whereas Men doe contrary, as if the impression of modesty were not to leaue a Woman euen after death. Agryppa who mentioneth it, reporteth also of some Matrones, so too-modest, that they chose ra­ther to die, then to expose some hidden diseases to their Chirurgians view: A point vnfortunately inser­ted into his witty booke, in praise of women, which he dedicated to Margaret wife to Maximilian (after­ward Emperour) shee, of womanly bashfulnes choo­sing rather to die, then to haue her thigh cured, which was broken with a fall from a horse. The picture of this British woman here last deportraied, is framed to that description of the most valient British Lady. Bou­dicea, of whose braue attempts on the Romanes you shall read, more heareafter in the 7. Chapter of the Sixt Booke.

(14) Of which Sex, though naturally the wea­ker, yet in most Writers their are remembrances of Of their women Gouernors. some, whose Actions both politicke and Warlike haue beene no way inferiour to the worthiest Men; as our owne Age hath giuen testimony to the World in a­nother Great Lady of British race, (the ofspring of the valiant and louely Meredicke of Wales,) the glorie of Queen Elizabeth descended from Owen Tender, whome L [...]iland calleth M [...]ridyck. whose Raigne and Regall vertues shall bee as lasting as the World. Whose iust, wise, and resolute kind of Gouernement hath iustified that Custome of our old Britains and Picts, of the former of which Tacitus reports, as Beda doth of the later, that they made no dif­ference Tacitus. Beda. of Sexe for the Soueraigne Command, yea and vsed to warre vnder the conduct of women. In which respect though their Ordinary sort of weomen were not im­ploied in martiall seruices, otherwise then before we shewed in the fourth Chapter, yet because some of the choisest of them haue been so imploied, we haue so deciphered them in their Martiall habit.

(15) For their other habiliments of warre, and the manner thereof, we haue described it in the same Of the Britains habits in warre. 4. Chapter; their fight being (as Diodorus saith) after the fashion of the Heroes in the first age of the World, who Diodorus. fought in Chariots; yet on foote also they were most strong (saith Die) and also most swift; which makes me mar­uaile why Strabo should say, they were pedibus malè suf­fulti, Die Strabo not strongly vnderpropped; Who also ads that they were (as himselfe obserued at Rome) much tauller then the Gaulles, but yet of no very elegant shape and tim­ber; Vsing as (Caesar saith) to weare their haire very long and curling, otherwise shauen all their bodie ouer, except onely the vpper lippe. Their weapons (saith Herodian) were narrow shields, and short speares, at the end where­of Herodian. (saith Dio) was a little bell like a ball, which they shooke at their first encounter in Warre for terror of Die the Enemy. Swords also had they, but short, hanging at their naked sides; but helmet and corslet they vsed Herodien. none, as esteeming them burdens rather then helps in warre. But about their necks they wore a round circle of Iron (as an ornament no lesse esteemed then gold with other Nations) as also about their waste, whereat they hung their skeines: being doubtlesse, a most warlike Nation, (as their posterity haue euer since proued,) and most desirous to spill blood, wherein yet their Ofspring by di­uine blessing are now most different from their An­cestors.




THe next Nation that to the Britains obtained pos­session, The Romans the second possessors of this Iland. Iulius Caesar the first Roman at­tempter. and soueraignty of this Iland, were the Ro­mans, and of them Caius Iulius Caesar the first; what time their State had vn­dergone all kinds of go­uernments, and now aspi­red almost to their highest pitch of glory. This Caesar bearing the office of Questorship in Spaine, and naturally disposed for great assaies, was thereto the more incited at the sight of Alexanders portraiture, standing in the temple of Hercules at Calez. Suet. in vita Cae­sar. Sect. 7. Gades, where beholding it with great ad­miration fell into a sudden dislike of himselfe, and (as Alexander in seeing Achilles tombe) with an ambitious, yet honorable emulation, sighed and said: Hast thou at my yeres atchieued the conquest of the whole world, my selfe Caesars speech beholding Alex­anders picture. hitherto hauing done no memorable act? Euer after which he disdained that his petty charge, and made suite to the Senate to be dismissed, holding that the cloude which ouershadowed his following and (soone after) flowing fortunes. And forthwith returning to Rome Caesars complot­tings for the Empire. obserued euery occasion that might make him grati­ous in the peoples eies, hauing the aduantage of the time which then was swaied with most dislikes: and entring into many factions, yea and some of them not without suspition of conspiracy, did notwith­standing so manage his proceedings, that their con­structions were euer made honorable, and himselfe the man by all assents that did support the glory of their State; vnto whom offices of high dignities were assigned, which daily increased his credit and power. And in the time of his Consulship, tooke vpon him Caesar ten yeeres in Gallia. the gouernment of Gallia, where he remained ten yeeres together, and forbare no occasion for warre, were it neuer so vniust or dangerous: Insomuch that framing a Bridge of wood ouer the broad and swift riuer Rhene, he entred the country of the Sweui­ans, Caesar the first Roman that as­sailed the Ger­mans. being the first Romane that assailed the Germans: And thence with victory returning, found his charge the Gaules in quiet: both which fortunes were as spurres to his aspiring minde, and set his thoughts to worke vpon other attempts.

(2) For now intending a voiage into Britaine, he prepared thitherward, as well to inlarge the extent of his ambition and glory, as to satisfy himselfe with the sight and seate of the Iland, as for a further know­ledge Causes of Cae­sars inuasion. of those people the inhabitants, after whom he had most diligently inquired, yet by no relation could find content. But his pretence was reuenge against the Britains, for that thence (as himselfe speaketh) the Gaules had receiued most of their supplies against him in all his warres, or as some haue written, for the de­sire Sueton. in vita Caesar. Strabo. of Pearles that therein plentifully grew, whose beauty and weight he had oft obserued.

But because the summer was almost spent, and that the voiage seemed dangerous through want of knowledge, either for place of entrance, or safety in harbour (for our learned countriman Roger Bacon Bacon de arte & natura. was doubtlesse in an error, who thinketh that Caesar set vp perspectiue glasses on the coast of France, and thence saw all the ports and creeks in England) he thought good to send one Caius Volusenus a military Tribune in a Volusenus Cae­sars spic. galley before him, giuing sufficient instructions for so great an enterprise in hand, himselfe drawing towards those parts of Gallia, that lay neerest coasted vnto Bri­taine, thence expecting his successe.

(3) These things were not so secretly done but that the Britaines receiued notice thereof, and therupon some of their priuate States sent Ambassadors with proffers of submission


vnder the assurances of their hostages. Which Caesar accepted and sent back again with liberall promises, ioining in commis­sion with them Comius a king of the Atre­batij (for so he is stiled vpon his Coyne) a man well reputed, and respected among the Britains, that he might perswade the rest of the States to imbrace Caesars amitie. In effecting of which businesse, some fiue daies being spent, Volusenus returned, ha­uing waffed vpon the coasts of Britaine so far, as with safety he might, which was no further then to view it with the eie, his foot not daring to tread the shoare repleni­shed with those barbarous people, as it pleased the Romans to terme the Britaines: His discouerie and relation gaue small en­couragements [Page 184] to Caesars hoped successe, and had not The Morines were of the hi­ther parts of France, as Tur­wine. Calis, &c. the Morines yeelded him their obedience, it may be thought his voiage at that season had been staied.

(4) But now composing his affaires in Gallia, and hauing ready an hundred ships (wanting but two) Athenaeus reports he had 1000. ships. besides many Gallies also for transporting his army, he loosed from the shoare; hauing a good wind, about the third watch of the night, taking order for his The Romans di­uided th [...] night into foure equall parts, each part being called a watch. Caesar commeth in person against Britaine. horsemen to imbarke with all speed and follow after him; himselfe early in the morning attained the sight of Britaine, whose cliffes he found couered with ar­med men, and place for entrance so naturally beset and strengthned with steepe hills and rocks, that hee there cast anchor, and called to counsell the Legats and Tribunes, declaring vnto them the danger of the hauen that gaue such aduantage to their enemy, whose darts from the higher ground might much impeach their arriuage, and therefore determined their landing elsewhere.

(5) Their Counsell was no sooner dismissed, but Caesar both tide and wind fitting him, not foreslowing the occasion, gaue signe of remoue, and some eight miles distant came to Thought to bee Deale. a plaine and open shoare, and made preparation to land his men. Thither also the Britaines had remooued part of their forces, and so valiantly withstood the enemies, that Caesar himselfe, though wholly addicted to honor himselfe and his Romans, yet confesseth that his army was sore ouer­laid and terrified with that incounter: and had they not been assisted from the Gallies with an vnusuall kind of Engines, which did beat backe the Britaines (vnexpert of that strange manner of assault) from the shoare, the Romans had not set foot on British soile, nei­ther durst they then aduenture it, vntill the standard-bearer for the tenth legion desperately leapt foorth This ensigne was an Eagle of siluer standing in a lit­tle shrine vpon the top of a speare. Valer. M [...]. lib. 3. cap. 2. of the ship with his Eagle, calling on the danted soul­diers and asking whether they would dastardly for­sake their ensigne and betray it through cowardize to the enemy? which opprobry prouoked them to fol­low his example, and so they got the shoare after an encounter fierce and terrible on both parts, as Caesar acknowledgeth. But the first of all (euen before the Stander-bearer) who put courage into the Romans and taught them how to deale, was (as testifieth Eu­tropius) one Scaeua a Britaine (who formerly had fled to Caesar) and guiding foure other souldiers in a boat to a rock nere the shore, where the tide leauing them, his fellowes slunke backe in the boat, but hee most boldly defended himselfe from the rocke against the Britains, like a Beare at a stake among a multitude of mastiues, till hauing all his armour broken in peeces and himselfe all wounded with darts, he swamme to the fleet; and begging pardon for his foole-heady for­wardnesse, Caesar both forgaue him, and rewarded his valour with the honour of a Centurion: and hee did Caesar afterwards noble seruice at Dyrrachium in the ciuill warres. Caesar confessing, that hee alone saued the fortification against Pompey, at which time his tar­get Caesar. bell. [...]il. was shewed to Caesar, hauing 230. holes pierced in it by the enemie, whereof Iosephus Iscanus that an­cient Ioseph. Iscanus in Antiocheid [...]. Poet of Excester writeth thus:

Hinc & Scaeua satus pars non obscura tumultûs
Ciuilis, Magnum solus qui mole soluta
Obsedit, melior (que) stetit pro Caesare murus.

The Britaine Scaeua in ciuill warres well knowne,
Besig'd the
Viz. Pompey.
Great, and rampiers ouerthrowen,
Was Caesars wall more strong then wall of stone.

The first attempt assaied, that is warranted by any true Record for the conquest of this Iland: which The first assay for the conquest of this Land. An. [...]nds 3873. happened in the yeere of the worlds creation 3873. and before the birth of our Sauiour Christ, 54.

(6) This enterprise for landing thus atchieued, Caesar charged so fiercely vpon the enemie, that hee put them to flight; but wanting his horsemen to fol­low Caesar putteth the Britains to flight. the chase, (which as yet were not arriued) he pro­ceeded no further, but encamped his host vpon a great plaine, not farre from the Sea, and not without At Barham Down Caesar seeth the dispersion of his ships. likelihood thought to be Barham Downe: for so neere lay it vpon the shoare, that thence he beheld the dis­persion and losse of his 18. ships (comming vnder saile with his horsemen to his assistance) through the violence of a storme, and rage of Sea.

(7) In the meane time the Britaines; that after flight had againe recouered head, and in their assem­blies aduisedly considered their imminent dangers; concluded their submission for the safest remedie, and to that end sent their second Embassadours vnto Cae­sar, with whom Comius before remembred was im­ploied, The Britaines second ambas­sage to Caesar. whom they had retained in strait prison for Caesars cause, but now made him a meane to worke their peace; which was granted after some soft and gentle reproofes, with hostages receiued for perfor­mance of Couenants, and resort of their Nobles to Caesars campe, to yeeld themselues and Cities to his will.

(8) These Britaines, although rude in regard of the Romanes, and vnmatchable to them in educated ciuilitie, yet were so skilfull in the affaires of warre, and so ready to discerne the least aduantage, that they easily perceiued the weaknesse of Caesars power, both in want of horsemen to equall their wagons, wherein chiefly stood the strength and order of their fight, as also of ships for seruice and safety, as occasions should be offred: whereby their mindes touching their pro­mised submission began to wauer, and the matter with better aduice to be pleaded in their assemblies; for that not only these foresaid ships for Caesars sup­ply were dispersed and hindred, but euen his owne Caesars ships distressed. flect, which lay then in harbour by the rage of winde and sea, (beeing then spring tide, and the moone in the full) was not onely filled with waues, but also their tacklings, sailes, and anchours spoiled or lost, the violent storme so dashing the bulkes one against another, that their bruised bottomes were thereby made vnfit for burden.

(9) This losse was so great, that it is accounted Suetonius in vit. Caesar. the first of the three aduerse fortunes which euer happe­ned to Caesar in all his proceedings: and it was so well obserued by the Britaines, that immediately they in­tended a reuolt, and in Counsell vrged this, as the materiall point that breathed hope and life to their Britaines reuolt. former liberties, condemning themselues as impious if they should refuse to ioine consent with the hea­uens, whose elements had thus farre fought for their freedome and full deliuerance, assuring themselues (if on this aduantage they might cut off these new guests) that neuer any afterward would aduenture to enter Britanny in hostile manner.

And thereupon they began both to slacke the per­formance of couenants, and daily to withdraw them­selues from Caesars Campe, which gaue him iust occa­sion to suspect whereat they aimed. And to preuent their proceedings he as wisely wrought: for first re­pairing his Nauie with the huls, timber, and tackling of the most bruised ships, with the losse of twelue ships only, the rest were made able to brooke the seas. And prouiding against the aduantage of the enemie, he sent foorth the seuenth Legion for forrage to sup­plie any occasion.

(10) This Legion taking the coast cleere, and lit­tle surmising so sudden a reuolt, fell to the sickle and sithe like haruest labourers, and laid their weapons apart, mistrusting no Enemie. Now the Britaines as forward to put in practise what they had determi­ned, closely had laid themselues in ambush, for thither they knew the enemie would come, a peece of corne there standing, whereas in all other parts haruest was past: and so hauing these workmen in their danger, suddenly fell vpon them, slaying some, and forcing The Britaines suddenly assaile the Romanes. the rest out of their array, who not knowing the or­der of their fight, cast themselues in a ring (the best defensiue forme of embattelling) and stood on their guard as they might: but had they not happily beene rescued, Caesar had lost one whole Legion at that time.

(11) For though this skirmish thus in acting was altogether vnknowne and vnexpected to the rest of the Romans, yet by the rising of the dust, appearing [Page 185] to the Coherts that warded before their Campe, the same was mistrusted, which caused Caesar in all haste to make thitherward with part of his host.

(12) The Britaines thus preuented, seeing more supply to maintaine the battle, stood still, without further stroke: and the Romanes as much amazed at this sudden attempt, and order of their fight, made a stand, not venturing any further. Which order in fight so often mentioned, and so much admired, in Caesars words we will declare, the rather because some Clem. Edmunds his obseruations on Caes. Comment. li. 4. ca. 12. obscr. 2. haue thence collected, that the Britaines were the of­spring of the Troians, who with other Easterne Na­tions only vsed this kinde of fight in Chariots.

(13) They vsed (saith he) to ride in wagons against Cas. Commen [...]. li. 4. the approch of the enemie, and to circulate them about with a whirling compasse, and ratling noise, each waies casting their darts as they did driue, and euer as they saw aduan­tage The manner of the Britaines fight. would winde themselues in amongst the horse and foot, to breake the array; which done, they would for sake their wagons, and onfoot most dangerously assaile the ene­mie. In the meane while the Wagoners would with-draw themselues somewhat out of the battle, and place their wa­gons in such order, that if their masters were ouer-charged, they might haue speedy accesse, and opportunity of retrait, by which meanes they were euer as quicke to mooue as were horsemen, and as stedfast to stand the battle as were the foot, whereby they did supply the duties of both at once, and by daily exercise grew so expert in managing their horses, that running them forcibly downe a steepe hill, they would stop, and turne them in the mid-way: and they would run along the beame, and stand firme vpon the yoke; whence with like facility they would againe returne into their Cha­riots.

This order Caesar so well obserued, as that notwith­standing his desire of reuenge, yet wanting his horse­men (as he pretended) wherein consisted the chiefest resistance, hee durst attempt no further on them, but was content to keepe the field without profer of battle.

(14) The Britaines likewise hopelesse of further successe at that present, departed without any im­peachment, intending to prosecute their cause with a greater and more generall supplie: and thereupon The Britains ga­ther a greater power. sent messengers to their seuerail States, with notice of their hopes against so small a power; whose Campe by them if any way might bee vanquished, the pur­chase of spoile, besides their frced liberties, would re­quite the paines.

(15) These States, though maintaining ciuill fa­ctions amongst themselues, yet seeing the intended danger of this generall enemie, presently assembled Cor. [...]. [...]. a great power, purposing yet once againe to trie the hazard and fortune of warre. Caesar, whose vigilancy did euer equall his valour, prepared his armie, where­in now only [...]0. horsemen were present, and those Comius supplieth Caesar with [...]0. [...]. brought to him by Comius the King. The battle ioining continued not long, but that the Britaines gaue backe and fled, whom the Romanes pursued as farre as strength indured, and returned with the slaughter of many, burning the Country where they came.

(16) Thus the Britaines once againe vanquished, The Britaines [...]ubmit [...] the third time. foorthwith sent their third Embassage vnto Caesar, de­siring peace, with promise of quiet subiection; whom he with hard termes now reprooued, and imposed a double number of hostages to be brought him into Gallia, whither he made all possible preparation, for that the Aequinoctium drew neere, doubting his cra­zed Aequinoctium is [...] the [...] are both of a length. ships would hardly brooke the winter stormes, that vsually rage vpon these Seas. And hauing gotten a faire wind, imbarked all his forces about midnight, and so brought most of his fleet safe to the continent. This enterprise so fortunately accomplished, Caesar by his letters made knowen to the Senate, who de­creed and proclaimed to his honour a generall suppli­cation Caesar was now the first that had 20. daies [...] g [...]ted: the grea­test [...] but 5. daies, or 10. at the most. or thanksgiuing to their Gods, for the space of twentie daies together, wherein all the Romans, clo­thed in white garments, and crowned with garlands, went to all the Temples of their Gods, and offred sa­crifices for so glorious a victorie.



CAESAR expecting the per­formance of Couenants a­greed vpon in the treaty of peace with the Britaines, receiued hostages from two of their Cities onely, and no more: the rest Most of the Bri­taines breake co­uenant with Caesar. drawing backe, refused his subiection: whereupon in­tending not to lose so rich a prey, nor to suffer that Sunne to bee eclipsed, whose glory thus farre in his Horizon had as [...]nded, hee ap­peased some troubles in Gallia, and in the winter sea­son began his preparation to that enterprise. And hauing had experience of his former wants, he furni­shed himselfe accordingly, and the next spring fol­lowing drew his forces towards Calis, the shortest cut [...] some thinke to be Calis. some S O [...]. into Britaine. There committing the charge of Gallia to T. Labienus his Lieutenant, himselfe with fiue Le­gions of souldiers, 2000. horsemen, and 800. ships, about going downe of the Sunne loosed from the shoare, and with a soft Southerne gale were carried [Page 186] into the streame. But about midnight the winde fai­ling, and their sailes becalmed, the tide diuerted their course: so that in the dawning he well perceiued his intended place for landing to be passed.

(2) Therefore falling againe with the change of Caesar againe lan­deth at the place of his first arriual tide, and indeuours of their Oares, about noone the same day hee recouered the shoare, euen in the same place (and that without any shew of resistance) where he had found best landing the Summer before. There in conuenient manner he encamped his host, and by certaine Fugitiues got notice of the power and place of the enemie.

(3) And lest delay should afford them aduantage, he committed the gouernment of his ships at anchor to Qu. Atrius, and his campe on land to the guard of ten Cohorts, besides the strength of three hundred horsemen; and himselfe with the rest about the third watch of the night tooke their march towards the e­nemie, proceeding with such celeritie, that by the day dawning they were entred twelue miles higher into the Continent: where seeking to passe a riuer, which is supposed to be the water Stower, the Britaines with Caesar resisted at the riuer Stower. their darts and chariots began in most terrible man­ner to assault the Romanes. But being at length by them repulsed, tooke into a wood strongly fortified both by nature and mans industrie. For in the time of their owne dissensions they had formerly made this place one of their strongest fortresses, and had cut down many trees, which ouerthwart the waies of en­trance they had bestowed.

(4) In this they secretly kept, and where they saw aduantage, would by companies sallie out vpon the enemie to their no little annoiance. Whereupon Caesar commanded the seuenth Legion to raise a banke, and to build a Testudo of boards, couered with The Britains dri­uen from their fortresse. raw hides, by which meanes the place without much adoe was won, and the Britaines forced to forsake the woods. Whose chase Caesar forbade both in regard the day was neere spent, as also that the countrey was altogether vnknowen to the Romanes. But the next day the pursuit being begun, sudden newes was brought from Q. Atrius, that most of his ships the night before by a violent tempest were cast on Land, Caesars Nauie greatly impai­red by tempest. their bulks shaken, their cables broken, and anchours lost. Caesars experience in like mishaps the Summer before, made him so much more ready to preuent the worst. And therefore recalling his forces, in all haste returned to his Campe, finding the relation too true in their wracke, wherein forty of his ships were quite lost. Wherefore he wrote to Labienus his Lieutenant in Gallia for supply of ships, thence to bee sent in all haste. Then gathering his shipwrights out of the le­gions, with the ruines of the bruised bulkes, he repai­red the whole; and now hauing twice felt the dangers of these seas, caused his whole fleet (a strange attempt) to be drawn on land, euen into the midst of the forti­fications Hee draweth his fleet on shoare. of his campe, so to secure them from the like mishap, and that one strength might defend both.

(5) In which admirable toile ten daies


and nights were altogether spent, before hee could returne to the place from whence he came; where now the Britaines through great confluence of people had increased their power, and entred againe their fortresse and wood. The chiefe command of these affaires was commit­ted to Cassibelan, whose coine wee haue heere likewise set, a Prince of good repute for feats in warre, whose Seigniory was se­uered from the Cities towards the Sea, by the great and famous riuer Thamisis, and extended into the land full foure­score miles.

This Cassibelan present Gouernour of the Trinobants, had attained to the posses­sion of their chiefest Citie by the slaugh­ter of Imanuence their former Ruler (a man well respected, and much lamented after death) whose sonne Mandubrace, a gentleman of great hope, Caesar. Com. lib. 5. fearing the like danger, by the new established autho­ritie of Cassibelan, had made ouer into Gallia, crauing Caesars assistance to set him in his right.

(6) Cassibelan (if among these authenticke Au­thors Flor. Histor. Fabian. the British Writers may bee heard) was the bro­ther of King * Lud, and in the nonage of his nephewes Cassibelan brother of King Lud. gouerned the Trinobants, whose bounds hee sought to enlarge vpon the bordering Countries of his neigh­bours, and in his fortunes had so borne himselfe, that he was much maligned, and more feared. But now all their dangers yoked alike in a common perill, they laid aside priuate grudges, and held him the only man to support the strength of their troubled and decli­ning estate, and by a common consent made him Ge­nerall of their warres. The expectation of whose pro­ceedings he long delaied not, but with a fierce and hot encounter did assaile the Romans, and so manfully dis­charged the parts of his place, that in the sight of the whole Campe Quintus Laberius a militarie Tribune was slain, (in memorie wherof the place as yet, though somewhat corruptly, is called Iul-laber) and Caesar Lamber. Peramb. himselfe professeth he learned many points of marti­all policie by their braue and running kinde of en­countring.

(7) But his next daies seruice prooued not so for­tunate; for the Romans hauing learned their owne de­fects by the former daies experience, laid aside their weightie armour, that with the more facilitie they might both assaile the enemies, and with like nimble­nesse auoid their furie, they hauing now bestowed their powers dispersedly, and scattered their troupes into companies, wherby the Romans were still match­ed with fresh supplies. A policie no doubt of no small consequence, had not destiny determined the fatall subiection of the Britaines, and Fortune now raised the Romans almost to the height of their Monarchie.

(8) For this failing, the Britaines neuer after shew­ed Britaines retire to their seuerall Prouinces. themselues with any vnited resistance, but hauing lost the day departed, thinking it better to secure eue­rie priuate by his owne meanes, then by a generall power to hazard all, as hopelesse any more to vphold that which the heauens (they saw) would haue down. And Cassibelan himselfe despairing of happy successe, drew into his owne territories, keeping with him not aboue 4. thousand wagons. And fearing the Romans further approch, fortified the riuer Thamisis (then pas­sable Thought to be Oatland. onely in one place) with sharpned stakes bound about with lead, and driuen so deepe into the bot­tome, that Beda and Asser report them so to remaine Beda lib. 1. cap. 2. in their times. All which notwithstanding, the Ro­mans passed with the repulse of their enemies, and Caesar, who grew now to the height of his honour, marched further into the Continent, and comming forward, was met by Ambassadours from the chiefest Citie of the Trinobants, which first of all the States profered submission, and promised subiection, with this The Trinobants submit to Caesar. Beda calleth him Androgorius, lib. 1. cap. 2. intreatie also, that Mandubrace (who being Caesars fol­lower, and doubtlesse the contriuer of this submis­sion) might be Gouernour of their Citie.

(9) Caesar ready to worke vpon such aduantage, seized them at forty hostages, with sufficiencie of graine for his whole armie, which with all expedition those Suppliants performed, preferring the satisfaction of their owne discontentments before the common cause Ceminagues, Segontianus, Ancalits, Bibrokes, Cassians. of their Natiue Country, thus laid open, and betraied into the enemies hands; from whose example many other States without stroke yeelded to Caesars com­mand: yea further treacherously shewing vnto him both the power and place of Cassibelans abode, who had now retired himselfe into his owne Citie called Verolam, well fortified both with woods and marish S. Albans besie­ged by Caesar. grounds.

Thither Caesar came, and with little losse or la­bour won the place, and many of the miserable Bri­taines both taken and slaine. Cassibelan now despairing of his owne power, farre vnable to match, and much lesse to ouermatch his Enemies, instigated the Gouer­nours The Gouernours of Kent ioine with Cassibelan against Caesar. of Kent, being foure in number, Cingetorix, Car­uilius, Taximangulus, and Segonax, (whom Caesar ter­meth [Page 187] Kings) to raise all their strengths, and suddenly to set vpon the Romanes Campe that guarded their ships; which enterprise was accordingly attempted, but with such successe, that the Britaines were on each side slaine, and Cingetorix taken prisoner, the rest sa­uing themselues by flight.

(10) Cassibelan beholding these vnfortunate pro­ceedings, feared the end of vnhappie successe, for hee saw his Country wasted, his owne designes defeated, and himselfe forsaken by the traiterous reuolt of ma­ny Cities and States on euery side. Therefore as bootlesse to bandy against fortune, he sought to hold Cassibelan sollici­teth for peace. his owne with others, and sent Comius King of the Attrebatij to be his meane to Caesar for peace, which was the willinglier heard and granted, for that he de­termined to winter in Gallia, his affaires so requi­ring it.

(11) The conditions were hard, but necessitie must be obeied: for Caesar imposed a grieuous Tri­bute A great Tribute. to be taxed of the Britaines, of no lesse then three thousand pounds yeerely to be paid, and moreouer in­cluded So saith an old written Chroni­cle, the Author not named. the safety of Mandubrace, with his Trinobantes taken into friendship, and protection of the Romans; & lastly, that these Couenants should be faithfully ob­serued, he cōmanded hostages for assurance forthwith to be deliuered. These things thus compounded, he tooke the Seas, about the second watch of the night, which then began to equalize the day in length, and safely arriued in the Continent of Gallia; Hauing ra­ther shewed the place to posterities, then deliuered to Tacitus in vita Agric. the Romans the possession thereof, as Tacitus saith, supposing it his glory sufficient to vndergoe a matter so rare and difficult, and at his comming to Rome, to haue presented his British Captiues; whose strangenesse for attire and behauiour filled the peoples eies both with wonder and delight. He offred also in the Temple Eutrop. Plin. of Venus genitrix, a Surcoat made all of British pearles, as a Trophey and Spoile of the Ocean. And now his for­tunes comming to the highest, the title of perpetuall Dictator (then which the State of Rome could affoord nothing greater) sufficed him not, but a King hee will Caesars ambition. be, and sole gouernour ouer all, though contrarie to the Law and liking of the Romanes; whereof in short time grew such heart-burning and hatred, that seuenty prin­cipall men conspired his death, and after his many dan­gers Caesars death. of enemies in battles abroad, was in the Senate-house amongst his supposed friends, and in peace (if treacherie may be called peace) cruelly murdered, re­ceiuing in his body three and twenty wounds, whereof he died, after he had sate Emperour only fiue moneths.

(12) I am not ignorant that the British Writers doe varie from Caesar in relating these his procee­dings, British Writers vary from Caesar. and speake more honourably of their owne re­sistance then himselfe hath set downe, namely, that by the valour of Cassibelan their King, in his first at­tempts hee was twice driuen backe without his pur­pose, That Cassibelan repulsed Caesar twice. and forced to take the Seas, to the great hazard of his ships and men, yea and with the losse of his owne sword, which with great prowesse was wonne from him in a single encounter by Nenion Cassibelans brother. And surely howsoeuer Polydore accounteth Nenion won Cae­sars sword. their Story new, and Caesar carrieth himselfe glorious­lie in his owne affaires; yet by sundry other renow­ned writers it seemeth, that the currant of his Conquest went nothing so smooth and vntroubled, or with so Beda hist. li. 1. c. 2. little losse of the Romans, nor the Britaines liberties forgone by so easie resistance: which may be collected euen out of some couert passages of Caesars own words, where it appeareth, that hee durst not at sundry times giue the Britaines battle, though they were only harnes­sed in leather, and his Souldiers were all old Legionaries of long seruice, called for their huge armour, Milites grauis armaturae, as hauing a helmet, corslet and boots, all of massy brasse or iron, with a large target, a strong two-edged sword, and a great staffe or clubbe hea­ded with an iron pike; which oddes notwithstanding had not Cassibelan been vndermined by Mandubrace, and traiterously forsaken (which Caesar himselfe con­fesseth) by the Princes which promised him assi­stance, but euer mangned him, and had now a faire time of reuenge, perhaps Caesar might haue missed this parcell of his glory. Yet for all these helpes, Lucan saith expresly of him,

Territa quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis:
He Britaines found, but left them soone by fright.

Eutropius saith, He was wearied out and quelled both with the fierce battles of the enemie, and cro [...]es of tempests. Eutropius, Tacitus saith, Hee found out Britannie for the Romans, Tacitus. but could not winne it for them: which was the very cause why (as Dion witnesseth) for twenty yeeres after Caesars entrance, Britannie kept their owne Kings and their owne lawes, and had no forraine Prefects to com­mand them. And Beda sheweth, that Caesar in this Land was both receiued with sharpe and sore fight, and weakened by the losse of his ships, and with the most part of his men at armes. Tacitus also, vsing the speech of Caractacus to his Souldiers, hath these words: He called (saith he) vpon the names of his Ance­stors, Tacit. lib. 12. ca. [...]. which chased Caesar the Dictator out of the Ile, by whom and by whose valour they were deliuered from Hat­chets and Tributes, and enioied freely their wiues and chil­drens bodies vndefiled. Againe, in the consultations of the Britaines intending a reuolt, hee allegeth their ar­guments, whereof one was the sudden departure of Cae­sar out of this Iland, little better then a slight. With In vita Agric. whom Dion Cassius also agreeth, affirming that Caesar Diodi. 39. Caesar got no­thing in Britaine, saue the sight of the Countrie. got nothing in Britaine besides the honour and renowne of that voiage, and sight of that Country, vntill then vnknown to the Romans. And againe (saith hee) Caesar departed thence hauing done no memorable act, which caused the Britaines to be secure and carelesse to prouide themselues a­gainst his second arriuage. Whereby is apparant (euen by Romane Writers) both the bold resistance that the Britaines made, and the deare subiection that the Ro­mans bought. But in matters so farre past, it is hard for mee to auouch any thing resoluedly, vnlesse I could meet with that aged Britaine whom M. Aper conferred with heere in Britanny (as Quintilian wri­teth) who auowed that hee was in the British Campe Quintilian. when they did beat Caesar from the shoare.

(13) Neither will I vrge that for truth, which Authours haue left vs in their reports, concerning the many prodigies before going, and forewarning his death: things rather to be accounted the superfluities of their owne pens, and vaine imageries, euer working vpon accidentall euents, and ascribing issued successe to a supernaturall cause. Such conceit had Caesar of himselfe, that for his fortunes hee would bee stiled a­mongst Caesar would bee stiled amongst the Gods. the Gods: and his deitie to that credulous gene­ration was further strengthned by the appearance of a blazing starre, which mooued (no doubt) an ouer­large opinion of his humane power, and caused his glorie much to surmount it selfe. And therefore lest ignorance should any way blemish his immortalitie, they haue fained the manner of his dying best plea­sing Sueton. Plutarch. to himselfe, and many ominous signes to fore­shew the same: all which he either lightly despised, or carelesly neglected, as they would haue their Readers beleeue.

(14) Such was that of Spurina his diuiner, that Caesar forewarned to take heed of the Ides of March. forewarned him of great danger, which should not passe the Ides of March. And Suetonius out of Corne­lius Balbus reporteth, that in the ancient Monuments of Capuae, discouered but few moneths before, was found a Table of brasse, wherein was written the manner of his murder, and the reuenge that should follow: his owne dreames the night before, wherein he seemed to flie in the His dreames. clouds, and to shake hands with Iupiter: as also his wiues, that thought him stabbed in her armes, and to lie all bloody His wiues dream. in her bosome. Besides many other obseruances both of beasts and birds, and that in such plentie, that it yeelded sufficient matter for Ouid the Poet to furnish Ould. Meta. li. 15. and fill vp the latter part of his last booke of Meta­morphosis. His feature, qualities, and fortunes, are by them thus described: Of personage to be tall, strong, His personage. and well limmed, faire, and full faced, with blacke [Page 188] eies, and bald headed, to couer which he vsually wore the Triumphant Lawrell Garland. He was well learned, and therewithall very eloquent: and although so great a warriour, thirsting after fame, yet would he be easily reconciled to his enemies, yea and often times Easie to be re­conciled. seeke the meanes first himselfe. And hee held it no lesse valour to subdue his wrath, then his enemie; as likewise in his disasters hee was of great temper and Seneca. moderation, insomuch that Seneca writeth of him, that whiles he was in Britaine, hearing newes of his daughters death (which was lamented as a great losse to the whole State) hee conquered that sorrow as easily and as quickly as hee subdued all things where euer he came. And of his other moderatenesse, Cotas (who then held the se­cond Cotas apud Athe­naeum. place of honour and command in the Armie) writeth, that though Caesar was then so great and glo­rious a Commander, yet he was so farre from outward pompe, as that when he came into Britannie hee had onely three seruants to attend him.

(15) In his enterprises hee was both valiant and fortunate, and is therefore singled out for an Idea or Paterne of an absolute Generall, especially for foure mili­taric properties very resplendent in him: first, laborious­nesse His successe in warre, and num­ber of battles. in his affaires: secondly, courage in his dangers: thirdly, industrious contriuing of what he vndertooke: fourthly, quicke dispatch in accomplishing what hee had once begun: In all which he proceeded with such successe, that in fiftie seuerall battles by him fought, he al­waies preuailed, one only excepted, as both Pliny, Solinus, and others haue recorded. Foure times hee was crea­ted Consul, and fiue times entred Rome in triumph, bea­ring His Offices. still the stile of Perpetuall Dictator. And therfore with lesse dishonour did nations subiect themselues vnto him; and this of Britaine with them, whose lot being cast among the hazards of the world, was drawen with an equall chance, as the rest, and yeelded their freedomes with as hard conditions, as did Coun­tries of more extent, and Kingdomes of greater ac­count. But most especially the decree of God could not bee gaine-stood, who had foreshewed by his Prophets the ri­sing Num. 24. 24. Dan. 11. 30. Dan. 2. 35. of these Chittims, and them a meanes to make the metalline image dust.



AFter the death of Caesar, thus slaine in the Senate, Octauian (the grand-childe of Iulia, Cesars sister) whom hee had adopted, and de­clared his heire, returned vnto Rome from From Macedo­nia, say some. Apollo­nia, where he studied Phi­losophie, intending to pro­secute the reuenge of Cae­sars death; where falling at oddes with Marcus Anto­nius a man of great spirit and power, and setting him­selfe Caesar against Antony. Sueton. in vita August. against Brutus and Cassius, with their Complices, for the murder of his vncle, secretly wrought the friendship of the Citizens, before whose eies also Cae­sars wounds seemed yet to bleed.

(2) These factions thus begun, grew to such height, that in the Senate-house their causes were plea­ded, and by the instigation and eloquence of Marcus Tullius Cicero, Antonius was proclaimed enemie to Cicero against Antonius. the State: against whom Octauian was sent, with En­signes of Consul, and title Propraetor, being yet not twen­tie yeeres of age; which duty and office he so well dis­charged in the parts of a valiant Captaine, that Antony was forced out of the field, albeit in this battle the one Consul was slaine, and the other deadly wounded. For Antonius discom­fited. which seruice so effected, he entred Rome in Triumph; though the glory thereof was much blemished, being obtained but in an intestine and ciuill warre. Marcus Antonius, to recouer himselfe, and make good his cause, ioined friendship with Marcus Aemilius Lepi­dus, Captaine of the horse, who together interposed themselues against Octauians proceedings; but by me­diation of friends all three were reconciled, and iointly Octauian and An­tony reconciled. erected that forme of gouernment which thence was named the Triumuirat: for the establishment where­of they had seuerall iurisdictions assigned them: to Lepidus, Africa, whereof he was present Gouernour: to Antony, the Countries as well of Greece as Asia, that lay betwixt the Ionian Sea, entring at the gulfe of Ve­nice, vnto the riuer Euphrates: and vnto Octanian all these West parts of Europe, amongst which this our Bri­taine was one.

(3) In these ciuill broiles, and bandings of great men (as Tacitus termeth it) the State of Britaine lay long forgotten, and stood in peaceable termes, Au­gustus thinking it wisdome (saith he) to restraine the infinite desire of inlarging the Romane Empire, whose ex­tent [Page 189] was growen to that vast greatnesse, as it seemed euen burdensome vnto it selfe, whereby this remote The Empire too great. Iland lay ouershadowed from their sight: whereunto may be added that the presence of Kymbeline the Bri­tish Fabian out of Guido. Columna. King (as their historie recordeth) in great fauour with Octauian, was a great furtherance to the peace, euen without paiment of the formerly imposed Tri­bute. But yet the truth is (as Dion Cassius hath it) that Dio Cass. lib. 49. Octauian desirous in all things to be like vnto Caesar, see­ing their tribute neglected, had intended a voiage to­wards Octauians prepa­ration for Bri­taine. Britaine; but hauing set forwards into Gallia, he had there tidings of the sudden reuolt of the Pan­nonians, against whom he diuerted his prepared pow­er, and left his first designement for that time. Not­withstanding, he still retained the desire of their sub­iection, and foure yeeres after made a second very great preparation thitherward, proceeding with his power againe into Gallia.

(4) The Britaines that had felt the force of the Ro­mans, and in regard of their own distractions at home were hopelesse of strength to withstand them, sought the fauor of Augustus by their submission, and to that Dio. Cass. lib. 53. end sent ouer their Ambassadours, who presenting themselues before him in Gallia Celtica, appeased his The Britains ap­pease Octauian. wrath, with promise of obedience and full satisfaction for their Tributes deteined: whereby Caesar was again staied, and the Britaines taken into sauour and prote­ction. Notwithstanding, the mindes of their Magi­strates were so vnconstant, or else the money so hardly drawen from the people, who naturally hated all such Strabo lib. 4. obliged seruitudes, hauing euer liued a free Nation (as Aegisippus speaketh of them) that they againe fai­led their paiment; whereat Augustus was sore offended, and the third time prepared his voiage that way, which Augustus third preparation a­gainst Britanny. yet a while was hindred by the reuolt of the Byscay­ans, and some other Prouinces.

(5) The Britaines seeing themselues thus still sought after, sent vnto Caesar their excuses, with pre­sents to be offred in the Capitoll to the Romane Gods, The Britaines excuses. hauing now learned with the rest of the world to ap­pease Princes by gifts and rewards, yeelding part of the Iland, and swearing him fealtie in the Temple of Mars, and so were registred subiects to the Romane Empire. At which time also they agreed to pay toll [...]s Customes first paid in Britaine. and customes for all wares which they transported into other parts, their merchandize chiefly consisting of Iuorie boxes, Iron Chaines, and other small trifles of Amber and Glasse. All which agreements and compo­sitions were afterward so loyally obserued, and the The Britaines loyaltie. Land so composed to quietnesse, that one band of soul­diers, with a small troope of horse (as Strabo saith) or foure Legions (as Iosephus writeth) were sufficient to containe so great a multitude in a setled forme of obedience.

(6) Ouer the Trinobantes, the greatest and most potent State of the Britaines, then raigned the happie Prince Cunobeline (for so in his Coines yet remaining Cunobeline prince of the Trinoban­tes. we finde it) corruptly written Kimbeline, the sonne of Theomantius nephew to Cassibelan before spoken of, whose abode and principall seat was Camalodu­num, Malden. as by the reuerse of the said Coines may ap­peare. This Prince to make his estate more respe­ctiue, The first stam­ped Coines in Britaine. caused his owne Image to be stamped thereon, after the manner of the Romans, (who now had new­lie taken vp that fashion) his paiments before consist­ing for the most part in rings of iron, and plates of brasse, seized at a certaine waight, which vsually passed for currant amongst the Britaines, as Caesar reporteth, and as those rings are yet witnesses, whereof we haue Caesar. Com. lib. 5. seene some.

This man trained his people to a more ciuill life then formerly had beene accustomed, and enioied peace with the rest of the world, which then stood vniuersal­lie A generall peace thorow all the world. M [...]cah 5. 2. Isay 9. 6. Gen. 3. 5. Isav 7. 14. Gal. 4. 4. in quiet, as waiting the comming of that Prince of peace, whose going foorth had beene from euerlasting, and of whose kingdome there shall bee no end: euen Christ the a­nointed Emmanuel and sonne of the liuing God: so long be­fore expected, and now in the fulnesse of time manifested: at whose birth warre went downe, as Virgil speaketh, or rather to vse the words of the Prophet, when [...] were made into mattocks, and speares broken into [...]: [...]. And as in the building of Salomons Temple neither [...] of axe, nor the sound of hammer was heard [...] so his [...] I [...] building of [...] Temple. Ioh. 3. 19. Luk. 2. 14. the true Temple, hee came and was [...]arnate at such time, when the sound of warre did not awake the world, but a calme and quiet peace incompass [...]d it, as by the Angels was proclaimed amongst the Iewes, and now was more pub­likely made knowen amongst the Gentiles by the shut­ting Paulus O [...]. [...] Temple is shut. of Ianus Temple in Rome. This vniuersall peace was so famous and so admirable, that it found matter for the finest wits amongst the Heathens to enlarge them­selues: whereupon Virgil framing the perswasions of Iupiter to his daughter, foresheweth the happy suc­cesse of her seed, and in what tranquillity they should sit, when the hands of Mars were thus restrained from fight, as he thus expresseth:

Aspera tum positis mitescent secula[?] bellis:
[...]rg. Aeneid. li. [...].
Cana fides, & Vesta, Remo cum fratre Quirinus
Iura dabunt: dirae ferro, & compagibus arctis
Claudentur belli portae: furor imptus intus
Saeua sedens super arma, & c [...]ntum vinctus [...]enis
Post tergum nodis, fremet horridus ore cruento.

Then men shall milder prooue: cease shall fierce warres:
The fruits of a true peace.
Faith, Gods, and Princes all shall iustly guide:
Warres gastly gates with bolts and iron barres
Fast shut shall stand: and Mars cashierd shall hide
Mongst heapes of rusty armour, where his hands
Bound fast shall be with hundred brasen bands.

And yet further in his Ecloge (from the Sibyls, who Lactan. li. 4 ca. [...]. in all likelihood had it from the diuine Oracles) hee D [...]ples. [...]. c. 32. vseth the very words of the Prophets in speaking of a Maid, and a Child of a new progenic borne and sent downe from heauen, by whom the brassy and iron-like world should cease, and a pure golden age succeed. Thus he sweetly singeth:

Vltima Cumaei venit iam carminis aetas:
Eclog. 4.
Magnus ab integro seclorum nascitur ordo:
Iam redit & Virgo: redeunt Saturnia regna:
Iam noua progenies coelo demittitur alto.
Tu modò nascenti puero, quo ferrea primùm
Desinet, ac toto surget gens aurea mundo, &c.

Now is the time of which Sibylla said,
The old world doth his prime againe renew:
Now hath the world a pure vnspotted Maid:
Sa [...]urne (whom Virgil nameth) was esteemed the father of the Gods.
Now raignes the * God of Gods, whose off-spring new
Descends from heauen. Bless'd be the babe whose raies
Hath turn'd our iron age to golden daies.

In which Ecloge are sweetly couched many other most diuine allusions to our Sauiours Magnum Io [...] is incrementum, &c. Deity, M [...]tri long [...] de­cem, &c birth and humanity, Nec Deus b [...]c [...]ensa, &c. pouerty, Assyriu [...] vulg [...] [...]scetur, &c. graces, Cui non risere pa­rentes. &c. crosses, Paca [...] [...] reget patri [...], &c. kingdome, and Soluet [...], &c. re­demption of the world from Si qua [...], &c. sinne, Fall [...] herba veneni, &c. death, and Occidet & ser­pen [...], &c. Sueton. in vit. Au­gust. Sect. 94. D [...]ples. veritat. Christi. 32. sol. 518. Niceph li. 1. ca. 17. Iuuenal. Sa [...]yr. 3. Zephan. 2. 11. Our Sauiour Christ borne in the fourteenth yeere of Cuno­beline. hell.

So likewise Marcus Tullius Cicero saw in his dreame (as himselfe reporteth) a childe of an ingenuous and beautifull countenance, let downe from heauen by a golden chaine. And Suetonius in the life of Augustus from Iu­lius Marathus hath obserued, that certaine predicti­ons in Rome happening, were so respected and gene­rally expounded, That Nature was about to bring forth a King that should raigne ouer the whole world. And al­beit these and other Heathen Writers ascribe these things either to Augustus himselfe, or to some of his fauorites, yet wee see them accomplished in none o­ther but Iesus Christ the Messiah our blessed Sauiour, in whom only the Kingdome of God began, with the vt­ter subuersion of all their heathenish Oracles, which at his birth, or at furthest at his death, ceased all, and gaue place to HIS eternitie. Which time of his birth by the Scriptures most certaine account, was from the worlds creation, 3927. and is set by the Britaines in the fourteenth of their Cunobelines raigne, and by other authenticke Writers in the two and fortieth of Augustus Caesar, euen in the top of that Empires great­nesse, [Page 190] when Rome was with an vniuersall subiection acknowledged the absolute Lady of the knowne earth. For so in S. Luke wee read, that this Augustus then first Luk. 2. taxed the world. A text most strong for the full disso­lution of the foure foregone kingdomes represented in Daniels Image, by the fall of this stone Christ, the rocke and stay of our eternall happinesse. Dan. 2.

(7) This Emperour raigned in great honour the Augustus de­scribed. His raigne. space of fifty six yeeres, and was obeyed both by the Easterne Indians, and the Northerne Scythians, with the subiection of the Parthians, a fierce and vntamed people, and generally with the loue of all. Hee was a Prince indued with great wisdome, magnanimitie, and Iustice; yet faulty in this, that he tooke from Tiberius Tacit. Annal. li. 5. cap. [...]. Nero his wife Liuia, both great with child, and hauing also formerly borne him a sonne. Deuout hee was in the worship of the Romane Gods; amongst whom in the Capitoll he built an Altar vnto the Hebrew childe, with this inscription: The Altar of the first begotten His deuotion to Christ. Niceph. li. 1. ca. 17. Suid [...]. Sonne of God: being thereunto mooued by the Oracle of Apollo that had answered his owne destruction by the birth of this childe. Of Stature he was but low, and His endowments of bodie. of a good complexion; gray-eied, his haire some­what yellow, and his body freckled with spots, which as his flatterers would haue the world beleeue, were in forme like starres. Predictions foreshewing his gouernment and death are alleged, the which I wil­lingly ouerpasse, holding most of them rather fanta­sies then truth. At his death hee demanded of the standers by, whether he had well acted the enterlude of Sueton, in vitae August [...]. his life vpon the stage of this world: and died fourteene yeeres after Christ his incarnation; leauing after him so honourable an estimation of his glory, that as the succeeding Emperours in remembrance of Iulius Caesar gloried to be called Caesars, so they euer held the name of Augusti to be sacred, and only befitting persons de­stinated to imperiall Maiestie. And both their names were inserted into the number of the moneths, that The moneths of Iuly and Augst. the honour of them both might neuer perish while Times euiternitie should endure.



AVgustus Caesar thus glori­ously raigning, and peace­ably dying, had ordained for his successour Tiberius Nero, the sonne of Tibe­rius Tiberois Nero his parents. the Patritian, and of Liuia his wife, whom (as we said before) he had ta­ken for his Empresse, and by whose incitements and continuall instigations that matter was procured: though Suetonius thinketh, it was by Augustus his Sueton. in vit. Tiber. owne ambitious conceit, to make himselfe the soo­ner missed, and the more lamented, in leauing his sonne so vnlike him to succeed, whose conditions as they stood vpon their owne basis, hee knew to bee both reprooueable, and also contemptible.

(2) But before the death of Caesar could be diuul­ged, to write his imperiall stile as it were in blood, he His actions and conditions. began with the murder of young Agrippa the sonne of Iulia, daughter to Octanian, and once his owne wife, and continued his raigne with such tyrannie, that ma­ny Tacit. Annal. li. 1. cap. [...]. he slaughtred, without respect of person or cause; and in his loosest lasciuiousnesse, thought of nothing but how to subuert the Nobilitie; for rare it was in his Tacit. [...]. [...]. [...]. cap. 3. His plotting a­gainst his No­bles. Tacit. [...]. [...]. [...]. cap. 7. daies that any such died a naturall death: and main­taining a race of men (Promoters, as Tacitus tearmes them, found out for a common ouerthrow and destru­ction of others) allured them by rewards to accuse the rich, though guiltlesse; only this fauour granted to the condemned, that if they slew themselues before the day of execution, their bodies should haue buriall, Tacit. Annal. li. [...]. cap. 7. their goods not confiscate, and their testament stand good in law.

(3) A great dissembler he was, seeming euer to hate [...] his hy­pocrisie. those vices which in truth he loued, and to loue those vertues which he did most deadly hate: and for life His libidinous, [...]esse. and libidinous filthinesse so extreme, that a Christi­ans pen may not expresse, when the Heathen them­selues doe blush to name such things as hee shamed not o­penly Tacit. Annal. li. 6. cap. 1. to commit: his publike drunkennesse, and continuall banquettings, whereat hee spent whole daies His [...]. and nights together without intermission, caused ex­change of names from Tiberius Nero to A wine- [...]. Biberius [Page 191] Mero. Dissolute and carelesse he was in gouernment, Carelesse in go­uernment. though some haue accounted him a wise and poli­ticke Prince: for the Prouinces he left to defend them­selues, The prouinces v [...]defended. and yet daily charged them with larger Tributes, to their great impouerishment, and almost vtter ruine.

(4) In this state, amongst others neglected, Britaine Britaine without forraine garrison or gouernment. stood, wherein Tiberius neither maintained garrison, nor attempted alteration, and whereby (as it may be thought) their owne Lawes and Princes bare sway among themselues, howsoeuer the cause for Tribute was ballized betwixt them. And most certaine it is, the Britaines, if not in subiection, yet were well affe­cted to the Romanes, as appeareth by Tacitus in the kinde entertainments, and in releeuing their ship­wracked Tacit. Annal. li. 2. cap. 5. souldiers, that in crossing the Seas were by tempest driuen vpon their Coasts, and courteouslie sent thence by their petty Kings vnto Germanicus their Generall. Notwithstanding, Ieffrey Monmouth see­meth to affirme the contrary, that bringeth the raign Ieffrey Monm. of one Guiderius, and the valour of Aruiragus, the sonnes of Cunobeline (of whom more heereafter) to withstand the Romish Command, and vtterly to refuse the paiment of Tribute, banding both against Tibe­rius, as also against Caligula and Claudius the Empe­rours succeeding.

(5) Other remembrances of these times concer­ning Our Sauiour Christs death. vs finde we none, besides that which is common to all, namely the death of our Saviour Christ, which vnder this Tyrant, and in his eighteenth yeere was accomplished by the proceeding of his (as wicked) Tert [...]l. in Apolog. ad [...]s. ge [...]es, c. 5. Deputy Pontius Pilate, who both adiudged him to die, and to bee guiltlesse of deseruing death: whereby was wrought the mysterie of our Redemption, with such signes and euidences of his Deitie, that the wicked Iudge himselfe wrote thereof to Tiberius, and hee to the Senate, to haue him consecrated among the Ro­man Gods. Which they refused to doe, that the wis­dome Eus [...]b. [...]ccles. hist. li. 2. ca. 2. and diuine power of God in the doctrine of Sal­uation should not need the allowance and commenda­tion of men, as Eusebius hath well obserued.

(6) Finally, when hee had raigned hated of all Tiberius hi [...] raigne, age, and death. Tacit. Annal. li. [...]. cap. 7. 2. Chr. 21. 20. Tacit. lib. [...]. ca. 12. men the space of three and twenty yeeres, with no better liking then is read of Ioram King of Iudah, that liued without being desired, hee was smoothered to death (as is thought) by Caligula, the seuenteenth of the Kalends of April, the yeere from Christs Natiuitie thirty nine, and the seuenty and eighth of his owne age. He was of personage tall, and of body strong, broad chested, and vsed both his hands alike, faire of com­plexion, but great and goggle-eied, whereby he saw so cleerely as is incredible to report.



[...] [Page 192] himselfe feared by Tyrannie at home, then any waies famous by Acts abroad.

(2) How the other Prouinces stood affected, I leaue to themselues; but by Tacitus it should seeme the Britaines and Germans were not his best subiects: Tacit. in vitae Agric. for these are his words, that Caius had a meaning to inuade Britaine, it is certainly knowen: but his rash run­ning Casigula inten­deth to inuade Britaine. head, and hasty repentance in his attempts against Germany, turned all to nothing. And Suetonius ascribes the foolish erection of that admirable bridge ouer a creeke of the Sea in Campania (whereof Dion writeth at large) to his vaine-glorious conceit, that by a brute Dion Cass. lib. 59. blazed abroad of so huge and monstrous a worke, he might terrifie Germanie and Britaine, vpon which Countries he meant to make warre. The issue where­of was as fruitlesse as his great cost was ridiculous. Sueton. in vita Caligula. For hauing set forward for the conquest of Bri­taine with no small preparation, he proceeded no fur­ther then to those parts of Holland that confront a­gainst Northfolke, where hee suddenly pitched his tents, and staied.

(3) At which time, Adminius the sonne of Cu­nobelin King of Britaine being banished by his father, Adminius banish­ed flieth to Caesar. fled ouer Sea with a small power, and submitted himselfe vnto Caesars protection: wherupon Cali­gula wrote vaunting letters to the Senate, as if the whole Iland had beene yeelded into his hands: com­manding the messenger that his letters should be car­ried in a Chariot into the Curia, and not deliuered but in the Temple of Mars, and that in a frequent Caligula his vaine ambition. and full assemblie of the Senate. And hauing no fur­ther matter to worke vpon, hee caused certaine Ger­mane prisoners secretly to bee conueied into a wood, and word to bee brought him in great feare and a­mazement of the sudden approch of the enemie; a­gainst whom with shew of great manhood and noble resolution in all haste and warlike manner he march­ed, and in chaines openly shewed them as his captiues taken in warre, sorbidding the Senators the wonted celebration of their Feasts, or to enter their Theaters His deluding of the Senate. to take solace, seeing their Caesar exposed himselfe to so many perils, and fought so great battles with ha­zard of his life. Last of all, as if he had meant to make a finall dispatch for euer of the warre, hee drew his forces downe to the Sea-coast of Belgia, and embat­tailed His warring with the Sea. his army vpon the Ocean shoare; planting his ba­lists and other Engines of artillerie in their seuerall pla­ces, no man witting what hee meant: which done, himselfe in a Galley launched into the Sea, and imme­diately returning, caused the Trumpets to sound the Caligula his great victorie. battle, and commanded his Souldiers forthwith to fall a gathering of cockles and muscles into their hel­mets, terming them the Spoiles of the conquered Ocean: Against which hee also built a Tower, as a Trophey of his victorie, the ruines whereof as yet remaine in Holland to this day, and is called The Britons house, Ort [...]lius Geograp. in memorie of that fantasticall seruice: vpon which exploit he made a glorious Oration to his souldiers, commending and requiting their valours with re­wards, and auowing their shell-spoiles worthy offrings to be presented in the Capitoll, writing letters to Rome His ambition. of this his great Conquest, and demanding Triumph, and diuine honours to be assigned him: which when the Senatours made some question of, hee threatned them with death. But this Sea-seruice (as it seemeth) so ranne euer after in his minde, that one night hee dreampt that the Sea in dreadfull shape came and ex­postulated with him, which cast him into an incredi­ble horrour and affright. Affrighted in his sleepe.

(4) In his last yeere of life and raigne, Pontius Pi­late, vnder whom Christ Iesus suffered, was ap­prehended and accused at Rome, deposed and banish­ed to the Towne of Lions in France, where, in despaire Pontius Pilate banished killeth himselfe. he slew himselfe in the yeere from Christ his incarna­tion, forty one, and from his death, the seuenth, as Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 7. Eusebius hath noted.

(5) And now both the Ambition and crueltie of Caius was growen so intolerably sauage, as that he of­ten lamented that some rare and vnusuall disaster (as either some horrible slaughter of huge Armies, or some vniuersall plague, or famine, or fire, or opening of the earth, or ouer-flowing of the Sea) happened not in his time, whereby his raigne might be made memorable to posteritie. And hee wished that all the people of Rome had but one necke, that he might haue the glorie of giuing the brauest blow that euer was giuen, where­by so infinite multitudes of men might be killed by him at one stroke. But this his wish was preuented by a blow on himselfe, his death and downefall being Ioseph. Antiq. lib. 19. cap. 1. complotted and executed by certain Tribunes, where­of Chaerea was chiefe; who following him from the Theater with resolution for the fact, tooke the time when Caligula turning suddenly aside into a narrow Cloister to see certaine boies sent him out of Asia, lost the defense of his fore-warders, and the straitnesse of the place permitted not his guard to follow, on which aduantage Chaerea demanded his watch-word, which he (according to his vsuall manner) gaue in great dis­daine and scorne, whereunto Chaerea replied, and with his sword wounded him in the necke, and iaw; Caligula slaine. and then the rest of the Conspirators comming in, with thirty wounds made an end of his life, after hee had most impiously raigned three yeeres and tenne moneths.

(6) He was of stature tall, of complexion pale and His personage. wan, of body somewhat grosse and vnfashionable, his necke and legges exceedingly slender, his eies sunke in­to the hollow temples of his forehead, and that also frowning and full of wrinkles: his haire was thin and shaggie, but bald on the crowne, though otherwise so hairie of bodie, that all the time of his raigne if a man did but name a Goat, it was held a touch and offense of Lasae Maiestatis against his imperiall person. His Coun­tenance Sabe [...]. [...]. 7. lib. 2. naturally sterne and grimme, which by com­posing and gesture he purposely made more vgly and terrible. His apparell alwaies costly, but not alwaies Court-like, neither ciuill: his beard hee wore of gold like Iupiter or Aesculapius. In his hand for a Scepter, a Mace three-tined, as Neptune or God of the Sea, and vpon his body the Curace of Alexander the Great, taken from his Sepulchre and Monument. Hee died aged twenty nine yeeres, whose memory was so hatefull vn­to Dion lib. 60. all, that all the Copper Coines or Modals stamped with his picture were melted downe by decree of the Senate, whereby (if it were possible) his name and His hatred after death. feature might be forgotten vnto future ages.



Claudius Drusus E [...]p. Aulus Plantius Lieut.

BVt Claudius Drusus a man of better spirit and tempe­rature, Claudius Drusus chosen by the Pretorian Souldi­ers. immediately vpon the death of Caligula, and euen in the height of those disturbances, by the Preto­rian Ioseph Antiquit. l. 19. cap. 3. Souldiers (who were encamped nere the walles of Rome) was nominated, and chosen Emperor; wher­as the Senate had decreed and determined to reduee the Citie into her ancient libertie, without admission of any Caesar, or subiection to such absolute and sole au­thoritie; notwithstanding, the power of this Army, and the vote of the Citie so preuailed, that the election was confirmed, and the Imperiall dignity by him assu­med, as the next, and onely man to whom it must of right belong: whose father Drusus was the sonne of Claudius his Pa­rentage. Liuia, wife to Octauian, to whom the Emperours suc­ceeding held it a glorie to be any waies allied.

(2) In his first proceedings with the Prouinces af­faires, hee determined warre against the Britaines, The Britaines de­taine their Tri­bute. whose Tribute had beene a long time neglected, and whose subiection was now to bee feared: all of them being raised in a tumultuous vprore. The cause pre­tended was certaine fugitiues, (the betraiers of their State, and liberties) lately departed, and by the Romans receiued with protection of the Emperour: a matter that moued them to great discontents, and serued as a shew for their iust reuolt.

(3) Claudius, as ready to preuent the worst, being thereto further incited by Bericus one of those British Dion Cass lib. 60. Anno Domi. 45. fugitiues as Dion reporteth, in the second yeare of his Empire, and from Christs Natiuitie forty fiue, sent Au­lus Plautius a Romane Senator, well experienced in the Aulus Plautius sent against the Britaines. affaires of warre, to take charge of the Army remai­ning in Gallia, and with those old trained Souldiers to make ouer into Britaine to retaine their obedience. Which seruice vpon them thus imposed, was gene­rally distasted, as apparantly was shewed by their vn­willingnesse His Souldiers vnwilling. Dio. lib. 60. thitherward, muttering and complai­ning, that they must now be inforced to make warre out of the world, and protracting time, could hardly bee drawne forward, though the Emperour sent his second command.

(4) But being at last embarked and crossing the Seas, their shippes were beaten with contrary winds, which still added discouragements vnto their procee­dings, and had not an accident the same time happe­ned, the edge of their courage had beene more aba­ted: for euen in this distraction suddenly afiery learne shot it selfe from East to West, the same way that their Incouraged by a signe from hea­uen. shippes made saile: which presently gaue hopes to their despairing hearts, being heathenishly interpreted for a signe of good lucke, and so sent from their Gods, whereupon without any resistance, they came to shoare and tooke land.

(5) The Britaines that mistrusted no such sudden inuasion, and now thus surprised vnawares, dispersed­ly secured themselues in woodes and marishes, there­by to detract time, and the more to wearie the Ene­my by delaies: which thing Plautius well perceiued, and with much labour, and hazard followed so ex­treamly, that many he slew, and tooke prisoner Cata­cratus their Captaine, the son of Cunobeline but late­ly deceased, which brought Catacratus taken prisoner. such terrour amongst the Britains, that thereupon the BODVNI, the inhabitants of Oxford and Glocester­shires, yeelded themselues to Plautius deuotion: for which seruice thus effected, the Senate decreed his Tri­umphs; and it is probable that this defeat of the Bri­taine forces, and surprise of their King, fell out in the sixt yeare of this Emperours raigne, by the reuerse of his money then minted


[Page 194] with a triumphall arch and inscription, De Brittan:

(6) But he following still the Enemy, beeing se­conded by Flauius Vespasian (afterward Emperour) the leader of the second legion (the foundation of Tacitus in vit. A­gric. whose succeeding fortunes was first laid here in Bri­taine) gaue them againe another ouerthrow. The chiefest meanes whereof was a policie they had gotten to gail the Chariot horses, whereby their riders were maistered, and their whole powers disordered: ma­ny Britaines in this battaile were slaine, and more in danger, had not the night ended theskirmish.

(7) The next day the battaile was againe begun and maintained on both parts with equall aduantage, till C. Sidius Geta enforced the Britaines to retire, C. Sidius Geta his valour. whereby the victory rested in the Romanes: for which exploit Triumphall honours were assigned him, al­though he had not yet attained to the Consular degree. In this Conflict, Vespasian hardly escaped, being sore oppressed by the Enemy, and in such sort, that had not Titus (his renowmed sonne) come to rescue, he had beene slaine, whose valour afterwards was tried in one and thirtie battailes, and in the Conquest of the Ile of Wight.

(8) After this conflict, the Britaines withdrew The Britaines re­tire to places of aduantage. themselues into places of more aduantage, and in the mouth of Thamisis neere her fall into the Sea, passed the shallowes and firme grounds in safetie, whereas the Romans ignorant of both, brought many into danger, and in their distressed passage, were sharpely assailed by the Enemie, in which turmoile, a bloody battaile was begunne, wherein Togodumnus a British Togodumnus slaine. Prince, brother to Catacratus, and sonne to Cunobe­line, was slaine: Notwithstanding, the courage of the Britains was nothing abated, but rather exaspera­ted to a further reuenge: for effecting whereof, new forces were gathered, and confluence of people assem­bled from each part of the Ile. Plautius the Lieutenant seing daily the increase of their power, Vespasian imploied in other parts, and himselfe streitned in a place of danger, proceeded no further, but sent word to the Emperour of the doubtfull estate of their affaires.

(9) At that time (saith Suetonius,) the Senate had Claudius the Em­perour commeth into Britain with a great Army. by decree allowed Claudius his Triumphall ornaments. But he supposing that such a bare title of honour was in­feriour to the Maiestie of an Emperour, and willing of himselfe also to enterprise some exploit whereby hee might winne the glory of a compleat Triumph, made choice before all other Prouinces, of Britaine, attempted by none since Iulius Caesar of famous Memory. And with great strength entred into the iourney, hauing with him a mightie Armie both of horse and foote, as also Elephants, a beast of great bignesse and burthen, Dion Cassius. lib. 60. Elephants first brought into Britaine. whose strangenesse then amazed the Britaines, and whose Carcases falling in this Land, their late found bones (no doubt) haue bred our errour, beeing sup­posed to be of men, and not of beasts.

(10) With very great danger he passed the Seas, and ioining strength with his Lieutenant and Vespasi­an, they all together crossed the Riuer Thamifis, where Claudius entreth Britaine. presently they were encountred by the Britaines, who a while maintained the battaile very desperately, but in the end gaue place and fled, whom the Romanes pursued euen to their strong Camulodunum, then the seate of Adminius, Cunobelins sonne, as may aptly be He surpriseth Ca­mulodunum. coniectured by the Medul of Britannicus the Emperors darling, figured in the front of this Chapter; which Citie they surprised and fortified with their owne Garrisons, which the Emperour in the eleuenth of his raigne, as appeareth by the other coine, turned to a Colony of Romane Citizens. Claudius now disarming the Britaines, remitted further punishment either v­pon their bodies or confiscation of their goods: The which his fauourable clemencie moued those distres­sed Britaines to such liking and loue, that they erected a Temple and Altar in his name, and gaue him diuine His clemencie maketh him to be honoured for a God. honour, as a God: The rest as vnable to resist, profe­red their submissions, and promised a peaceable sub­iection vnder the Romanes gouernement.

(11) These things thus atchieued, at the end of sixe moneths Claudius in his ninth yeare returned and Claudius retur­neth to Rome, & entreth in Tri­umph. Sueton. in vita Claud. Sect. 17. entred Rome in triumph with more then vsuall maner, stamping againe vpon his monies his Arch of victo­ry, as appeareth in the face of this Chapter, a perpe­tuall trophie of his victories and memory of our ser­uitude. After whose Triumphant Chariot rode Mes­salina his wife, the Monster of her sexe for impudencie and lasciuious life: and vpon the toppe of his Pa­lace he placed a Nauall Coronet in memoriall of the O­cean by him sailed ouer, and subdued: withall assu­ming to himselfe, and sonne, the Sirname Britanni­cus: And honoured Plautius with his presence in his Triumphs for Britaine, giuing him the right hand, as­cending the Capitoll, and besides graced diuers Cap­taines that serued vnder him in that warre with Tri­umphall Ornaments. So great an esteeme was held of the Conquest of so small a part of this Iland.

(12) The British Historians relate these things The British Hi­storians varie in relating Claudius doings in Britain. farre otherwise, reporting that their King Aruiragus, the yongest sonne of Kymbeline, withstood Claudius in his enterprise, with whom (say they) he came to com­position by giuing him his daughter Genissa in mari­age, in memorie whereof, he built the Citie Glauce­ster, according to his name, which now is called Gloce­ster: But Suetonius writing the life of Claudius, his wiues and children, nameth his daughters onely to be Claudia, Antonia, and Octauia, without mention of Genissa at all, and therefore not likely to haue any such: And Dion Cassius reporteth that Claudius him­selfe Dion Cass. lib. 60. staied not aboue sixteene daies in Britaine, a time too short for the sending to Rome, and thence for the returne with his daughter, or for the building of so great a Citie as Glocester is. Neither indeede was Ar­uiragus knowne in the daies of Claudius: But rather liued in the time of Domitian the seuenth in succession after him, as plainely appeareth by Iuuenal the Poet, in those his verses spoken to Domitian, which elswhere we cited. Whereby appeareth that the stirres of this King could not accord with Claudius raigne, and that the trueth of this report is much weakened from more sufficient authorities. But to proceede, Aulus Plautius (the first Lieutenant authorised ouer the Bri­taines, Aulus Plautius first Lord Depu­tie. vpon some occasion was thence reuoked, the warres not quieted, and with a small Triumph (as Ta­citus saith) entred Rome. Vnto him succeeded P. Tacit. in vit. A­gric. Tacit. Annal. li. 13. cap. 7. Ostorius Scapula, for reputation in martiall affaires nothing his inferiour, who at his first landing found all in an vprore: Of whose proceedings let vs heare Tacitus speake: The Britaines (saith he) that were yet Tacit. Annal. li. 12. cap. 8. vnconquered, ranged the Countries of the confederates, presuming both vpon the approch of the winter, and the Propretors vnacquaintance with his Army: But he know­ing that the first successe breedeth either feare, or confi­dence, gathered the Cohorts, and made to­wards the Enemy, slaying all that made


head against him, and disarming those whom hee most suspected. And to retaine Cogidunus the King in stricter assurance and fidelity to the Emperour, granted diuers Cities and States to him by way of Donation.

The first that beganne to stirre, were the Icenians, the Inhabitants of Nor­folke, Suffolke, Cambridge, and Hunting­ton-shires, a strong people vnshaken with warres: And with them (at their instigation) their neighbours adioi­ning. These together chose a fit place for fight, compassed in with a rude, but defensible trench, which had only one narrow entrance whereby the Horse­men must be much impeached. This Rampire notwithstanding the Romane Captaine, with the onely aide of the * Allies brake downe, and disordered the Enemy euen in this their Confederates perchance is meant. owne fortresse, who seeing all passages for escape to bee stopped vp, (Ostorius hauing hemmed them in Neu in Northamp­ton shire, saith Camde [...]. with Garrisons betweene the Riuers * Antonia and Sabrina) shewed great valour in defending themselues, [Page 195] and by their deaths gaue place to the Romanes. This ouerthrow and slaughter of the Iceni wrought a more staied resolution in those that before were wauering betweene warre and peace. And the Army led against the Cangi, with waste and spoile consumed the Coun­try, the inhabitants not daring to bee seene in field. Whereupon the Romanes pierced thorow the Land euen vnto the Sea-coast that lookes towards Ireland. A small resistance was made by the Brigantes, but without much trouble soone quieted by


the execution of some few, and pardoning of the rest.

(13) But the Silures (that is, those of South-wales) could not be brought to beare the Romish yoke of subiection, who besides their owne courage relied much vpon the strength and valour of their Prince Cara­ctacus (whose Coine we haue heere expres­sed) a man which had waded thorow many dangers, and in many aduentures both prosperous and luckie had gotten such re­putation, that hee was preferred before all the British Captaines. This Generall know­ing his owne strength vnable to match the enemie, by policie thought to supplie that want, and hauing aduantage of the Coun­trey, remooued the warre vnto the Ordo­uices, which is now North-wales, where all ioined to him that either feared or disdained to hold peace with the Romans. Heere he chose a place to en­campe his host, euen on the top of a hill naturally de­fensed His manner of encamping. from accesse: and where any doubt was, there he stopped vp all passage with heapes of stones in ma­ner of a Rampire; neere the foot whereof ran a Riuer with a foord somewhat dangerous, and not easily found, where a troope of his best souldiers were set in order to receiue the Enemie.

The more to animate their mindes, the Leaders His animating of his souldiers. went about exhorting and encouraging the Souldi­ers, taking all occasions of feare from them, and put­ting them in hope, with all inducements of resolu­tion: especially Caractacus, who coursing hither and thither, protested that day and that battle should bee His resolution. the beginning either of a recouered libertie, or else a perpetuall seruitude and bondage: and euer hee cal­led vpon the names of his valiant Ancestors, who for­merly had chased Caesar the Dictator out of the Ile, by whose valour they were deliuered from Hatchets and Tributes, and enioied freely their wiues and childrens bodies vndefiled. The Souldiers also themselues shew­ed as great forwardnesse, and as Echoes redoubled his words, vowing according to the Religion of their Countrie, neuer to yeeld for wounds or life, which they all were ready to sacrifice in the cause of their liber­ties. This their apparant resolution much appalled the Romans cheerefulnes, and most of all the Captaines and Leaders, who before their faces saw the Riuer, on both sides of them had the hanging hils, and the Fort commodious for the enemie, but deadly vnto them: all which notwithstanding the common Souldiers despised, and demanded the battle. Ostorius, whose Ostorius his care. studie was chiefly to performe the parts of a Generall, passed the Riuer with some little difficultie, and lea­ding his Armie vp to the Rampire, was met with such a showre of darts, that many therewith were woun­ded and slaine. Yet at length breaking downe those rude compacted stones, ioined battle with the ene­mie, and afront came close to handy strokes; wherein the Britaines hauing better courage then armour (for they had neither headpeece nor coat of defense) were sore galled with their Iauellings and two-handed swords, and so disordered, that they betooke them­selues The Britaines put to flight. to flight.

(14) This victorie as it was almost vnexpected, so was it made famous by the taking of Caractacus Caractacus wife, daughter, and brethren taken prisoners. Himselfe betrai­ed by Cartisman­dus. wife, daughter, and brethren, and himselfe flying for succor and protection to the Brigantes, was (as we haue before shewed) by Cartismandus their Queene betraied and deliuered into the hands of the Con­querours after his nine yeeres most generous resi­stance. Hee [...]. Tacit. Annal. 12 cap. 8. Whereupon his fame being carried ouer the Ilands, and spread abroad thorow the Prouinces, was also renowned in Italie, and they desired to see him that so many yeeres had contemned their forces. Nei­ther was his name meanly esteemed of at Rome; for whilest Caesars worth and power was there commen­ded, a more glorious conceit was held of the conque­red Caractacus: and against his comming to the Citie Caractacus led in triumph. the people from all parts were assembled, as to be­hold some notable and most rare spectacle. The Em­perours Guard in armes and good order were placed in the field before the Campe, thorow whom the Cap­tiues and Trophies were carried, and presented after this manner: first the vassals of Caractacus going for­most bowed their bodies to the people as they pas­sed, and seemed by their ruefull countenances to dis­couer the sense of their calamitie. The caparisons, his chaines, and other spoiles gotten in the warres, were carried after them. Then Caractacus his bre­thren, wife, and daughter followed, and last of all himselfe, whose attire and stout behauiour filled the peoples eies with wonder and delight. His bodie, for His habit and attire. the most part, was naked, and painted with figures of diuers beasts. Hee ware a chaine of iron about his necke, and another about his middle: the haire of his Ex histor. magn. Britan. head hanging downe in curled lockes, couered his backe and shoulders, and the haire of his vpper lip parted on both sides, lay vpon his breast. Neither was his behauiour lesse noted then the strangenesse of his ha­bit: for he neither hung downe his head, as daunted with base feare; nor craued mercie, as the rest; but His vndaunted­nesse. with a confident spirit, and bold countenance, held on till he came before the Imperiall Seat, where ma­king his stand, and a while beholding Caesars Maiesty, at last with great courage spake to this purpose.

‘(15) If my moderation in prosperitie had beene His Oration to Claudius Caesar. answerable to the greatnes of my birth and estate, or the successe of my late attempts to the resolution of my minde, I might haue come to this Citie ra­ther as a friend to be entertained, then as a Cap­tiue to be gazed vpon; neither wouldst thou dis­daine to haue receiued me on termes of amitie and peace, being a man of roiall descent, and a Com­mander of many warlike Nations. But what cloud soeuer hath darkened my present lot, yet haue the Heauens and Nature giuen mee that in birth and minde, which none can vanquish, or depriue mee of. I well see, that you make other mens miseries the subiect and matter of your triumphs; and in this my calamitie, as in a mirror, you now contemplate your owne glory. Yet know that I am, and was a Prince furnished with strength of men and abiliments of warre; and what maruell is it if all bee lost, seeing experience teacheth that the euents of warre are Euents of warre variable. variable, and the successe of policies guided by vn­certaine fates? As it is with me, who thought that the deepe waters like a wall inclosing our Land, and Britaines wall. it so situated by heauenly prouidence, as in ano­ther world, might haue beene a sufficient priuilege and defense for vs against forraine inuasions: but I now perceiue that the desire of soueraignty admits no limitation; and if you Romans must command all, then all must obey. For mine owne part, while Ambition hath no bounds. I was able I made resistance, and vnwilling I was to submit my necke to a seruile yoke, so farre the law of Nature alloweth euery man, that he may defend Nature disdai­neth seruitude. himselfe being assailed, and to withstand force, by force. Had I at first yeelded, thy glory and my ru­ine had not beene so renowned. Fortune hath now done her worst: wee haue nothing left vs but our liues, which if thou take from vs, our miseries end; and if thou spare vs, wee are but the obiects of thy Clemencie.

(16) Caesar wondring to see such resolutions and so free a minde in a Captiue estate, pardoned Cara­ctacus, his wife and brethren, who being vnbound, did their reuerence to Agrippina the Empresse, that sate aloft on a Throne Roiall. This Conquest and Tri­umph [Page 194] [...] [Page 195] [...] [Page 196] ouer Caractacus, ministred matter of discourse and admiration thorough out all Rome, and the Lords Tocit. Annal. li. 12. cap. 8. of the Senate held it no lesse honourable, then that of P. Scipio, who triumphed ouer Syphax the Numidi­an King, or that of Perses, whom Paulus Aemilius van­quished, or then any other King that had beene ta­ken in warre, or exhibited to the view of the people. Then were also publicke Triumphall honours decreed for Ostorius; whose fortunes vntill then had beene very prosperous, but now began to be doubtfull, or Ostorius and his fortunes decline. rather to decline, either because Caractacus (the foile of his glory) was remoued, and thereupon (as though all had beene subdued) a more carelesse seruice enter­tained, or else the courage of the Britaines was more The Britaines take heart again. inflamed to reuenge through the feruent compas­sion of the fall of so mightie a King.

(17) For immediately they enuironed the Camp­master, and the Legionary Cohorts, which were left to build fortresses in the Country of the Silures, whom with eight Centurions, and the forwardest Souldiers, they slew, and had put all the rest to the sword, if res­cue had not speedily come from the villages and forts adioining. The Forragers also and troope of horse that were sent to aid them they put to flight. Their victory. These affronts touched Ostorius to the quick, and lest their aids should grow to a greater head, he sent forth certaine light-harnessed companies, which with the Legionary Souldiers vndertooke the battle, and with small oddes was it continued till the night came, and parted them: diuers other Skirmishes afterwards were made, though for the most part in woods and marishes, whence taking their aduantage in sallying forth, they many times preuailed, sometimes by strength, some­times by meere courage, and sometimes by chance; neither were they alwaies commanded by their Cap­taines, but many times fought voluntary and without warrant.

(18) The principal motiue that induced the rest to take Armes, was the example of the Silure, who were most resolutely bent, as beeing exasperated by certaine speeches that the Romane Emperour himselfe Caesars threats make the Britains more resolute. had vsed, which was, that as the name of the Sugam­bri was destroied, and the people transported into Gallia, so the memorie of Silures should vtterly bee extinguished: And in this heate as men desperate (whose destinies were read and lots cast already) they intercepted the scattered troopes of the Romanes that vncircumspectly wasted and spoiled the Country, ta­king of them many prisoners, and recouering rich booties, which they sent and distributed amongst their neighbours; whereby many other were drawne to reuolt: These proceedings sate so neere Ostorius his heart, who with long cares and trauels had wea­ried his spirits▪ spent the strength of his bodie, and thereunto had now added the discontentment of his minde, that in these vexations hee gaue vp the Ghost, Ostorius dieth. the Silures reioicing that so worthy and victorious a Captaine was fallen in their warres.

(19) But Claudius Caesar, lest the Prouince should make head, presently sent Aulus Didius for his Aulus Didius sent Lieutenant into Britaine. Lieutenant into Britaine; where, notwithstanding all his haste, he found all out of frame. For Manlius Va­lens with his Legion had encountred the Britaines Tacit. Annal. 12. c. 8. Manlius Valens encountred the Britaines with ill successe. with ill successe, yet not so bad as the Ilanders gaue foorth, thinking thereby to terrifie their new-establi­shed Gouernour: which report himselfe also in policie was contented to augment, thereby to purchase more praise in appeasing so dangerous stirres; or if hee could not, to retaine his own credit without his valours im­peachment. These resisters had made many inroads into the subdued Countries; against whom vpon his first arriuall, Didius entred the field, and for a while Didius for a while keepeth them in awe. kept them in awe.

(20) But Venutius a very expert man in Militarie affaires (trusty to the Romaines, and defended by their power so long as the mariage betwixt him and Cartis­mandua continued) began a new rebellion: for Cartis­mandua (in speciall fauour with the Romanes for the deliuery of Caractacus) abounding in wealth, peace, & pleasures (which commonly are the Nur­ses of licentious liuing) fell in loue (as be­fore


was touched) with Vellocatus her husbands seruant, and harnesse-bearer, & forgetting her owne honour, preferred him before Venutius, and laboured to make him King. The good-will of the Country notwithstanding went general­ly vpon the lawfull husband: who be­ing deepely touched with this open iniu­rie, raised a power against her and her Paramour. At the first this quarrell was onely betwixt them, vntill that Cartis­mandua by policie had taken her husbāds brother, and some of his neerest kindred, prisoners. Whereupon the next Inhabi­tants fearing her purposes, and disdaining to be brought vnder the yoake of a wo­man so defamed, declared themselues for Venutius, & with a choice band of youth­full Soldiers inuaded her Territories: whereof Didius Tacit. hist. li. 3. cap. 9. hauing intelligence, sent certain Cohorts to second her, and encounter them. In which conflict, the Romans for Cartismandua did preuaile; yet the kingdome remai­ned to Venutius, and the warres still vnto them.

(21) For the Silures were not altogether quie­ted, & a Legion commanded by Caesius Nasica, fought luckily against the Britaines. In all which stirres Di­dius Tacit. Annal. 12. [...]. in person was absent, as being stricken in yeares, and hauing receiued many honours, held it sufficient to execute his charge by the assistance of others. The State of Britain thus standing, let vs so leaue it, during this Emperours raigne, which now began to draw to­wards his last period, by the working of Agrippina his wife, and by her vpon this occasion.

(22) It chanced, Claudius in his wine, to cast Claudius his own words the occasi­on of his death. forth a word of great suspition, in saying: That it was fatall vnto him first to beare the leaudnes of his Messalina was his first wife, a woman of vnsa­tiable lecherie, who was put to death. wiues, & then to punish them. She knowing her selfe guiltie in disinheriting of Britannicus, who was Claudius his owne sonne, for the adoption of Nero who was hers, besides other insolencies, wherewith she might bee taxed, sought therefore to cleare her owne way by ta­king him out of the way: and with Locusta a woman skilfull in poisoning, and Zenophon a Physition, as Tacit. Annal. lib. 12. cap. 13. large of conscience, conferred for the maner of his death: who in fine, concluded that poison was the surest and the least in suspect, or at leastwise the most difficult to be proued against her.

(23) This then resolued, they temper poison in Ioseph. Anti. lib. 20. ca. 5. a Mushrom, whereof he greedily did eate, and shortly after ended his life the thirteenth day of October, The continu­ance of his raigne. when hee had raigned thirteene yeares, eight mo­neths, and twentie daies, the yeare of Christ his incar­nation fiftie sixe, and of his owne age sixtie foure. He ANNO DO. 56. was of stature tall, and of a pleasing Countenance, full His indowments of bodie. His imperfecti­ons. of Maiestie and comely gray haires, his Head continu­ally shaking, somewhat stammering in his speech, ve­ry learned, but therewithall very forgetfull, and alto­gether ruled by his wiues, and domesticall Seruants, the two ordinary banes of most men who are aduā ­ced Wiues and ser­uants most mis­leade great per­sonages. to any eminent place of gouernement & cōmand.

(24) This Emperour (saith Seneca) might make his boast that he was the first conquerour of the Britaines, for Iulius Caesar did but shew their Iland vnto the Romans, whereas Claudius made their necks yeeld to the chaines of their captiuities. And Aegisippus saith thus of Claudius, His witnesse is Britan, which liued without the world, but now by him reduced vnder the Romans Empire, and those whom the former ages knew not, neither themselues any seruitude, are now by him both made knowen, and seruants to the Romans. And againe: As great a matter it was to passe those Seas, as to haue triumphed ouer those Britains, wherein (saith he) euen the elements haue done homage vnto Claudius. In ioy whereof, and reuerence to the Gods, in his triumph he mounted the staires of the Ca­pitoll vpon his aged knees, being supported and lifted vp by his sons in Law on either side, the glory of this Ilands conquest had so possessed this old Emperours mind.



THis violent and vnexpe­cted death of Claudius, gaue breath and life vnto Neroes further hopes: for whilest the Consuls were assembled to make suppli­cations for their Prince, (not knowing him alrea­die dead) Nero suddenlie set open the Palace gates, and accompanied with shouts and acclamations, en­tred the Cohorts that kept the watch, where of them Nero assumeth the Empire. and the rest of the souldiers he was saluted Emperour, the Senate as men affrighted with amazement, not once contradicting the same.

(2) He was the sonne of Domitius Nero, and of Iulia Agrippina the daughter of Germanicus brother to His parents. Claudius the precedent Emperour, vitious by nature, as sprung of those parents from whom (as his owne Suetonius in vita Neronis. father Domitius said) no goodnesse could proceede: and the same vile disposition was perfected and aug­mented by his owne affected study and pursuit of all possible leaudnesse, as one who could well fit his wanton and lasciuious humours to the vnripenesse of his yeeres, being not passing seuenteene when he as­sumed the Empire. All religion he had in contempt, and all lawes violated, letting loose the reine to all vnnaturall lusts, and licentiousnesse of life.

(3) For blood and libidiousnesse hee was held a most vnsatiate furie, and amongst men a very monster His excessiue lust and blood­shed. of nature. His father he poisoned: vpon his mother he committed both incest and murder: vpon males, pollutions against nature: deflowred the Vestals (a matter sacrilegious & impious) slew his brother Ger­manicus, Suetonius in vita Neronis. and his sister Antonia, his wiues, Poppaea and Octauia, his aunt Domitia, his sonne in law Rufinus, and his renowned Tutor Seneca; With such sauage slaughter of the Romane Nobilitie, that Tacitus (their best Re­membrancer) was wearied to record their names, Tacit. Annal. 16. cap. 3. whilest with a seruile patience (as he termeth it) they died honourably. Rome set on fire by Nero.

(4) The City Rome hee set on fire, charging the Christians with the fact, and inflicted such torments and death vpon them, that they were pitied of their enemies, and his owne cruelties thereby made more notorious. Whose Religion, though Suetonius tear­med Suet. in vita Nero. new, and a wicked superstition; and Tacitus (as it were in contempt) nameth the Author thereof to be Christ, who in Tiberius raigne (as he with the Euan­gelists Tacit. Annal. 15. cap. 10. agreeth) was put to death vnder Pontius Pilate Procurator of Iudea, where that religion first began; yet by him it is confessed, that these men were inno­cent of the fact, and their doctrine to burst forth fur­ther into many other parts, insomuch that Rome it Christians in Neroes Court. selfe did affect the same. Yea and in Neroes Court also some embraced that faith, as by the words of the Apostle is manifest, who from the Saints in Caesars house sent salutations to the Brethren. Phil. 4. 22.

(5) And lastly, to fill vp the measure of his blou­die Peter and Paul put to death. Euseb. li. 2. ca. 25. Tertul. Apol. ca. 5. crueltie, he crucified Peter vpon the Crosse, and be­headed Paul with the sword, two principall Apostles of Iesus Christ, and worthy instruments of the worlds saluation; and forgetting the Maiestie of his estate, fell into the sinke of contempt and all sinnes, giuing his minde leaue to digest all vncleannesse, and his bodie ouer to worke any base exercises, attending nothing besides his Harpes and Harlots, whereby a carelesse (but yet a cruel) gouernment was intertained, and the Senate fashioning themselues to feed his loose humors, stroue each to outstrip other in their base flatteries.

(6) In this state the Prouinces subiections began to A great ouer­throw of the Romans. Tacit. Annal. 15. cap. 2. stand doubtfull, and the greatnesse of the Empire to ouercharge the foundation; for the Parthians vnder Vologeses gaue Paetus the Romane a great ouerthrow, and that in such wise, that those which escaped were tear­med the vnfortunate Armie. And in Britaine their af­faires proceeded with no good successe; for aged Di­dius could doe no more then keepe that which he had already gotten: and Verannius his successor, only with small inroades assailing the Silures, was in his first yeere cut off by death, insomuch that Nero hauing neither Tacitus in vita Agric. Suet. in vit. Nero. will, motion, nor hope to propagate and enlarge the Empire, minded once to haue with-drawen the forces out of Britaine, had it not beene for very shame.

(7) But Paulinus Suetonius attaining the gouern­ment of that Prouince, in skill for seruice, and opinion of people comparable to any, sought to match his con­current Corbulo, who with daily victories prospered in Armenia, himselfe wanting neither courage nor dis­cretion to atchieue the like, only matter and occasion the Iland affoorded none. Therefore determining an expedition into further parts, he made preparation to inuade the Ile of Mona, separated from the Continent Anglesey inuaded by the Riuer Menai, and fronted vpon the midst of Ireland, both strong with inhabitants, and a receptacle of Fugitiues.

(8) Against his approch the Ilanders had gathe­red their powers, which stood thicke vpon the shoare [Page 198] readie armed to make resistance, their women run­ning among in mourning weedes, their haire loose, and firebrands in their hands, like furies of hell, toge­ther with their Druides (men of religion) who with hands and eies lifted vp towards heauen, cried for vengeance, and powred out curses as thicke, as haile. With the strangenesse of which sight, the Romans stood amazed, not offering one stroke; seeming rather to Romanes amazed at sight of the British. present themselues for a pray vpon their enemies weapons, then for the Conquest of their land or liues: which sudden and vnexpected discouragement, their Captaine soone redressed, by putting them in remem­brance of their wonted valours, which now was farre ouermatchable vnto a fearefull flocke of weake wo­men, or a company of rude and franticke men: wher­upon their Ensignes were displaied, and the Enemy pre­sently dispersed and slaine, themselues becomming masters both of the field, and whole Ile: which no soo­ner was thus obtained, but sudden newes came to re­call their powers, the Prouinces being raised to a pre­sent reuolt.

(9) For the Britaines in absence of the Generall, laid open their publique greeuances growne now both common and intollerable by the oppressions of the Romanes, who from the diseases of their Head, had sucked and dispersed their corruptions through­out the Prouinces of the Empire: and Catus Decianus the Procurator here in Britaine, renewed the confisca­tion The Receiuer of tribute his oppression. Di [...]n Cass. lib. 62. of their goods, which Claudius had formerly re­mitted. The Romane Colonie at Camulodunum, thrust out the ancient Inhabitants; seating them-selues in their possessions without any other recompence, sauing reproachfull termes, calling them their drudges, slaues and vassalls: besides, the Temple there erected in ho­nour Tacit. An [...]al. 14. cap. 10. of Claudius, was now become an eie-sore vnto them, as an Altar of their perpetuall subiection, while the Augustall Priests there attending, wasted all their wealth vnder pr [...]text of Religion. But the very spring or head, from whence the cause of this sudden Rebel­lion issued, was the present abuse offered to [...]. Boduo, Queene of the Icenians, late wife to Prasutagus, de­ceased * V [...]dica. vpon the insuing occasion.

(10) This Prasutagus King of the Icenians fa­mous for his riches, which a long time hee had beene Prasutagus his Testament. gathering, made Caesar with his two daughters his heire, by Will, thinking by that flatterie, his kingdome, and house had beene sufficiently warranted from fu­ture iniuries: which fell out cleane otherwise, for his kingdome of the Centurions, and his house by slaues were spoiled as lawfull booties: his wife whipped, and his da [...]hters deflowred, and the chiefest in that Pro­uince dispossessed of their rightfull inheritance, and the Kings kindred reputed and vsed as Slaues.

(11) Whereupon the Icenians began seriously to discourse of their present miseries and bondage, made subiect not onely to a Lieutenant that sucked their blood, but likewise to a Procurator, that sought their Tacit. in vit. Agric. pag. 190. substance, while with a seruile feare they yeelded to please the meanest Souldier; As though the Heauens had framed them onely for seruitude, and the Earth appointed to beare their iniuries vnreuenged, whereas contrariwise, they saw both heauen & earth flexible to their deliuerance: For (whether by policie or chance) the Image of victorie at Camulodunum fell downe re­uersed without any apparant cause knowne: the wo­men Prodigies daily seene. distempered with furie, ranne in the streetes, sing­ing, and prophecying destructions: strange noises were heard in the Court, and howlings in the Theater, and strange apparitions, and Edifices seene in the Riuer Thamisis: the Ocean it selfe betweene Gallia and them, seemed all bloodie, and the prints of dead bodies left in Dio. lib. 62. the sands at the Ebbe. Againe, waighing the present e­state, they saw Suetonius absent, and busied to enlarge the Confines, the midst but slenderly guarded, and by Other Prouinces shake off the yoke. In the battaile a­gainst Quintilius Varius. Tac. in vit. Agric. those who were readier for priuate gaine, then diligent to discharge the offices of warre. The examples of o­ther Prouinces also whetted the edge of their encou­ragements: for Germany (they saw) had well shaken off the yoke of subiection: The Parthians had reuol­ted, and Armenia held play with Corbulo, as famous as Paulinus: Their cause was as iust, their land as well defensed; their ancestors as valiant in resisting the first Ring-leader Caesar; and themselues better experien­ced of their aduersaries powers, and the [...]r owne abili­ments. So now hauing attained the hardest point, which was their assembled Consultations (a matter of as great danger to be taken with, as in acting their in­tendments) in fine this was resolued, that libertie was Their Resoluti­on. to be preferred, though bought with their liues; and bondage to bee auoided, if not otherwise then by their deaths.

(12) These their often and noted assemblies brought suspitions of some designements, and the pro­digies daily happening as they were motiues of enco­ragements vnto the Britaines: So were they ominous signes to the Romanes, of either part framed in their owne imaginations, and construed according to their hoped or feared euents.

(13) The Confederates in this businesse were not to seeke their Leader: their Queenes dishonours so ap­parantly knowne, (and for matter of gouernement they made no difference of Sexe) her birth extracted from their Roiall blood, her hearts affection approued to her Countrie, her indignities receiued of the proud Queene Boudic [...] chosen Leader. oppressors, and her haughtie spirit threatning reuenge; assured them of her vttermost endeuours: which accor­dingly she effected to her dying day, and to her neuer dying fame.

(14) The Romanes likewise prouided themselues, and in the absence of Suetonius, craued aide of Catus Dicianus the Procurator; who sent them not aboue two hundred men, and those but badly armed. These ioining with the rest made no great power, al of them relying more to the franchise of the place, then secu­ring themselues with Trench or Bulwarke: And giuen ouer to pleasure, and play, as in the time of a publike peace. Which aduantages by the Enemy were wisely She surpriseth the Romanes. espied, and by boduo comming on as nobly pursued, when with sword and fire she wasted all in her way, the Temple onely excepted, whereinto part of the Souldiers were fled, but after two daies [...]iege it was battered and taken.

(15) In this heate of furie, the Britaines proceede, and meeting Petilius Cerealis Lieutenant of the ninth She putteth Peti­lius Cerealis to flight. Legion, on a hasty March to rescue that which was al­ready lost, they encounter his forces, and slew all his footemen, himselfe with his troope of Horse hardly escaping to his Campe, where in great feare he entren­ched, not daring to attempt any further matter. At notice of these mishaps, Catus like a tall man, tooke to She forceth Ca­tus to flie into Gallia. his heeles, and sailed into Gallia: by whose crueltie and couetousnes the Britaines were thus enraged to take Armes and reuolt, and their entrance thus fortu­nately proceeding, gaue heart and hope to further successe.

(16) For in this heat of blood and furie they set She sack [...]th Ve­rolanium. vpon, and sacked the free-towne Verolanium, both strong for garrison, and rich in Inhabitants: which Ci­tie (as also Camulodunum had) felt the rage of their mercilesse hands, from whence great booties were car­ried, and no lesse then seuentie thousand Citizens and Seuentie thou­sand slaine by her Army. [...]. in vit. Ne­ro. sect. 39. Confederates slaine. This commotion in Britaine by Suetonius Tranquillus is accounted one of the most in­fortunate losses to the Empire happening vnder Nero, and the more ignominious to the Romanes (as Dion ob­serueth) Di [...]. C [...]ss. lib. 6 [...]. in that is was performed vnder the command of a woman, neither experienced in the feates of warre, nor vsing the victory according to the Law of Armes: for not any prisoner taken in regard of ransome was saued, nor intercourse of exchange admitted, but kill, hang, burne, and crucifie, as though the measure of their reuenge could neuer be sufficiently heaped, or the wrath of their Gods satisfied with the blood of their Enemies.

(17) By this time Suetonius the Lieutenant was re­turned, and taking muster of his forces in London (a London long since renowned. Citie euen t [...]n famous for concourse of Merchants, and of great renowne for prouision of all things ne­sary) [Page 199] stood yet doubtfull whether hee should chuse that place for the Seat of warre, or no. But better ad­uising, dislodged his Host, and with the fourteenth Le­gion, the Standard-bearers of the twelfth, and other aids from places adioining, incamped vpon a plaine, enclo­sed with woods, hauing a narrow entrance, and free from Ambush or enemie at his backe.

(18) The Britaines likewise, inferiour neither in number nor courage, triumphed abroad by such troupes and multitudes, as the like had not beene seene, yea and so fierce of courage, and with such assu­rance of hope, that they brought their wiues to the place to be witnesses of their valours. Boduo in her Chariot doing the parts of a most noble Generall, Boudicea suruei­ [...] her troopes. droue from troope to troope to see and commend their forwardnesse; and dismounting attended with her two daughters, and two hundred and thirty thousand re­solute Britaines, gat her to a seat made of marishturfes, after the manner of the Romans, apparelled in a loose gowne of changeable colours, wearing a kirtle there­under Her attire. very thicke pleited, the tresses of her yellow haire hanging downe to the skirts. About her necke shee had a chaine of gold, and in her hand held a light speare, being of personage tall, and of a comely, cheere­full, and modest countenance, and so a while shee stood pawsing, in viewing her Armie, and being regarded with a reuerend silence, at length to this effect she spake Her Oration to her Armie. vnto them.

‘(19) My Friends and Companions of equall for­tunes, there needeth no excuse for this my present Tacit. Annal. li. 11. authoritie or place, in regard of my Sex, seeing it is not vnknowen vnto you all, that the wonted man­ner of our Nation hath beene to warre vnder the The custome of this and other Monarchies to be gouerned by women. conduct of a woman; and not only ours, but also of the greatest Monarchies swaied vpon this vniuersall Globe: for the Empire of the Assyrians (the first and most famous that euer was) vnder the command Iustin. lib. 1. of Semiramis triumphed ouer the fierce Aethiopians; Semiramis. and the gold-veined India; Babylon for strength and beauty was both defensed and enriched by Nitocris Nitocris. her sole Empresse. The Scythians vnder Tomyris Tomyris. ouercame, and slew the great Conquerour Cyrus. Iustin. lib. 1. Aegypt gouerned by Cleopatra: yea and Romes Mo­narkes Cleopatra. themselues ruled, if not ouer-ruled, by Mes­salina and Agrippina the monsters of our Sexe. My Messalina and Agrippina. blood and birth might challenge some preemi­nence, as sprung from the roots of most royall de­scents: but my breath receiued from the same aire, my body sustained by the same soile, and my glorie clouded with imposed ignominies. I disclaime all Shee disclaimeth all superioritie. superioritie, and as a fellow in bondage beare the yoke of oppressions, with as heauie waight and pres­sure, if not more. Had I with Caesars mother beene suspected of Treason, or with false Cartismandua de­filed my Bed, to the disturbance of their peace, my goods might haue gone vnder the title of Confisca­tion, Reioiceth in her innocencie. and these prints of the whip vnder pretext of iustice. But why name I Iustice in these grand Ca­talogues of oppressions, whose Actors respect nei­ther person, age, sexe, nor cause? For what abuse can be so vile, that wee haue not suffered; or indignitie so contemptible, that wee haue not borne? My stripes, yet felt and seene against their owne lawes, and the violent rapes of these my harmlesse daugh­ters, The indignities offred by the Romans. against the Lawes of God and Man, doe witnesse well what gouernment they intend: and your wealths consumed by their wastefull wantonnesse, your painfull trauels vpholding their idlenesse, doe seale the issues of our succeeding miseries, if not timely preuented by one ioint endeuour. You that haue knowen the freedome of life, will with me con­fesse (I am sure) that libertie (though in a poore e­state) is better then bondage with fetters of gold: and yet this comparison hath no correspondencie in vs: for we now enioy no estate at all, nothing now being ours but what they will leaue vs; and nothing left vs, that they can take away, hauing not so much as our very heads toll-free. Other subdued Nations Dion Cass. lib. 62. by death are quit from bondage; but wee after death must liue [...], and [...] [...] [...] our [...]. Haue the [...] ma [...] vs the ends of the [...], and haue not assigned the end of our wrongs? Or hath Nature among all her free workes created vs Britaines only for bondage? Why, what are the Ro­mans? Are they more then men, or immortall? Their slaine carcases sacrificed by vs, and th [...] [...] ­trisied blood corrupting our Aire, doth [...]ll vs they are no Gods. Our personages are more tall, our bo­dies more strong, and our [...]oints [...] [...]t: and (to say as it is) euery part of vs [...]amed more fit for the speare then for the seade. But you will [...]ay they are Tacit. Annal. lib. 14. cap. 11. our Conquerours. Indeed ouercome we are, but by our selues, our owne factions still giuing way to their intrusions: for had not the [...]ator a Mandubrace? Caligula an Adminius? Claudius a Bericus, and Co­gidunus? Caesar. Com. lib. 5. Nero (that strumpet, and our still-liuing shame) Cartismandua? Romes instruments, and Bri­taines Britannith vipers. vipers? without which, you shall see Caesar in single fight, lose his sword, and after flie the Coun­try (a dishonor ind [...]lible) Tiberius forgoe his Tribute, though extremely couetous, Claudius glad to make peace, and be quiet. and Nero might still haue fol­lowed his fiddling trade at home, if our discords had not made vp his Musicke heere abroad. Our dissen­sions Tacitus in vita Agric. Domesticke con­spirators most dangerous. therefore haue beene their only rising, and our designes still weakened by home-bred conspirators. Neither hath our noble resistance euer beene with­out desert and note of honour: their publike triumphs being made more admirable by one Britaines Con­quest, then vsually hath beene solemnized ouer whole Kingdomes. Caligula for beholding our cliffes only would haue diaine honours: and for­getfull Claudius remembred vnto posterities (in his Britannicus) a glorious surname from vs. Our strengths haue beene acknowledged the maine sup­port of other States, and shall it not bee supplied to maintaine our owne? We haue as much to keepe as Birth-right hath giuen vs, that is, our Iland pos­sessed by our Auncestors from all antiquitie: Ours Caesar. Com. li. 2. by inheritance, theirs by intrusions, claimes so diffe­rent in the scale of Iustice, that the Gods themselues Motiues inciting to pursue the Romans. must needs redresse, and set the ballance in their equal poise. We haue seene their propitious beginnings, in making vs instruments ouer seuenty thousand of our enemies; and yet in this reuenge our forces not diminished, but much increased in number and pow­er: which thing, as it serues to our encouragements; so is it to their feare. For Catus hath set the Seas (a sure defense) betwixt him and vs; yet not a Britaine pursuing: for surely if any had, he would haue hid himselfe in the waues. Petilius the field-mouse doth keepe his hole, and with the Moale works the earth for his safest refuge: And Posthumus their Campe­master is too wise to venture all at a cast. Only Plau­tius fleshed by his late victorie ouer a company of vnarmed Priests, whose resistance consisted only in praiers, and a few weake women, whose weapons were only fire-brands, builds the hopes of his aspi­ring minde, as Caligula did his Trophey of Cockle­shels. For see we not him encamped rather to de­fend his owne, then to offend others? His Armie crouched together, as fowles flocked against a storme, or rather like to fearfull Hares squatted in their bushes, who no sooner shall heare the crie of their pursuit, but their Muise or Fortresse will bee left: and for their last refuge, as Hares, trust to the swiftnesse of their speedy feet.’ Suddenly, as shee was thus speaking, shee let slip a Hare which shee had Her deuice at concluding her speech. secretly couched in her lappe, which with a great shout escaped thorow the Campe, and gaue occasi­on to the Armie (who little suspected it was done by her of purpose) to construe it as an ominous and luckie signe of victorie.

(20) And thereupon with great force they assaile their enemies, whiles Suetonius was likewise encoura­ging his Souldiers to the like resolution. The four­teenth Legion by his direction kept the strait as a sure place of defense, till the Britaines in the fury of their [Page 200] first onset had spent all their darts, which with good successe they had bestowed: but then failing and wea­ried in their first comming on too hotly, the Romanes sallied out vpon the plaine, the Auxiliaries and Horse­men with long launces making their way, and beating downe all that stood before them. The Britaines vna­ble to endure or withstand such fierce assaults, were The Britaines vanquished. forced to giue backe, and at length sought to saue themselues by flight, but were hindred by their owne Waggons placed in the rere-ward of the Army, which gaue the more impediment to their retrait, in that they were then full of their women who in confidence of the victory came thither to behold the fight, which were among the rest all-slaine, without regard of sexe or mercie. This day was famous and compara­ble in renowne for victorie to any other of former times, for therein were slaine of the Britaines to the Eightie thousand Britaines slaine. number of eightie thousand men: And the Land brought vnder an vnrecouerable subiection.

(21) Boduo seeing the ouerthrow of her Army, Boudicea poiso­neth her selfe. was notwithstanding vnuanquished in her owne Noble spirit, and scorning to be a spectacle in their Triumphs, or a vassall to their willes, after the example of Cleo­patra, Tacit. Annal. lib. 14. cap. 11. shee made an end of her miseries and life, by poison. And Paenius Posthumus, Camp-master of the se­cond Legion, seeing the good successe of the fourteenth and twentith: for that disobaying the Generall (contra­ry to the discipline of warre) he had defrauded him­selfe and followers of their parts of glorie in that ser­uice, Paenius slew him­selfe. Tacitus hist. lib. 2. cap. 4. for verie griefe slew himselfe: and for their good seruice there performed, Nero greatly honoured the eleuenth, thirteenth and foureteenth Legions, reposing a most sure trust in their valour and fidelitie, euer after­ward.

(22) Suetonius animated with this victorie, gathe­red his Army, & encamped again, purposing to end the residue of the warre, if any resisters should remaine: And at that present were sent him out of Germanie two thousand Legionarie Souldiers, eight Cohorts of Auxiliaries, and a thousand Horse, wherby his strength was augmented, and the ninth Legion which had beene much weakened by the rashnes of Petilius, fully sup­plied: The Britaines mi­series. So that bootelesse it was for the poore Britains to make any further resistance, and such as did, or stood doubtfully affected, were daily put to the sword. But nothing distressed them so much, as did famine, and want of Corne, being a people in all ages more gi­uen to warre then good husbandry, and rather relying vpon the prouisions of others, than by the plough to prouide for themselues, fierce of nature, and slowlie lending eare to peace, or their minde to such Arts as either nourish, or are nourished by peace. Iulius Classicia­nus a receiuer.

(23) In these stirres Iulius Classicianus, sent from Nero to succeede Catus in his office of receipts, an ene­mie, & at variance with Suetonius, the more to cloud his renowne, gaue it forth for certaine, that a new Lieu­tenant was to be expected, who without either ho­stile rancour, or pride of a Conquerour, would intreat Promiseth Cle­mencie. the yeelders with all Clemencie: And likewise by let­ters sent to Rome, he signified that no end of warre was to be expected, so long as Suetonius remained Ge­nerall, attributing euerie aduerse lucke to his intolle­rable pride, and euery prosperous successe onely to the good fortunes of Caesar and State of Rome. These Great mens dissensions awaked Nero, fearing left the Britaines, thereby would be more forward to ad­uantage, with whom experience had shewed there Tranquillus in vit. Nero. Sect. 40. was no dallying, and his former losses among them be­ing againe recouered, he thought himselfe discharged and quit from all fatall Calamities, as Tranquillus doth Polycletus sent to reconcile Classi­cianus and Sue­tonius. affirme. Therefore he sent Polycletus, one of his freed seruitors, with Commission to examine the differences, and to interpose his authoritie to worke a reconciliation: at whose greatnes it was also thought that the Bri­taines would haue quaked, and come in vnder feare. Which thing fell out otherwise: for howsoeuer the Captaine and Souldiers regarded him for his place, vn­to whom he shewed himselfe both arrogant and terri­ble, yet the Britaines made him but their laughing stocke, as being themselues borne free, and knew not Liberti or Free­men, were such, as being first bond slaues, by their seruice ob­tained freedome, and many of them about the Emperor came to be of great sway. Suetonius deliue­reth vp his charge. Petronius his dis­position. what the power of freed-men was, much admi­red that such Commanders and Armies which had at­chieued so great exploites, could be brought to obay, and yeeld account of their actions to so base a bond­slaue, as they termed him.

(24) But Suetonius growne great by his fortunes in these warres, and as it should seeme both suspected and feared of Nero, was by him commanded (the warres yet continuing) to deliuer vp his Armie to Pe­tronius Turpilianus, who had lately giuen ouer his Con­sulship in Rome, a man of a softer, and more intreatable condition; and as a stranger to the faults committed be­fore, readier to receiue to fauour and forgiue: who ha­uing composed the former troubles, not daring any fur­ther, neither egged, nor prouoked the Enemie, but gaue himselfe to a quiet, or rather idle life, which hee thought might passe vnder the title of an honourable Petronius Turpili­anus giueth vp his charge to Trebell. Max. peace. In which estate he gaue vp his charge to Trebel­lius Maximus, and was after slaine by Galba, nothing obiected against him, but his faithfulnesse to Nero, in that he would not betray him, as the rest had done. Petronius Turpili­anus slaine, be­cause true to Ne­ro. Iulius Vindex op­poseth Nero. Tacit. histor. in vit. Nero. For Nero now growne Odious to God and Man, Con­spiracies were continually attempted, though not in act effected, vntill that Iulius Vindex Lieutenant of Gallia opposed his proceeding, being the first stirrer, and the rowling stone that (as Tacitus tearmes it) tum­bled Nero out of his Seate.

(25) For hauing proclaimed Galba Emperour, an Proclaimeth Galba Emperour. old and weake man, at that time Gouernor of Arragon, neither priuie to the conspiracie, nor assenting to the title, he set vp daily many bitter and biting Edicts a­gainst Nero, wherby he was rowsed from his lasciuious rest, and began to feare the fatall end, whereunto his impious life and bloody raigne had now lastly brought him; who destitute of all power of resistance, did now set his whole hope and refuge, vpon that meanes, to which the compasse of his time had euer pointed; for relying onely vpon his skill in Musique, hee intended Nero seeketh to fly into Eegypt. his flight into Aegypt, there to teach the instructions of that Art: into such sudden basenes was his minde deiected, that formerly had lashed out beyond all measure in luxurie, pride, and prodigalitie. Vnto this conspiracie ioined Virginius Rufus Lieutenant of high Germanie, with Nymphidius, Sabinus, and Sophonius Ti­gellinus, Captaine of the Guard, who after Vindex his death, (which happened vpon an accident euen in his entrance to Armes) maintained the election of Galba: The Senate send to apprehend him. and the Senate as forward to Neroes destruction, pro­claimed him Enemie to the State, and pronounced his punishment more maiorum, sending out each way to apprehend him aliue.

(26) In this feare Nero attended with foure ser­uants Nero hid [...]th himselfe. onely, had hid himselfe in a Country Cottage, not passing foure miles from Rome; whence hearing his decreed iudgement, and demanding what was meant by that sentence, it was answered, that his necke should be locked in the forke of a tree, and his bodie He killeth him­selfe. all naked, whipped to death; whereupon lamenting that so good a Minstrell should be made away, he ran himselfe through on his sword, and so rid the world of a Monster. His lineaments. Suet. in vita Nero.

(27) Of stature he was indifferent, his body full of freckles, his haire somewhat yellow, his countenance rather faire then louely, his eies gray and dimme, his necke fatte, his bellie bearing out, and his legges slender and small; A most skilfull Musitian he was, and in His qualities▪ that Art sought to excell others, and to equalize A­pollo himselfe, as also in his Chariot-riding to imitate the swiftnes of the Sunne. So prodigall in apparell, that he neuer wore one Garment twice, & so sumptu­ous Ioseph. Bell. Iud. lib. 5. cap. 6. Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 5. in buildings, as is vncredible. He raigned thirteen yeares and eight daies, and died the eight of Iune, in the one and thirtieth of his age, and after the birth of His raigne and age. our Sauiour Christ the threescore and tenth: as Euse­bius doth account.



WIth the death of this Ty­rant, ended the progeny Nero the last of the Caesars. of the Caesars, and the Em­perours succeeding were af­terwards Suet. in vit. Galb. Sect. 1. elected, either for the opinion of their owne worths, or els, (and that oftner) by the facti­on and voice of the Souldi­ers, The maner of choosing the succeeding Em­perours. whose violence the Se­nate euer feared to contradict, and whose Colonies in e­uerie Prouince sought to raise their owne Generall to that high estate. In which time of Combustion, though little be recorded of the British affaires, yet be­cause the Monarchy of this Iland was then and long af­ter inuested in the Imperiall dignitie, we may not omit to speake somewhat of the ensuing Emperours, as the chiefe Gouernours of this kingdome. Vpon Neroes declining, diuers there were (as Vindex and Virgini­us, Nymphidius and Sophonius) set vp against him, but Galba for his reputed integritie got the Garland from them all: who little dreaming of the Imperiall Dia­deme, fortune set it vpon his head before his hand had Galba got the Empire ere hee looked for it. toucht the same: for Vindex in Gallia hauing procla­med him Emperour, and himselfe in Arragon not free from Neroes hatred, hee sought rather to hazard his life with the Glorie of a Crowne, then depend vpon his mercie, who had sent secretly the sentence of his death. And therefore mounting the Tribunall, the more to impresse a fresh remembrance of former cruelties, he placed before his throne, the Images of Galba his policie to make Nero o­dious. certaine Nobles executed by Nero, with some persona­ges sent for out of exile, whose presence might pro­uoke a deeper edge of hatred; and his Army about him readie for mutation, these, or the like words he spake.

‘(2) My fellow Souldiers and friends, wee at this time are assembled, to bestow that vpon others, His Oration to his souldiers. which wee our selues haue smally enioied, I meane, libertie from bondage, and freedome from feares of a Tyrant. The life that I haue hitherto lead, will sufficiently discharge me from any aspiring con­ceit, and my owne Conscience doth witnesse that I speake not vpon malice or priuate respects: It greeueth me to say, but it bootes not to hide, that, which euerie man seeth. Hath euer Bond-man vn­der a cruell master passed a yeere of harder seruice, then we haue done fourteene vnder Nero? what kind of exaction hath he not proued to supply with extortion, that which with shame hee hath spent? what kinde of crueltie hath he not practised? If we would conceale or seeke to suppresse it, these dumb stones would declare them: For behold, he poi­soned his Father and brother, abused and slew his owne mother, murdered his wife, his Tutor, and what els so euer valiant or vertuous in Senate, in Ci­tie, in Prouince, without any difference of Sexe or Age. I neede not to speake of the sorrowful sighes, and bitter teares of so many yong gentlemen bereft of their fathers, so many wiues robbed of their hus­bands, so many great men depriued of their Coun­try, all which cry vengeance vpon such a Prince: a Prince? nay an Incendiarie, a Singer, a Fidler, a Stage-plaier, a Cart-driuer, a Cryer; no Prince, nay no man; that hath a man to his husband, and a man Nero described. to his wife, but a monster of mankinde: And in trueth Nero solemnely maried one of his youths cal­led Doriphorus, and kept him as his wife: so like­wise did he with Sporus, whom he endeauoured to transforme into a woman. a subiect, vpon whom, vice hath made her full ex­perience, and raised her triumphs from the base of Caesars throne. Against whom, what Vindex in France hath alreadie intended, I am sure you doe know, and I, for my part, am most sorrie to heare. The whole course of my former life hath beene hitherto remoued from Ambition in Court, or from aiming too high abroad, and this little that remaines of my daies, I could hartily wish were to be spent in more ease: But sith I know not by what my mis­fortune, some haue imposed vpon me a Part which I neuer meant to sustaine, and least of all at this age, I will not refuse, if you will also approue it, to sa­crifice this old Carcase of mine for the wealth of my Country, not as Emperour or Augustus (which sacred names I adore afarre off, not daring to approch them) but as—And no further heard, was with great acclamations saluted Emperour.

(3) But such is the height of glory, which is raised by the blasts of the multitude, that it fals againe as the Glorie like a Bubble. bubble burst in the swelling, which leaues neither cir­cle nor signe of his former pride. And so is the state of Galba with one breath applauded, and placed vpon the Imperiall Throne; and that scarce cold, ere they dislike of their owne hastie election: for newes being brought that the State stood firme for Nero, and for certaine that Vindex in his quarrell was slaine, euen in his first enterprise of reuolt; that Virginius was sided by his Germane Legions, and his name inscribed in their banners; that Nymphidius was the man whose deserts could not be sufficiently honoured with lesse recompence then the princely Diademe: These di­stractions so much ouer-swaied his aged and passio­nate heart, that he retired to Clunia in great deiection, repenting himselfe of that which hee had done, and wished againe his priuate estate.

(4) But the death of Nero commonly diuulged, and Virginius his refusals of the Imperiall Title, gaue strength and life to his former election, now further ratified by the full resolutions of the Armie: who the more to seeme both strong and valorous, though in­deed a weake, sickly, and silly old man, Souldier-like in his coat of Armes shewed himselfe, and in that ar­ray passed the vast mountains for Rome. With whose entrance, entred the dislike of his person, as one vn­fit [Page 202] to support the state of others, that by age and im­beciliitie was not able to sustaine his owne: to which were added the imperfections of his gouernment, car­ried euery way farre vnder expectation. And long hee sate not before hee saw his owne defects: to re­dresse which hee elected Piso Licinianus, Caesar, ioi­ning Galba chuseth Piso Licinianus for his Caesar. him in power with himselfe, and declaring him his Successor, in a short and blunt Oration, in presence both of the Senate and Souldiers.

(5) Whereat howsoeuer others stood affected, yet Martus Saluius. Saluius Otho conspireth Gal­baes death.Saluius Otho (one, who for commerce in Tacit. hist. 1. leaudnes was very deare to Nero, and whose hope de­pended vpon the common disturbance, for that his excesse in riot had now brought him to the brinke of beggery) much enuied therat; the rather because him­selfe had entertained a hope that Galba would haue adopted him, and therefore as his concurrent set his own aspiring mind for the Crown. And euen now this time best fitted his attempts, as being the wane of Galbaes authority, and before the full of Pisoes power; his Astrologers and starre-gazers forwarding him with Astrologers and Starre-gazers. their vaine predictions, a kinde of people euer to Princes vnfaithfull, to hopers deceitfull, and in a com­mon-wealth alwaies forbidden, yet alwaies retained. The souldiers likewise euer disliking the present, and affecting the new, fell without respect to Othoes side: amongst whom Sulpitius Florus, one of the British Co­horts, slew Piso the elected Caesar; Galba himselfe being Piso slaine. Galba murdered. murdered and mangled by the Souldiers and band of Horsemen.

(6) He was of a good stature; his head bald, his His description. eies gray, and his nose hooked, his hands and feet croo­ked by reason of the gout, and a bunch of flesh or wen vpon his right side. A great feeder and Sodomite His vices. hee was, seuere in iustice, and ouer-ruled by his ser­uants. Hee died aged seuenty three yeeres, hauing His age. out-liued fiue Princes. In prosperitie happier vnder the Empire of others, then in his owne; for hee sate only seuen moneths, and them with small contents. And raigne. In his flourishing age with great renowne he had ser­ued in Germany: Africke he ruled as Proconsul, and the neerer Spaine vprightly and well; seeming more then a priuate man whilest he was priuate, and held capa­ble of the Empire, had he neuer beene Emperour.



THis short time of Galbaes gouernement, with the conspiracies against his Predccessour, admitteth small remembrances of our British affaires: which Prouince (saith Tacitus) Britaine in quiet repose. Tacit. hist. 1. ca. 3. among all other stirres a­gainst both Nero and Gal­ba, held amity, and stood in quiet; whether it was the farre distance of place, seuered by Sea from the seditions of the Reuolters; or that by continuall seruice against the Enemie the ma­lice of their humours were spent, it is vncertaine. Therefore a while to digresse from the Succession of our British Monarkes, and to fill vp the emptinesse of those Times with matters incident to our selues, let it not seeme either tedious or superfluous, to speake of the planting of his Kingdome in this Iland, whose Rule in short time extended to the Ends of the Earth; and whose Ambassadours (as some haue written) a­bout Christianity sup­posed to bee brought into [...] in Ne­ [...] time. Ex Antiq. Ma­nuscript. Frec [...]lphus [...], Tom. 2. lib. 2. cap. 4. William o [...] Mal­mesburie. the midst of Neroes Raigne, and in the yeere of Christs Incarnation sixty three approched for the In­habitants saluation, Aruiragus then swaying the Scep­ter of this Kingdome.

(2) At which time (say they) were sent certaine Disciples out of France into Britaine by Philip the A­postle, whereof Ioseph of Arimathea, that buried the body of Christ, was chiefe; who first laid the founda­tion of our faith in the West parts of this Iland, at the place then called Aualon, (afterwards Inis Witrin, Bale Centur. lib. 1. Harding saith fourteene, cap. 47 Ioseph of Arima­thea buried at Glastenbury. Gildas in vit. A [...] ­rel. Ambrosij. now Glastenburie) where he with twelue Disciples his Assistants preached the Gospell of life vnto the Ilan­ders, and there left their bodies to remaine for a ioi­full Resurrection. This doth Gildas affirme, and Malmesburie in his Booke of the Antiquitie of Glasten­burie written to Henry de Bloys, brother to King Ste­phen, Malmesburie. and Abbat of the same place, report, and is con­sented vnto (for the matter, though all agree not tou­ching the time) by the learned Antiquaries of later Cambden. in Brit. Bale, Cent. 1. Matth. Park. Antiq. Eccl. Brit. Polydor. Virg. & aly. times, grounded on the Testimonies of the best ap­proued Ancient writers: who account the most hap­py influence of Christianitie, to haue beene by those glorious conduits conuayed into these remote parts of the world: that so (according to the promise of God by Esaiah) The Iles a farre off which had not heard of his fame, should be conuerted, and haue his glorie to them de­clared Esay 66. 19. among the Gentiles.

(3) And if the credit of Dorotheus Bishop of Tyre, Dorotheus in the liues of Saints. (who liued to see the Apostacie of Iulian) weigh any thing with vs, in his tract of the Liues and Deaths of Luk. 6. 15. the Prophets, Apostles, and Disciples, he bringeth Simon Zelot [...] (an Apostle of Iesus Christ) to preach the word, Simon Zelotes martyred in Britaine. Nicephor. lib. 2. cap. 40. Iohn Capgraue. and to suffer Martyrdome on the Crosse here in Bri­taine: with whom Nicephorus, and after him Iohn Capgraue (in his Catalogue of English Saints) agree, saying that the same Simon spread the Gospell to the west Ocean, and brought the word of life into the Iles of Britaine: and, in the conuersion of Countries wrought by the Apostles, the same Nicephorus, with Nicephor. lib. 3. cap. 1. Egypt and Lybia assigneth Britaine also to be one. And the foresaid Dorotheus, as also Mirmanus, nameth A­ristobulus one of the seuenty Disciples (the same whom Saint Paul in his Epistle to the Romans among Rom. 16. 10. [Page 203] others saluteth) to haue taught the doctrine of Salua­tion, and to haue executed the office of a Bishop heere in Britaine.

(4) To these first Planters and Sowers of this hea­uenly Baronius in histor. Eccles. Mary Magdalen, Lazarus, and Martha in England. Seed, Caesar Baronius, that voluminous Histo­rian, ioineth Mary Magdalen, Lazarus, and Martha, who (by his relation) being banished Ierusalem, in a masterlesse ship without tackling arriued in Gallia, and with them Ioseph of Arimathea, who afterward lan­ded in Britaine (vt tradunt, as hee saith, out of an old Manuscript which he saw in the Vatican Library:) yea and with them also Eurgain the sister of Ioseph, who Eurgain the sister of Ioseph maried Siarklos a Britain. Georg. Owen in his Pettigrees. afterwards maried a Britaine named Siarklos, if the authoritie whereon George Owen-Harry doth ground that report, be of any credit.

(5) But yet there are others, who vpon a very good ground from the words of Gildas (the most an­cient Gildas de Con­quest. Brit. of our British Historians) will haue the Sunne of the Gospell long before to haue risen in this our West, and this Iland of Britaine to haue enioied the very morning of his Ascent, the brightnesse thereof piercing thorow the mistie clouds of errour, and shining heere in Britaine euen in the daies of Tiberius, towards whose end Christ suffered his death, and by whose in­dulgence towards Christians, their profession was propagated farre and neere. Which assertion the said Gildas doth not deliuer coldly or doubtingly, but with great confidence, & relying vpon good grounds, as it appeareth when he saith, Scimus, &c. Wee know for certainty, that this was in the latter times of Tiberius. Which was immediately after our blessed Sauiours Passion.

To which vncontroleable testimonie some others haue added (though not perhaps on so vndoubted warrant) that S. Peter the Apostle preached the word of S. Peter the Apo­stle supposed to haue preached in Britaine. Act. 15. 7. life in this Iland, as to other Gentiles he did, for whom God had chosen him, that from his mouth they might heare the Gospell and beleeue, (as himselfe allegeth) and that hee heere founded Churches, and ordained Priests and Deacons, which is reported by Simon Me­taphrastes out of the Greeke Antiquities, and Guiliel­mus Metaphrastes. Eisingrenius in the first of his Centurie, who saith that Peter was here in Neroes time; whereas Baronius Centur. 1. part. 7. dist. 8. thinketh it was in the raigne of Claudius, when the Iewes were banished Rome, and that therefore Paul in his Epistle to the Romans mentioneth him not. Indeed Baronius and some others plead very hotly for S. Pe­ters preaching heere: but I see not well how it can Baronius. stand either with Eusebius his account, which keepes him so long at Rome after he was Bishop there, or with Eusebius. Onuphrius, who denieth that he went west-ward (be­ing Onuphrius. expulsed by Claudius) but to Ierusalem, and thence to Antioch, where he liued till the death of Claudius: whence it must follow, that if Peter were heere at all, it was before euer he went to Rome, and that the Gos­pell was preached heere before it was in Rome, if Peter were the first (as some hold) that preached there: both which may be the more propable, if wee consider the huge multitudes of Christians (fifteene thousand, saith Baronius) which dispersed themselues into all parts of the world vpon the martyring of S. Steuen at Ierusalem, (which was presently vpon the death of Christ) and that Ioseph of Arimathea was one of that number, Baronius doth confesse. I am heere conten­ted to step ouer that Monkish tale reported by Alure­dus Riuallensis (the writer of King Edward the Confes­sors A Monkish tale of S. Peter. life) that a holy man (forsooth) studious and carefull for a Gouernour to succeed, was in his sleepe told by S. Peter that the Kingdome of England was his, wherein himselfe had first preached, and would also prouide him Successours. For s [...]eing it was a dreame, for a dreame wee leaue it, and Peter among the other Elders to attend his Throne, that now sit­teth Apoc. 4. in glorious Maiestie, and who in this life minded no such earthly preheminence, no not to diuide be­twixt Luk. 12. 13. brethren, though the Kingdome and rule of all things was his alone.

(6) Certes Peter was principally the Apostle of the Circumc [...], and therefore more likely to haue spent his endeuours on them: but for Paul (the Docter of the Gentiles) his arriuall heere may seeme more war­rantable, S. Paul preached in Britaine. who doubtlesse (after his first releasement from Rome) confirmed the doctrine of Christ to these Westerne parts of the world, and among them, as may appeare, to this Iland of Britaine, as both Sophronius Sophr. in his Ser­mon of the nati­uity of the Apo­stles. Theodoret. de cu­randis Graec [...] affectionib [...], li. 9. Patriarke of Ierusalem, and Theodoret an ancient Do­ctor of the Church, doe affirme and approoue, saying that Fishers, Publicans, and the Tent-maker (meaning S. Paul) which brought the Euangelicall light vnto all Nations, reuealed the same vnto the Britaines. That Paul came into Illyricum, Gallia, and Spaine, and filled all those parts with his doctrine, both Eusebius, Doro­theus, Euseb. lib. 3. ca. 1. Doroth. liues of Saints. Epiphan. lib. 1. Tom. 2. Rom. 10. 18. and Epiphanius doe testifie: and of this generall Ambassage the Apostle himselfe saith, that the sound of the Gospell went thorow the earth, and was heard vnto the ends of the world: which his sayings cannot more fitly bee applied to any other Nation then vnto vs of Britaine, whose Land by the Almightie is so placed in the terrestriall globe, that thereby it is termed of the ancient, The Ends of the Earth, and deemed to be situ­ated [...]. lib. 27. c. 7. Ioseph. bell. Iuda. lib. 2. cap. 16. Tacit. in vit. Agr. Solinus. in another world; for so in an Oration that Agrip­pa made to the Iewes, and Agricola to his Romans, it is called: which made Solinus write, that the coast of France had beene the End of the Earth, had it not beene for Britaine, which was as another world. And in Dion Dion Cass. lib. 60. we read, that the old Souldiers of Gallia, whom Clau­dius commanded for Britaine, complained that they must bee inforced to make warre out of the world. And of this Land and latter Apostle (if credit may be giuen to a Poet) Venantius Fortunatus thus recordeth:

Transijt Oceanum, & quà facit Insula Porrum,
Quas (que) Britannus habet terras, quas (que) vltima Thule.

He crost the seas vnto the land, and vtmost coasts of Thule,
Ariuing at the Ports and Iles where Britains bare the rule.

(7) Thus for Paul: well knowen in Rome by his long imprisonments, and (at that time) in reuerend regard for his doctrine with many there: among whom also there were some Britaines that embraced the faith, whereof Claudia Rufina (remembred by Martial another Poet) was one, whom he thus extols:

Claudia caeruleis cùm sit Rufina Britannis
Martial. lib. [...]54.
Edita, cur Latiae pectora plebis habet?
Quale decus formae? Romanam credere matres
Italides possunt, Atthides esse suam.

How hath Dame Claudia, borne of Britaines blew,
Won fame for wisdome with our sages graue?
Her comely forme and learning, as their due,
Rome claimes for hers, and hers would Athens haue.

This Claudia is by the learned commended to haue Matt [...]. Par [...]. Ar [...]. in A [...]iq. Eccl. Brit [...]. [...], &c. beene most skilfull in the Greeke and Latine tongues; of whom heare them (not me) speake. At the com­mandement of the Tyrant Nero (say they from Taci­tus) many Noble Britaines were brought to Rome, who remaining there their Confederates; they held it an honour to haue their children named after the no­bilitie of the Romanes: and from Claudius Casar was this Ladie Claudia named, who according to her worth was matched in mariage to Rufus a gentleman of Rome, then a Coronell, after a Senator, a man of a milde disposition, naturally modest, a great Philosopher in the Sect of the Stoickes, for his sweetenesse of beha­uiour called Pudens, who by his graue perswasions caused Martial (the wittie but wanton Poet) to re­forme many things in his writings, and by him is cō ­mended for his humanitie, pietie, learning, and elo­quence: as also his wife Claudia the Britaine, for her beautie, faith, fruitfulnesse, learning, and languages. In proofe whereof, Bale hath mentioned three seuerall [...] [...] [...]ed writings. D [...]. of the [...] of the D [...]ciples. V [...] lib. 1 [...]. 2. Tim. 4. [...]1. treatises, besides others by her compiled, both in the Greeke and Latine tongues. Dorotheus nameth P [...]dens to be one of the seuentie two, and Volater [...] affir­meth them both Pauls disciples, from whom he sen­deth greeting to Ti [...]theus in these words: [...] [Page 204] and Pudens, and Linus, and Claudia, and all the brethren salute thee. But some may obiect, that Martials Clau­dia could not be that Ladie, who liuing in Neroes time gaue hospitalitie vnto Peter and Paul at their being in The same Clau­dia that Paul and Martial speak­eth of. Rome, for that she could not retaine such beautie and perfection as the Poet to her doth ascribe in the raigne of Domitian, the seuenth in succession from Nero, the time being too long (saith Ado, Bishop of Treuers, Vsuardus and others) for beautie to be so freshly pre­serued. Now these account her age then to be sixtie; but if we reckon according to Eusebius, wee shall see that hee sets the last of Claudius in the yeare of grace fiftie sixe, and the first of Domitian in eightie three, be­twixt which, are but twentie seuen yeares, and yet Paul came not to Rome till the tenth of Nero, and in his thirteenth yeare, from the prison wrote his Epistle to Timothie, as the same Eusebius declareth: so that from Euseb. Eccles. hist. lib. 2. cap. 22. hence vnto Domitian, is left but foureteene yeeres, a time no whit vnpossible to retaine Beautie, though twentie yeares and many moe of her age had beene formerly spent; seeing that in those times Plutarch praiseth Alcibiades to be passingly faire when he was Alcibiades his beautie in old age. threescore yeares of age.

This Claudia then with Pauls spirituall Manna, is said to send likewise the choisest and chastest of the Claudia sends both Pauls and Martials wri­tings into Bri­taine. Poesies of Martial (whose verses generally are no les­sons befitting Ladies) for new-yeares gifts vnto her friends in Britaine, both for to feede their Soules with the bread of life, and to instruct their mindes with les­sons best fitting vnto ciuill behauiour; which thing moued the Poet himselfe with no small selfe-glorie in his verse thus to write:

Dicitur & nostros cantare Britannia versus.
Martial. lib. 7. Epig. 10.

And Britaine now (they say) our verses learns to sing.

(8) It hath also passed with allowance among the learned Senate of our Antiquaries, that when Claudius & Nero began to banish and persecute the Christians Tacit. Annal. 15. cap. 10. in Rome, (whose superstitions, as Tacitus pleaseth to tearme them, from Iudea had infected the Citie it selfe) many Romanes and Britaines being conuerted to the Faith, fled thence vnto these remote parts of the earth, where they might and did more freely enioy the libertie of their Professions, vntill the search of Tyrants by the flame-light of Persecutions, had found out all secret places for the safeties and assemblies of Gods Saints: as after in the daies of Dioclesian we shall finde. And from this Sanctuarie of Saluation the sad lamenting Lady * Pomponia Graecina, the wife of Aulus Plautius (the first Lord Lieutenant of Britaine) brought Aulus Plautius his wife became a Christian in Britaine. that Religion, whereof she was accused and stood in­dited vpon life and death, which was none other, then the Christian Profession, seeing the same both by Tacitus and Suetonius, is euerie where termed the Tacit. Annal. l. 13. 7. & lib. 15. 10. Suetonius in vita Nero. Sect. 16. strange superstitions and new kinde of Sect that the Christians imbraced, and for which they were accoun­ted vnworthy to liue.

(9) And much about these times (as Beatus Rhe­nanus in his Historie of Germanie, Pantaleon and others B. Rhenan. in his Hist. of Germany. Pantaleon. doe report) one Suetonius a Noble mans sonne in Britaine conuerted to the Faith by the first Planters of the Gospell in this Iland, and after his Baptisme called Beatus, was sent by the Brethren from hence vnto Rome, to be better instructed, and further directed by Saint Peter himselfe; and returning thorow Switzer­land, found such willingnesse and flocking of the peo­ple to heare and receiue the Doctrine of Christ, that he there staied and built an Oratorie not farre from the lake Thun, and neare the Towne called Vnderfewen, wherein preaching and praiers he imploied his time to the day of his death, which happened in the yeare of grace 110.

And that there were Christians in Britain at these times I make no questiō, thogh some exceptions may Holinshed de­script. Brit. cap. 9. be taken against the Monk of Burton the reporter ther­of, who saith in the 141 yeare and raigne of Hadri­an, nine masters of Grantcester were baptized themselues & preached to others the Gospell in Britain; howsoeuer he faileth in the Emperours name, which yeare was the second of Antonins Pius his successor, and ascribeth to these men Schoole-degrees, altogether vnknowne for nine hundred yeares after, yet these do not hinder the truth of the thing, though that Monke was none of the best Historians. It is reported also that Patricke the Irish Apostle, and Canonized Saint, long before the Patrick the Irish Apostle preach­ed in Wales. Raigne of King Lucius preached the Gospell in many places of Wales; As also that Ninianus Bernicius of the race of the British Princes conuerted the Picts to the Religion of Christ. Vnto these aforesaid authorities and testimonies howsoeuer we stand affected: yet it is certaine by Chemnitius citing Sabellicus, that the Britaines were with the first Conuerts: And Tertullian, Chemnitius (in ex­amin. Co [...]il. Triden.) ex Sabel­lic [...]. who liued within two hundred yeares of Christs Na­tiuitie, sheweth no lesse: Who the more to prouoke the Iewes against whom he wrote, calleth to witnesse the fruitfull increase of the Gospell of Saluation, through many Countries and Nations, and among them na­meth the Britaines to haue receiued the Word of life, Tertullian. cont. Iud [...]s cap. 7. the power whereof (saith he) hath pierced into those parts whither the Romanes could not come. Whence Petrus Cluniacensis supposeth the Scotish men the more ancient Christians, as not being in the like subiection to Petrus Cluni. ad Bernard. the Romanes, as other then were.

(10) Origen, who flourished not much aboue two hundred yeares after Christ, in his Homilies vpon E­zechiel sheweth, that the first fruits of Gods haruest was Origen. in Eze. [...] ­mil. 4. gathered in the Iland of Britaine: who consented to the Christian faith by the doctrine of their Druides: that taught one onely God: with whom Hector Boetius agreeth, saying, that some of these Druides condem­ned Hector Boet. Chro. Scot lib. 2. The Druides al­lowed not Ima­ges nor any visi­ble forme of the God-head. the worship of God in Images, and allowed not the applicatiō of the God-head vnto any visible forme: which might be the cause why Claudius the Emperour forbad their Religion, as sauouring in these things too much of Christianitie, whom likewise he banished Rome, as some from Suetonius coniecture. Of these Suetonius in vita Claud. Sect. 25. Druides wee shewed before, that their offices were most imploied about holy things, and that their doctrine chiefly consisted in teaching the immortalitie of the Tacit. Annal. l. 14. cap. 10. Casar. Com. lib. [...]. soule, the motions of the heauens, the nature of things, and the power of the Gods: yea and Postellus from others will inforce, that they prophecied likewise of a virgins Postellus. conception. These were the helps, saith Tertullian, that caused the Britaines so soone to imbrace the Doctrine of Christ, and thereupon immediately after his death doth Gyldas fasten our conuersion, where he writeth, That the Glorious Gospell of Iesus Christ, which first ap­peared to the world in the later time of Tiberius Caesar, did Gyldas de Exci­di [...] Brit. euen then spread his bright beames vpon this frosen Iland of Britaine.

(11) Whereby wee see the waters of life, flowing from Ierusalems Temple, into these farre set Coun­tries and vttermost Seas, to be made both fruitfull & Ezech. 47. 8. wholesome, according to the sayings of the Prophet, that in that day the waters of life should issue from Ierusa­lem, halfe of them toward the East Sea, and halfe of them towards the vttermost Sea, and shall remaine fruitfull Zachar. 14. 8. both in Sommer and winter: and euen in the infan­cie of Christianitie, both the Apostles themselues, and also the Proselytes their Disciples to become fishers therein for the Soules of Men, as Christ in chusing of them said they should bee; whereby his Kingdome Matt. 4. 19. was soone enlarged vnto these Ends of the Earth, and Psal. 2. 8. his Throne established among those Heathen, whom God his Father had giuen to be his. So fruitfull and famous was this spreading of the Gospell, that Baptista Mantuan, a Christian Poet, compares the increase thereof with that of Noah, thus alluding vnto it:

Sicut aquis quondam Noe sua misit in orbem
Pignora sedatis, vt Gens humana per omnes
Baptist. Mant.
Debita Coelituum Patri daret orgia terras;
Sic sua cùm vellet Deus alta in regna renerti,
Discipulos quosdam transmisit ad Vltima Mundi
Littora, doct [...]ros Gentes quo numina ritu
Sint oranda, quibus Coel [...] placabile Sacris.

In English thus:

As Noah sent from the Arke his sonnes, to teach
[Page 205] The Lawes of God vnto the World a right;
So Christ his Seruants sent abroad to preach
The Word of Life, and Gospell to each Wight:
No place lay shadowed from that glorious Light:
The farthest Iles, and Earths remotest bounds,
Embrac'd their Faith, and ioi'd at their sweet sounds.

(12) To which effect also the sayings of S. Iohn Chrysostome, Bishop of Constantinople, enforce, who Chrysost. in Serm. de Pe [...]cost. shewing the increase of Christianitie, and the successe of the Gospell preached, sheweth the power thereof to haue extended, not only to the Countries farre ia­cent in the Continent, but also to the Ilands situated in the Ocean it selfe, and amongst them expresly na­meth this our Britaine; whose Inhabitants (saith hee) haue also consented to the word which is planted in euery heart, in honour whereof they haue erected their Temples and Altars. And againe: Those Britaines (saith hee) which had formerly fed vpon humane flesh, making no difference betwixt the blood of man and beast, now through the power of the word by them embraced, haue learned the law of true pietie, and giue themselues to a religious abstinence, and holy fasts. Of which Bar­barisme S. Ierome also complained, that some of those Aduers. Ioui [...]. li. 2 Nations vsed to eat the buttocks of boies, and Paps of Virgins, which in their Feasts were serued for the daintiest dishes. But elsewhere speaking of the Bri­taines conuersion, he saith, that they had turned them­selues Epitaph. Mar­cellae Viduae. from their westerne Paganisme, and now had di [...]e­cted their faces towards Ierusalem in the East, whose beau­tie shined in the word of God.

(13) And thus wee see by the planting of the Go­spell in this Iland, the saying of the Psalmist accompli­shed, that God would giue his sonne Christ the Heathen Psal. 2. 8. for his inheritance, and the Ends of the Earth (the proper attribute of this our Britaine) to be his possession. And the successe in Historie most apparantly sheweth these parts (by an especiall prerogatiue) to bee Christs King­dome. For albeit that Ierusalem and Antioch may right­lie Act. 11. 26. claime the precedencie of all other places, the one being as it were the chamber where Christians were first borne, and the other the font where they were first Christened with that most sacred name: yet britaine in some other graces hath outstript them all, hauing the glory to be graced with the first Christian King that Britaine had the first Christian King. Ex Archi [...]. Ciuit. London. euer raigned in the world, which was our renowned Lucius, the first fruits of all the Kings that euer laid their Crownes at the foot of our Sauiours Crosse: as also for producing the first Christian Emperour that Britaine had the first Christian Emperour. euer by publike authoritie established the Gospell tho­row the world, which was Constantine the Great, borne and brought vp heere in Britaine by Queene Helena, a most vertuous and religious British Lady: Helena mother of Constantine a Britaine. vnto whose daies the succession of Christianitie did heere continue, as by the martyrdomes of many Saints vnder Dioclesian is apparant. Heerein also raig­ned the King that first vncrowned the head of the vsur­ping King Henry the Eighth the first that quailed the Pope. Apoc. 9. 2. King. 18. 4. Gen. 26. 18. Beast, and triple-headed Cerberus, and freed the Land from his deuouring Locusts: putting downe Ido­latrie with Hezekiah that brake the Brasen Serpent: and with Isaack new digged the Wels that those Philistines had stopped. And lastly hath this Iland produced that most royall and Christian Monarke, whose learned pen hath first depainted Antichrist, and pierced the heart King Iames. of all Papall Supremacie, as the sword of Gedeon did Zalmunna (For so the word Zalmunna signifi­eth, Iudg. 7. 20. the Image of trouble) King of Madia [...]. And as a Lion hath he met that crooked Isa. 27. 1. Serpent in the way of his vsurped authoritie; whereby in short time vndoubtedly the Hos. 13. 8. Kall of his heart will be bro­ken, if other Potentates likewise by his most godly ex­ample, cast off the yoke of vassallage, and in their se­uerall Dominions gouerne (as free Princes ought) the people that GOD hath committed to their charge. So that in those and many other the like Princes of this happy Iland, most properly is performed that propheticall promise made vnto the Church of Christ: that Kings should become her nursing Fathers, and Queenes should be her nursing Mothers: Of both which may be Isa. 49. 23. truly said to Britaine, in imitation of that of Salomon; Many kingdomes haue done gloriously, but thou hast sur­mounted them all. Pro. 31. 29.

(14) And of such power hath Christ beene in these His Possessions, that euen the Hostile Kings and Conquerours thereof, were they neuer so sauage and I­dolatrous Britaine conu [...] ­ted her Conq [...] ­rors to the faith of Christ. at their first entrance, yet when they here had seated for a time they became milde and religi­ous, and gladly submitted their hearts to the Religion of those, whose necks themselues held vnder the yoke of subiection.

(15) Such were the Romans in this Iland, whose Ho [...] [...]. c. 9. Deputies at the day-spring almost of Christianitie were conuerted; as Trebellius, Pertinax, and others, which submitted themselues to that profession, and were motiues to King Lucius more publikely to maintaine the same: as also Constantius the father of great Con­stantine, that here in Britaine permitted the profession of the Gospell, with the erections of Churches for the true seruice of God, and prohibited the superstitious worships of the Gentiles.

(16) The Saxons after them (in time, but not in Idolatrie) had neuer tasted the liuing waters of Siloh, till they were here seated in Christs Possession, where they changed their affections as farre from their won­ted manners, as did the Messengers to Iehu, which tur­ned after his Chariot to destroy the Altars of Baal: or 2. King. 9. 18. as Saul and his seruants, who no sooner had entred Naioth in Ramah, but that their spirits were ioined to the Prophets, and the heat of their furie, with their 1. Sam. 19. 20. garments, cast downe at Samuels feet.

(17) The Danes likewise, their Conquerours, and Successors in this Royall Throne, euer vntill then were both bloudy and barbarous, and therefore of all our Writers commonly called the Pagan Danes; whose ma­ny desolations and ruines remaine as records of their cruelties in many places euen vnto this day: yet being a while in this Land, King Guthurn, with thirtie of his chiefe Princes and people, were drawen by the va­lour Or [...] and vertue of King Alured to receiue the Christian Faith, by whose bounty thereupon they enioied the possession of a faire portion of this Kingdome. And afterward Canutus, their greatest King, no sooner al­most had this Imperiall Diademe set vpon his head, but that hee held it his chiefe Maiestie to be the vassall of Christ, confessing him only to be King of Kings: and with such religious deuotion as then was taught, crowned the Crucifix at Winchester with the Crowne C [...] crow [...]d the Crucifix with the Crowne hee wore. H [...]. [...]. lib. [...]. P [...]chr. li. [...]. c. 20. [...]. li. 1. Acts and Mo [...]. lib. 3. p. [...]. he wore: and neuer after, thorow all his raigne, by any meanes would weare the same: and the Danes his Souldiers remaining in England, began by little and little to embrace Christianity, and in short time were al conuerted to the Faith. Thus then we see the happie increase of these holy seeds springing from the fur­rowes of this blessed ground: and the Tents of Se [...] to be spread vpon the Mountaines of Britaine, wherein God (according to his promise) perswaded vs who Gen. [...]. 27. Orig [...] vpon [...], [...]. [...]. are of Iapheth, to dwell.

(18) As hitherto we haue searched the first foun­dation of our Faith, so neither want wee testimonies concerning the continuance of the same in this Land vnto following Posterities; although the iniurie of Time and Warre haue consumed many Records. For the Britaines that were daily strengthned in their re­ceiued faith, by the Doctrine of many learned and godly men, left not their first loue with the Church Apoc. 2. 4. of Ephesus, but rather tooke hold of their skirts, as the Prophet speaketh, vntill the tortures of Martyrdome Zecha. 8. 23. cut them off by death: And those Fathers euen from the Disciples themselues, held a succession in Doctrine, (notwithstanding some repugnancie was made by [...]. [...]. the Pagans) and preached the Gospell with good suc­cesse, [...]. euen till the same at length went forth with a b [...]lder countenance, by the fauourable Edicts of A­drian, [...]useb. [...]. 4 c. [...]. &c. 13. & lib. [...]. cap. 5. Antonius Pius, and Marcus Aurelius Emperors of Rome (as Eusebius hath noted:) and in Britaine was established by the authoritie of Lucius their King: whereby this was the first of all the Prouinces (saith [...]. [...]. [...]. lib. 5. [...]. [...]. [...]. Marcus Sabellicus) that receiued the Faith by pub­like ordinance: Of the te [...]chers of those times Bale [Page 206] from some other hath these verses.

Sicut erat celebris cultu numero (que) Deorum
Cum Iouis imperium staret, Britannica tellus:
Sic vbi terrestres caelo descendit ad or as
Expectata salus, patribus fuit inclyta sanctis.
Qui Neptunicolûm campos, & Cambrica rura,
Coryneas (que) casas, locadesolata, colebant.

As were the Britaines famous for their zeale
To Gentle Gods, whiles such they did adore▪
So, when the Heau'ns to Earth did Truth reueale,
Bless'd was that Land with Truth and Learnings store:
Whence British Plaines, and Cambri as desert ground,
And Cornewalls Crags, with glorious Saints abound.

In which number were Eluanus & Meduinus, those Floren. Wigorn. Two learned Di­uines sent to the Bishop of Rome. two learned Diuines, which were sent by King Lucius vnto Eleutherius Bishop of Rome, with whom retur­ned two other famous Clerkes, whose names were Faganus and Damianus; these together, both preach­ed Alij Fagatius vel Fagatius & Di­uines. and baptized amongst the Britaines, whereby ma­ny dailie were drawne to the Faith: And, as a wor­thy and ancient Dicetus Deane of London: a Ma­nuscript in the Kings Libratie, ad [...]n. 178. Historian saith: The Temples which had beene founded to the Honour of their many Gods, were then dedicated to the one and onely true God: For there were in Britaine eight and twentie Flamins, and three Arch-flamins, in stead of which, so many Bishops and Arch­bishops were appointed: vnder the Archbishop of London were the Prouinces of Loegria and Cornubia: vnder Yorke, Deira, and Albania: vnder Vrbs Legionum, Cambria: By which meanes, this happy Kingdome vn­der Saint Dauids in Wales. that godly King, was nobly beautified with so many Cathedrall Churches, and Christian Bishops Sees, before any other kingdome of the world.

That this Lucius should be the Apostle to the Baua­rians, or that his sister Emerita was crowned with the King Lutius the Apostle to the Banarians. Aegidius Scudus de Prisca Rhaetia. Hermanus Sche­delius, cap. 3. flames of Martyrdome fifteene yeares after his death, I leaue to the credit of Aegidius Scudus, and Herma­nus Schedelius the reporters, and to the best liking of the readers. But most certaine it is, that the Christian faith was still professed in this Iland, sound and vndefi­led, as Beda witnesseth; notwithstanding the cruel per­secutions Beda. Hist. [...]nglic lib. 1. cap. 4. of the bloody Emperours.

19 For, all this time (saith the said Dicetus) Christi­an Religiō flourished quietly in Britanny, til in Diocle­sians Dicetus ad annum 287. time, their Churches were demolished, their ho­ly Bibles castinto Bone-fires, the Priests with their faithfull flocke bloodily murdered. In which num­ber, about the yeare two hundred ninetie three, as we read (in Beda, Malmesburie, Randulphus, and others) Albane with his teacher Amphibalus were both of them martyred for the profession of the Gospell at the old Malmesburie. Randulphus. Towne Verolanium: as also in Leicester, those two Noble Citizens, Aaron, and Iulius, with multitudes both of men and women in sundrie places (saith Beda) as shortly after no lesse then a Thousand Saints suffered Beda lib. 1. ca. 7. At Liechfield 1000 Saints suf­fered death. Matth. 27. Liechfields Armes. death at Liechfield, wherupon the place was called ano­ther Golgotha, or field of blood: In memorie whereof, the Citie beareth for Armes to this day, in an Eschu­cheon of Landskip, sundry persons diuersly Marty­red. And yet after these times also the Britaines con­tinued constant in Christianity, and the censures of their Bishops (for the great estimation of their Con­stancie, pietie, and learning) required, and approued in great points of Doctrine among the assemblies of some Generall Councels; as that of Sardis and Nice, in the time of great Constantine (the first Christian Empe­rour, and this our Country man, whose blessed daies gaue free way to that Profession, to the Councels Au­thoritie, and to the whole world Peace) had wee our Bishops present; whose forwardnes against the Arrian Heresie, afterwards Athanasius aduanceth in his Apo­logy The Bishops of Britaine with­stood the Arrian Heresie. vnto Iouinian the Emperor, among three hundred Bishops assembled at the Councell of Sardice, in Anno three hundred and fiftie: whose words (as Nicephorus reports them) are these. Know most Christian Empe­rour Nicephorus Eccle­siast. Hist. Athanasius Apo­lo. 2. (saith he) that this faith hath beene alwaies preach­ed and professed, and that all Churches of Spaine, Britain, France and Germany at this day with one voice doe ap­prooue the same. As also at that of Ariminum, in the yeare three hundred fiftie nine, and in the raigne of Constantius, who caused foure hundred westerne Bi­shops to be there sommoned in fauour of the Arrians, whereof three were out of Britaine, (as Sulpitius Seue­rus the good Bishop of Burges hath reported) that Sulpitius Seuerus, lib. 2. gaue their suffrages against that Heresie. These doth Hilarie tearme the Bishops of the Prouinces of Bri­taine, Hilarie in an E­pist. to the Bi­shops. by whom they were somewhat derided, because beeing farre from their owne Countrie they liued v­pon the Emperours charge. And Beda testifieth, that from Dioclesians time they both reedified their for­mer Temples, and founded new also in memorie of Bed. lib. 1. cap. 8. their then fresh-bleeding Martyrs, and enioyed a ge­nerall and ioifull peace in their religious profession, till that Arrian Heresic hauing first filled the Conti­nent, sought and found passage ouer the Seas into our Iland.

Gennadius in his Catalogues Illustrium Diuorum Gennadius in Ca­tal. Illus. Diu. tels vs of an other learned Bishop of Britaine, Fastidi­us; who in the time of Cestius Bishop of Rome, wrote vnto one Fatalis a booke devita Christians, and ano­ther de viduitate seruanda; of much diuine learning and comfort. Chrysanthus likewise is recorded by Ni­cephorus, to be sonne of Bishop Martian, who hauing Nicephorus in Ec­cles. Hist. beene a Consular Deputie in Italie vnder Theodosius, and made Lieutenant of Britaine, where with great praise he managed the common wealth, was against his will afterward made Bishop at Constantinople of the Noua­tians, that called themselues Cathari, that is, pure, ma­king a schisme in the Church by their deniall of Sal­uation, to such as fell into relapse of sinne after Bap­tisme once receiued. This is that Bishop of whom we read, that of all his Ecclesiasticall reuenewes he reserued only for himselfe two loaues of bread vpon the Lords Tripart. Histor. day. And in the first Tome of Councels is mention of Restitutus Bishop of London, whom (because that, as is most probable, Christian Religion had in those pri­mitiue times taken more firme footing in Britaine then in France) the French Bishops called to their Na­tionall Councell, the second at Arles, in Anno three hun­dred thirty fiue, that he might with his Suffrage ap­prooue their Decrees. About the yeere foure hundred seuenty, was a Prouinciall Councell held in Britaine for the reforming of Religion, and repairing of the ruined Churches, which the Pagan mariage of Vortiger had decaied, to the great griefe and discontent of the peo­ple, a pregnant signe of the continuing zeale, which vnto those daies had left a glorious memorie.

(20) And the Ensigne of Arthur, wherein the Arthurs Ensigne. Vincentius in his specul [...] Historiali. Virgin with her sonne in her armes (as is noted by Vin­centius) was portraied, so often displaied for Christ, and his Countries libertie, against the Pagan Saxons, is as a seale to confirme vs of their Profession, and doth shew the badge of that ages Christianitie. But the fa­mous Monasterie of Banchor, as a College of diuine Phi­losophers, and by Clariuallensis truly acknowledged to be the Mother of all other in the world, and her Monkes Clariuallensis. Bangor in Wales the first Mona­sterie in the world. Bed. Hist. Eccles. l. 2. 6. 2. distributed into seuen seuerall parts, euery part num­bring three hundred soules, and earning their bread by their daily labours, doth notably witnesse to all succeeding ages, that Christian Religion was then both planted and preached in this Iland. And in the Synod held at Austins Oake were seuen old Britaine Bishops, besides other Doctours, who met with that Romane Legate, and not in points of doctrine, but rather in their seuerall rites and ceremonies did varie, by any thing that in that Assemblie appeared. For as it is most vndoubted, that (if we speake properly) Ierusa­lem is the Mother of vs all, and of all Churches; and our Beda lib. 2. cap. 2. former allegations doe euince, that the first Planta­tion of the British Faith was altogether by Iewes and others of the Easterne Church: so the very rites of this Religious College of Banchor do euidently proue, that their first institution in Religion came from the East, Beda shewing that in all of them they dissented from the Romane Church; yea, and that they neuer did, nor then would acknowledge any authoritie of the Bi­shop [Page 207] of Rome ouer them in matters of the Church and ser­uice of God. All which accordeth right well with that before cited out of Zachary, that the waters of life should issue from Ierusalem. And S. Hierome, who spake most properly, in saying, the Britaines leauing Paganisme, had turned their faces to Ierusalem in the East.

The foundation of the said College is ascribed to King Lucius, from whose time vnto the entrance of this Austin the Monke, foure hundred thirty eight yeeres were expired: in all which space we haue seene that the Christian Faith was both taught and embraced in this Iland, notwithstanding the continuall persecu­tions of the Romans, Huns, Picts, and Saxons: which last made such desolations in the outward face of the Church, that they droue the Christian Bishops into the The Bishops of Yorke and London driuen into the Deserts. Acts and Monu­ments, lib. 2. Heb. 11. 25. deserts of Cornwall and Wales. In which number were Theomis and Thadioceus Bishops of London and Yorke, chusing rather to suffer aduersitie with the people of God, then to enioy the pleasures of sinne for a season. By whose labours the Gospell was plentifully propa­gated among those vast mountaines, and those parts especially aboue all other made very glorious, by the multitudes of their holy Saints and learned Tea­chers.

(21) Lastly, (for the close of all) that these testi­monies are sincerely by vs produced, for the first preaching and planting of the Gospell, and by such meanes and men as we haue declared, and particular­lie by Ioseph of Arimathca and his associates, the con­sent of all Writers, both forraine and home-bred, doth sufficiently approoue: and the reuerend regard had of the place, with the many Charters thereof to this day remaining, are strong inducements for those our first Apostles Residencies and Burials: whereof one, exemplified vnder the Seale of King Edward the third, is to be seene at this day, reciting that the Abbey of Glastenburie being burned in the time of King Henrie Glastenbury Ab­bey burnt. the second while it was in his hands, at the request of the Patriarke of Ierusalem (then present in England) in­stigated further both by the Bishops and Nobilitic, hee did reedifie the same, causing diligent search to bee Glastenburie Ab­bey new built by Henry the second made for the ancient Charters of that foundation, and among many recited in that exemplification, in one of them it is called, Origo Religionis in Anglia: in ano­ther, Tumulum Sanctorum, ab ipsis discipulis Domini aedi­ficatum, fuisse venerabilem. Also in the same Charter amongst many other Kings, there is mention made of King Arthur, to be a great Benefactor vnto that Ab­bey; King Arthur a great benefactor to Glastenburie Abbey. The Armes of King Arthur at Glastenburie. whose Armes vpon the stone walles, both in the Chapell (called S. Ioseph) and in diuers other places of the Abbey, are cut: which is an Eschucheon, whereon a Crosse with the Virgin Mary in the first quarter is set, and is yet to this day remaining ouer the Gate of en­trance, and is held to be also the Armes of that Abbey. This place is said to haue beene giuen to Ioseph and Glastenburie Ab­bey giuen to Io­seph by [...] Two diuines [...]ent by [...] to Rome from Gla­stenburie. W [...]lles called Belga. his brethren, by Aruiragus then King of Britaine: and from hence were those two diuine Doctors sent to E­lutherius by King Lucius, as by their Epithetes doth appeare: the one of them called Eluanus Aualonius, or of Glastenburie; and the other, Meduuinus of Belga, that is, Welles, neere vnto this place. And to these per­sons and place, Polydore Virgil, that dwelled among vs, Angl. hist. lib. 2. and had perused most of our Antiquities, ascribeth the originall and precedencie of our Christian Faith, in these words: Haec omnia Christianae pietatis in Britannia extitêre primordia, quam deinde Lucius Rex accendit & adauxit, &c. And our other latter Writers likewise with him agree of this place, further affirming, that at first but poore, and without all pompe, it was their Oratorie, built only of wrethen wands, as both In his catalogue of Saints. Cap­graue, V [...]ta. lib. 1. Bale, In his preface. Maior, De Antiq. [...]ar. cap. 7. Scroope, Chap. 47. Harding, Thorne. Thorne, and others affirme: Afterwards by diuers Princes raised vnto greater glory, with many large priuileges & Char­ters granted; to wi [...], of [...], [...], [...], [...], Many [...] to [...]. [...], [...], the Con­querour, Rufus, and others: all which were diligently perused by King Henry the second, as we haue said, & that Rectorie in these Charters continually termed The Graue of Saints: The mother Church: [...]he Disciples foundation, and dedicated vnto Christ, as the first place in this Land wherein hi [...] Gospell was fi [...]st preached and em­braced.

(22) To conclude this digresson, growen much greater then was intended, we see it is most apparant, that the Britaines had a settled opinion in [...], [...] proses­sed Christianity [...]ore it came [...] Ro [...]. Esay 49. 22. Dan. 11. 31. Micah 4. 8. Esay 2. before the sound thereof was heard from [...]me; and that the Lord had heere set vp his Standard, whereun­to these Ilanders resorted as to the Tower of their strength, and was the first Kingdome of the Gentiles, that are said to bring their sonnes thus in their armes, and their daughters thus vpon their shoulders, vnto the Lords Sanctuarie: whose knowledge continually in­creasing, hath hitherto, to Englands great ioy and fame, beene still continued, though the spirituall sparkes thereof for a season haue sometimes beene couered in the cinders of the Pagans desolations, or with the superstitious worships of mans inuentions; both which now dispersed as clouds before the Sunne, the light appeareth in his full strength, and the most pure waters of the word run vntroubled. This Iland then, in this thing made happy before the most, the Inhabitants became Instructers of others, and in their earthly vessels bare this heauenly liquor, which thorow their golden Conduits ran into many other Countries, and filled their Cesternes with this water of life. For from hence was Netherland conuerted to Christiani­tie, as testifieth the story of Swithbertus: Burgundie by Swithbertus. our Columbanus, saith Sigebert: Scotland by Brandanus, Sig [...]bert. as Bernard the French Monke affirmeth: Swedia by Bernard. Petrus de Nata­libus. Matthew of Westminster. The Britaines con [...]erted ma­ny Countries. Gallus, as saith Petrus de Natalibus: and Frisia by Wilfred, as is recorded by Beda and Matthew of Westminster: the Franconians, Hessians, and Thuringians, by Winifred our Deuonshire man: the Norwegians by Nicolas Brekspere of Middlesex: and the Lithuanians by Thomas Walden of Essex. Againe, if we shall cast our eie on all the Reformed Churches in Christendome, and with them on Luther, Husse, and Prage, they will all confesse, they first deriued their light from the learned Wickleffe of Oxford; the Lampe of whose sacred knowledge hath il­lumined not onely all the corners of this Kingdome, but also all those forraine States, whom it hath pleased God to deliuer from the thraldome and vengeance of Babylon: so that with the German Poet, to Gods glorie, and Britaines praise, the English thus may sing:

Quin se Relligio multùm debere Britannis
Seruata, & latè circùm dispersa, fatetur.

Religion doth confesse, to Britaine deepe she stands
In debt, by whom preseru'd, she now fils forraine Lands.

In which regard, Polydore Virgil doth rightly call Polydor. Virgil. England the Parent or Mother-Monasterie of all Eu­rope. As likewise Peter Ramus termeth Britaine to bee Peter [...]. twice Schoole-mistresse vnto the Kingdome of France. Annals of Flanders. And the Annals of Flanders testifie, that no Nation had so many Diuine Nobles (they might likewise haue said, so many Noble Diuines) as England hath had; nei­ther any more bountifull to Gods Saints. Our Kings for sanctitie ranked before all other Potentates of the earth, as Vincentius recordeth: Our Nobles truly ho­nourable, [...]. and the sonnes of Princes: Our Diuines and Eccles. 10. 17. Ier. Lam. 4. 7. renowned Nurseries of learning and Religion, shining like the two greater lights in our British firmament. And all of vs claiming our spirituall lots of I [...]ritance Ezech. 47. 22. in the midst of the Tribes of Israel.



BVt leauing Christs procee­dings Ann. Do. 70. to the dispose of himselfe, let vs returne to the subiect from whence wee haue wandered, and continue the successions of Great Britaines Mo­narchs, vnto them that haue held it, whether by chance of warre, or voice of Election: In which sort (as is said) Galba got it, and but short time kept it: And from him Otho tooke it, and a shorter time enioied it.

(2) Whose Originall (saith Tacitus) was from Otho his original. Tacit. Hist. 2. cap. 17. Ferrentium, his Father a Consull, his mothers blood somewhat disparaged, but yet not base; his youth run ouer with voluptuous wantonnesse and prodigall ex­pences, more ready for disturbances, then depending vpon preferment or dignitie of State; and hauing gone thorough all his wealth, retained onely the hear­tie affections of the Souldiers, which Galba had vtterly alienated. Neither did Otho himselfe bandy against Galba, but Vitellius in Germanie was fauoured against Vitellius much fauoured. both; Two persons so vile and ambitious, as was much feared, would proue the scourge of the Empire, and the ruine of Rome.

(3) Vnto Vitellius sided the Britaines, vnder the Conduct of Tribellius Maximus, (remembred before) a man vnfit for warre, and vnexperienced of seruice, compounded altogether of couetousnesse, and for his niggardly sparings, and vnmercifull pollings, exceed­ingly hated of his Armie: which was further aggra­uated by Roscius Calius, Lieutenant of the twentieth In chap. 7. sect. 24. Legion, his ancient Enemie, betwixt whom the sparks of enuie shortly burst forth into flames of recipro­call accusations. Trebellius being charged of insuffi­ciencie for command, with the beggering of the Pro­uince, Roscius Calius & Trebellius accuse each other. and Legions; and he againe accusing Calius of factious behauiours, & dissoluing of discipline: through which dissensions a negligent regard was held of the Souldiers, who carried themselues arrogantly, euen a­gainst both; and as men that had rather be doing ill, The Souldiers thereby disorde­red. then doing nothing, grew daily into mutinies. In these stirres Maximus finding himself vnable to with­stand Roscius, (the common affection swaying on his side) with his friends and followers entred Germanie in the quarrell of Vitellius, and ioined those British forces to maintaine his cause, who now presuming vpon his owne strength, and others his Confederates, ambitiously plaied the Prince, growne to that height euen of nothing.

(4) Otho his Concurrent (in this thing only com­mendable) sought by all meanes to stay the effusion of more ciuill blood, and that alreadie spent, so pos­sest his thoughts, that his minde was still distracted and nightly affrighted with the seeming appearance Otho affrighted in the night. of Galbaes ghost: for which causes hee sent conditi­ons of peace to Vitellius, offering him an equall part Sueton. in vita O­tho. sect. 7. His offer to Vi­tellius. in the Empire, and to giue him also his daughter in mariage. But Vitellius disdaining any competition, refuseth all Capitulations, and prepares himselfe for the warre. Otho thus constrained, sets forth his forces, and in three seuerall skirmishes had the victo­rie, Hath the victory in three skirmi­shes. Lost the day in the fourth. but in the fourth at Brixellum lost the daie; yet not so much weakned or vnrecouerable, (his Ar­mie in number and courage surmounting the o­ther) as himselfe was vnwilling to trie the chance of warre any more; for beeing importuned by his Captaines and Leaders, to reenforce the Battaile, with Importuned by his Souldiers to renew the bat­tell, is vnwilling. many reasons, and probabilities of an assured victo­rie, in a thankfull and short Oration, answered thus their Petitions.

‘(5) To hazard your vertues and valours for one Mans estate, I hold dangerous, and needlesse it is, His Oration to his Souldiers. that my life should be prized at so deere a rate; alrea­dy fortune and I haue had sufficient experience each of others, and not the least in this my short time of glorie, wherein I haue learned, it is harder to mo­derate affections in the excesse of felicitie, then ei­ther industrie or hazard for attaining the same. These ciuill warres Vitellius beganne; which I for my part purpose not to continue; and hereby let Posteritie esteeme of Otho, that others haue kept the Empire longer, but neuer any that left it more vali­antly. Let this minde therefore accompany me to the Graue, that you for your parts would haue died for my sake, and I to saue your liues die voluntarie and vnuanquished. I blame not the Gods, nor enuie your Emperors rising glorie: It is sufficient that my house hath touched the highest straine of Honour, and my selfe to be left in records, The soueraign Mo­narch of the World.

(6) And thereupon solemnely taking his leaue of He killeth him­selfe. the whole Army, went to his Tent, and with his dag­ger wounded himselfe vnder the left pappe, whereof immediately he died, in the yeare of his age thirty se­uen, and daies of his raigne ninetie fiue. He was of His age and raigne. stature but lowe, feeble in his feete, and vnto so great a minde, his bodie not any waies proportionable; his His lineaments and habite. face without haire and woman-like, his attire nice and delicate, and his life and death nothing at all conso­nant or agreeable.



WHen certaine newes of O­thoes death was brought Ann. Do. 70. Vitellius, he presently assu­med the name of Caesar, and administred the affairs of the Empire, with no lesse authoritie then the abso­lute Commander of the World. And of such accep­tance was the accident, that he dedicated the dagger wherewith it was done, Vitellius glad of Othoes death. vnto Mars in his Temple at Colleyn, as the luckie in­strument of his aduanced Estate.

(2) Naturally ambitious hee was, and now the Sueton. in vit. Vi­t [...]ll. cap. 10. Ioseph. bell. Iud. lib. 5. cap. 8. same the more inhaunced by his strengths of the Ger­man Souldiers, and the flatteries of the Senate, which euer bare saile with the fairest winde. His entrance into Rome was aboue measure magnificall, hauing the Ot [...]o magnificall aboue measure. naked sword of Iulius Caesar borne before him, with sound of Trumpets, Ensignes, Standards, Banners, and Flags, accompanied with an Armie worthie of a better Prince then Vitellius was.

(3) His originall is diuersly reported: either fra­med His descent di­uersly reported. according to the affections of his flatterers, or blasted with the tongues of deprauing backe-biters; & both in extremes, extremely disagreeing. For Q. Eu­logius, as Suetonius writeth, deduceth his descent from Cap. 1. Faunus King of Aborigines, and Lady Vitellia his wife, worshipped in many places for a Goddesse. But Cassius Seuerus affirmeth him to bee sprung from no better roote then a Cobler, and a common naughty-packe Tacit. bist. 3. c. 13. the daughter of a Baker. Howsoeuer, true it is, that Lucius his father bare thrice the Consulship in Rome, was Prouost of Syria, and in such credit with the Em­perour Claudius, that in his absence and expedition into Britaine, he had the whole charge of the Empire committed vnto him: himselfe in speciall fauour with Tiberius, and in vse for his strumpets: with Caius, for Vitellius in fauor with diuers for­mer Emperours. his Chariot-running: with Claudius, for his dice-plai­ing: and with Nero, for his flatterie: vnto whose Ghost in publike shew hee sacrificed, and disposed the Emperiall affaires at the discretion of base Stage-Plaiers.

(4) His vnmeasurable gluttony was such, that the His excessiue gluttonie. Sueton. in vit. Vi­tell. cap. 13. whole imploiments of his Captaines were to prouide him Cates, and that in such excesse, that two thousand dishes of fish, and seuen thousand of fowle, were serued to his Table at one supper; and yet was he not ashamed to commend his owne Temperance, in a set Oration before the Senate and People, who well knew him to be guiltlesse of that vertue: insomuch that Tacitus re­porteth, in those few moneths wherein hee raigned, he had wasted nine hundred millions of sesterces, which Tacit. hist. 2. c. 27. His huge ex­pence of trea­sure. Ioseph. bell. Iud. lib. 5. c. 13. amounteth to seuen millions, thirty one thousand, two hundred fiftie pounds sterling. And Iosephus thinketh if he had liued longer, the whole reuenues of the Empire had not beene sufficient to maintaine his Gluttonie. A Prince otherwise no way memorable, as being in­deed without skill in profession of Armes, without counsell in matters of the greatest importance, com­monly drowned in surfet, and farre vnmeet to weld weighty affaires.

(2) These defects found ready vent to his Oppo­sites, and gaue libertie of speech in the Assemblies of Vespasian his Abettors for the Empire. their Estates: amongst whom Vespasian was held the only Morning-Starre, worthy to ascend on the setting of this darkend Sunne; vnto whom Licinius Mutianus, Gouernour of Syria, was no auerse, Marcus Clunius Rufus of Spaine stood very well affected, and Tiberius Alexander of Aegypt for him the formost. Also with him sided the Kings Sohemus, Antiochus, and Agrippa, with the beautifull Queene Berenice: vnto whom Ve­spasian and his sonne Titus were well knowen, Gouer­nours Tacit. hist. [...]. c. [...]3. together in the Prouinces of Syria and Iudea.

(6) The first that did reuolt were the Illyrian The first reuol­ters from Vi­tellius. Bands: to suppresse which, Vitellius sent vnto Vectius Bolanus Lieutenant of Britain, for aid of that Prouince, hauing had good experience of their seruice in his warres before. As when Hordeonius Flaccus brought Tacit. [...]. [...]. c. [...]0. eight thousand Britaines to his quarrell against Otho. As also when Trebellius Maximus (formerly mentio­ned) ioined them to the German forces. Which last Tacit. i [...] [...]. Agric. man had now againe resumed his former place in Bri­tannie, without either Maiestie or Authoritie; but ra­ther ruled by way of intreatie, and at the discretion of the Souldiers.

(7) Vnto whom, this Vectius Bolanus succeeded for Deputie: a man of no great parts in warre, but more temperate, and not odious for any crime. His answer vnto Vitellius was, that the Countrey of Bri­taine stood not so quiet, that he might spare any num­ber thence, the Souldiers and Confederates hauing their hands full, to hold all vpright. Neither (in truth) were they fast to his side, but rather affected Vespasian, Hist. 3. cap. 9. whose reputation in warlike affaires was first gotten amongst them in Britaine, in the raigne of Claudius: though we find in Tacitus, that the Vexillaries of three Hist. [...]. c. [...]9. Hist. 3. cap. [...]. British Legions followed Vitellius in his expedition against the Illyrian Armie, wherein the flower and strength of all the Britaines are reported to haue been, and that their fourteenth Legion came to his aide, in whom notwithstanding he had no good confidence: but hearing the daily reuolts of the Prouinces, and the approch of Vespasian, was minded to resigne his dig­nitie vnto him, had not the out-cries of the people beene against it.

(8) Finally, when he had raigned only eight mo­neths, Hi [...] [...]. and fiue daies, as Iosephus accounteth, he was slaine in most ignominious maner: for his hands His de [...]. Ioseph. bell. I [...]. cap. [...]3. were bound behinde his backe, a halter fast about his necke, his clothes rent and torne, a sword point set vnder his chinne, and head held backward by a [Page 210] bush of haire, as condemned malefactors were vsed, to the end, that he might see and bee seene of all, to satisfie their malice and augment his miseries. Hee died aged fiftie seuen; and as hee is set in the Table His age. after Malmesburie, Huntington, and others our Eng­lish writers, the ninth Calends of Ianuarie: But yet it should seeme by his edicts set out against Astrologers, that commanded all of that profession to depart out of Rome and Italie before the first day of October, that much about that time he should die: for Suetonius re­cordeth, that the said Astrologers set another against him in the words as follow. WEE GIVE WAR­NING Suee. in vita Vitel. Sect. 14. BY THESE PRESENTS VNTO VITELLIVS GERMANICVS, THAT BY THE CALENDS OF THE SAID OCTO­BER HEE BEE NOT SEENE IN ANY PLACE WHERESOEVER.

(9) Of stature he was exceedingly tall, his face red, and a fat paunch, and somewhat limping vpon one legge, by a hurt formerly receiued.



Vespasian. Petilius.

SO acceptable was the fall of this Prince, and such Ann. Do. 72. hopes reuiued at the en­trance of his Successour, as that all mens mindes were raised to an expectation, that the glorie of the Em­pire, so much Eclipsed through the ciuill broiles of Galba, Otho, and this last Vitellius, should now shine againe in the beautie of her former libertie, by the desired gouernement of aged Vespasians worth and estimation. Vespasian; whose integritie, valour, and seruice, had beene sufficiently approued by his many Expeditions in all the Prouinces wherein he had to doe.

(2) His descent was from the Flauian family, and His originall. Sueton. in vit. Vespas. sect. 1. that but base and obscure: his Father called Titus Flauius, his Mother Polla Vespasia, his Wife Domilia, and his Sonnes Titus, and Domitian, both Emperours suc­ceeding after him.

(3) In his yong yeares, hee serued as a Militarie His imployments in former ti [...]es. Tacit. in vita A­gric. [...]. 189. Tribune in the Countrey of Thracia, and as Questor in the Prouinces of Crete, and Cyrene: Vnder Claudius the Emperour, he went forth into Germanie, as Lieu­tenant of a Band, and from thence was sent into Bri­tannie, to be Leader of the second Legion, where the foundation of that greatnes whereunto after hee at­tained, was first laid: for as Suetonius hath written, therein with victorie hee fought thirty set Battailes, and was also Conquerour of the Ile of Wight: whereby two mightie Nations were subdued to the Romanes, and twentie Townes wonne from the Britaines: for which exploits he had Triumphall ornaments, worthily assigned him by Claudius, whose owne Triumph, (as Iosephus saith) was gotten without his paines, but by the only prowesse of Vespasian. After this, he gouer­ned Iosephus [...]el. I [...]d. lib. 3. cap. 1. Africke with singular integritie and much ho­nour, and was lastly sent by Nero for his Vice-roy in­to Syria vpon this occasion.

(4) There had beene spread thorow all the East­parts, Sueton. in vit. Ve­spasi. Sect. 4. an old Prophecie and setled opinion constantly be­leeued, that it was appointed by the Destinies, there should come out of Iurie him that should be Lord of the whole world: which how it serued for the Iewes to re­uolt, or for the Romanes to apply onely vnto Vespasi­an, An ancient pro­phecie in all the East parts. the euent sheweth, which cannot agree to any o­ther, then to the person and power of Christ Iesus, there borne, and throughout the whole world still raigning: Yet vpon the confidence of such an accomplishment, the Iewes reuolted from the Romanes obedience, and The cause of the Iewes reuolt. slew their President Sabinus by name, putting to flight Gallus, Lieutenant Generall of Syria, that came to his aide, and got from him the maine Standard, or Ensigne of the Eagle. This Nation was so populous and strong, that none was thought fitter to stay their attempts, then was Vespasian, who with great honour and approbation, reduced that Prouince vnto their former subiection, and there remained the short time of Galba, Otho, and Vitellius their Raignes; of whose Ioseph. de Ballo Iud. proceedings there Iosephus writeth at large, vnto whom I must referre the vnsatisfied Reader.

(5) All which times, the ciuill stirres amongst the Romanes, gaue the Prouinces occasion to attempt their former liberties; as did the Batauians, Germanes and French, with whom the Britaines also tooke hart Taci [...]. Hist. 3. cap. 9. to reuolt: But the first that sided with Vespasian, were two thousand expert Souldiers, drawne out of the Mesian Legions, and sent to aide Otho against Vitel­lius; who marching as farre as Aquileia, they heard there of the certaine death of Otho, and thereupon ta­king the aduantage of the offred opportunitie, with an vncontrolled libertie, committed many robberies and outragious villanies: In so much, that fearing con­digne punishment, they held it their best policie, to combine some speciall man by their fauours vnto them, whereby their facts might bee either quite smoothered, or lightly reprehended; neither in their opinions was any so gracious for desert or power, as was Vespasian, and therefore with one assent they pro­claimed him Emperour, and wrote his name in their Vespasian chosen Emperour by the Mesian Souldi­ers. Banners, thinking themselues as worthy to make an Emperour, as were the Legions either of Spaine, or Ger­many.

(6) Of the like minde were his owne Legions in Syria and Iurie, growne now so famous by the pro­secution of those warres, that they highly conceited [Page 211] his valour, and their owne sufficiencie to bee inferiour to none: And therefore all on the sudden at Caesarca, both Captaine and Souldier salute him Emperour; which By his owne. Ioseph. bell. Iud. lib. 5. cap. 10. title when he resolutely gainsaid and refused, with drawne swords they threatned his death. Thus then being brought into danger euery way, he sent his let­ters vnto Tiberius Alexander, Lieutenant of Aegypt, who likewise at Alexandria, presently proclaimed him Emperour.

(7) At this time Vectius Bolanus sent by Vitellius, Tacit. in vit. A­gric. fol. 187. was Lieutenant of Britaine, there ruling in a gentler and milder manner then was fit for so fierce a Nation: for the Souldiers hauing gotten head, by the remisse Gouernment of Trebellius Maximus, continued the same loosenesse in discipline still: and Bolanus in stead of awe and Obedience, retained onely their affections and good wils. But most especially the short Raignes of these last Emperours (whose beginnings were alto­gether imploied to satisfie their licentious pleasures, and latter times spent for the defense of their Liues from violent Deaths) gaue way to many imperfecti­ons of the Gouernors, and misdemeanours of the com­mon Souldiers.

(8) But when Vespasian had assumed the Empire, Petilius Cerealis Deputy in Bri­taine. great Captaines and good Souldiers were sent into the Prouinces, and into Britaine, Petilius Cerealis, that had formerly there made proofe of his seruice vnder Ne­ro, in the warres against Boduo, and afterwards in o­ther parts, as against the Gaules and Batauians, with prosperous victories. The fame of this man strooke Yorkeshire, Lancashire, Westmerland, and the Bishop. ricke of Durha [...]. great terrour into the hearts of the wauering Britains, and amongst them of the * Brigantes, the most popu­lous State of the whole Prouince: against whom at his first approch he warred, and in many battles, and some of them bloudy, the greatest part of these people were wasted, and their Countrey came into the Romish subiection.

(9) Whereby the glory of Cerealis might well haue dimmed the fame of his Successour, had not Iuli­us Frontinus a great Souldier also, sustained the charge Iulius Frontinus subdueth the Britaines. with reputation and credit, in subduing the strong and Warlike nation the South-Wales. Silures: where he had, beside the force of the enemie to struggle with, the straits, and difficult places of rockes and mountaines, for accesse.

(10) After whose gouernment (no further Acts being mentioned) Iulius Agricola, who in Rome had Iulius Agricola Lieutenant in Britaine. beene Questor, Tribune, and Pretor, and Lieutenant in Aquitania, was sent Generall into Britaine by Vespasian the Emperour, the yeere before his death. This man formerly had there serued vnder the command of Petilius Cerealis, whereby hee had gained experience both of the People and Prouince; and at his first ap­proch gathered the Ensignes of the Legions, and other aids of the Auxiliaries, (who for that yeere attended an end of their trauels, because the Summer was al­most spent) lest by protracting time, the violence of the Ordouices should further burst foorth, who a lit­tle before his entrance, had vtterly almost cut off a wing which lay on their Borders, the rest of the Countrey, as men desirous of Warre, allowing their example.

Against these Agricola addressed, who kept them­selues in places of aduantage, and durst not descend into indifferent ground. Hee therefore being him­selfe formost, lead vp his Armie to their encounter, and seconded with the courage of his trained Souldi­ers, put them all to sword and flight, whereby the Hee ouercōmeth the Ordouices. whole Nation was almost quite destroied.

(11) And now that his fame began to ascend, he knew well that with instance it must be followed, and as the first affaires had issue, the rest would succeede; he therefore deliberated to conquer the Iland Mona, from the possession whereof Paulinus Suetonius was reuoked, by the generall Rebellion vnder Boduo. But in a purpose not purposed before, and ships wanting, the policie of the Captaine deuised a passage; for hee commanded the most choice of the Aids, to whom the shallowes were well knowen (and without whom the Romans did almost attempt nothing) to put ouer at once, and suddenly to inuade them. These Bri­taines, after the vse of their Countrey manner, were most skilfull swimmers, and in swimming armed, able to gouerne themselues and horses. The Monaans thinking themselues secure, for that no Ships were seene in their Riuer, now thus suddenly surprized, as men amazed, firmly thought that nothing could bee inuincible to them, who came with such resolutions to Warre, and therefore they humbly desired Peace, and yeelded the Iland vnto Agricolaes deuotion. He winneth the Iland o [...] Mon [...].

(12) Who now in these prosperous proceedings of his fortunes, sought not with any glorious relations or letters of aduertisements, to improoue and aug­ment the greatnesse of his honour; but rather in see­king to suppresse his fame, made it shine more bright; and addressing himselfe for ciuill gouern­ment, reformed many abuses in his House, his Campe, and in the whole Prouince, and those especially that most touched the poorer sort, as by moderating the Agricola good to the poore. increase of Tribute and Corne, wherewith the Britains were daily burdened: by the suppressing of which enormities (and the like) an honourable opinion of him was euery where entertained, and a generall in­clination vnto Peace, which partly by the negligence, partly by the auarice of former Gouernours, had beene no lesse feared then Warre it selfe.

(13) And whereas the Britaines hitherto still har­ried with Oppressions and Warres, had little leisure or will to apply themselues to things which accompany Peace, and are the ornaments of Ciuil and settled Soci­eties, and therefore were prone vpon euery occasion to reuolt and stirre: to induce them by pleasures to quietnesse and rest, he exhorted them in priuate, and helpt them in publike, to build Temples, Houses, and Places of Assemblies, and common resort; and likewise prouided that the sonnes of their Nobles should be in­structed His good course in winning the people from wildnesse. in the liberall Arts and Sciences, commen­ding the industrie, and preferring the wits of the Bri­taines before the Students of France, as being now growen curious to attaine the Eloquence of the Ro­man The Britaines ciuili [...]ed. Gentrie, (yea euen the Gowne, the habit of peace and peaceable Arts) and to delight in gorgeous Buildings, Banquets, and Baths.

(14) And thus farre had Agricola proceeded be­fore the death of Vespasian, whose managing of the Imperiall dignitie was euery way answerable to so high a place, and whose death was as much lamented, as his Vertues did surmount his Predecessours. But as tou­ching Agricola cureth the blinde and the lame, and that miracu­lously. his miraculous cures of the Blind and the Lame, as they serue not either to bee vrged or inserted in this our present Historie; so yet may they conuince the in­durate Atheist, whose conscience is seared with the sinne of incredulitie of the Miracles wrought by our blessed Sauiour Iesus Christ. For if the wisest Historians Suet. in vit. Ve­spas. sect. 7. of those times haue beleeued themselues, and left Re­cords vpon their credit to following posterities, that by his touch onely hee cured a Lame-man, and with his Tacit. hist. 4. c. 35. spittle opened the eies of the Blinde, being a mortall­and sinfull man; shall it then bee doubted, that hee Agricol [...]es mira­cles conuince Atheists that d [...] ­ny our S [...]uiours miracles. which knew no sinne, neither receiued the gift by mea­sure, either in power could not, or in act did not worke such Miracles as were the witnesses of his God-head, and for such are recorded to confirme our faith? But to our purpose.

(15) When Vespasian had liued threescore and nine yeeres, seuen moneths, and seuen daies, and had Vespas [...] dieth peaceablie. Eus [...]b. Eccles. Hist. lib. 3. ca. 12. & 13. raigned ten yeeres, as Eusebius saith, he died peaceably in his Bed; which no Emperour since Augustus euer did, hauing beene a great Scourge and Instrument of God against the miserable Iewes; whose kingly race from Dauids line he sought by all meanes to extirpate, that A great scourge of God against the Iewes. so all their hopes and expectations might for euer be cut off.

(16) Hee was of a middle stature, well set, and strongly compact: his countenance not altogether His endow [...]nts of body. [...] in [...]it. V [...] ­ [...] [...]t. 23. H [...] ver [...]s. amiable, neither any waies deformed: a great fauou­rer of Learning, very Liberall, a Iust, Wise, and Most Vali­ant Prince.



Titus Emp. Agricola Lieut.

PResently vpon the death of this Emperour, Titus Ann. Do. 81. his eldest sonne, sirnamed Flauius Vespasian, without al contradiction was recei­ued and obeyed for his Titus made Em­perour without all contradicti­on. rightfull successor: aswell for that his Father in his life­time had made him his Partner in the Empire, and at his death by Testament declared him his Heire; as also for the generall opinion conceiued of him, for his inbred goodnes and noble conditions; called & esteemed the louely darling and delight of mankinde. In­deed Called the de­light of mankind. of a most comely presence he was, & fitted there­unto with all heroicall vertues, a great Souldier, lear­ned in the Arts, a good Oratour, a skilfull Musitian, Sueton in vit. Tit. Sect. 1. Fitted with all heroicall Ver­tues. His imployment in former times. and could by artificiall characters write both very fast and very faire.

(2) His youth he spent in Militarie qualities, and serued in Germanie and Britaine with exceeding com­mendations, and in Iurie warred with the like glorie, which is nothing impaired by the learned stile of his Recorder Iosephus, vnto whom againe for these af­faires I must referre the curious Reader.

(3) Ierusalem, with the slaughter of eleuen thou­sand Ioseph bell. Iud. lib. 6. & 7. He wonne Ieru­salem in the life­time of his fa­ther. Iewes, euen on the birth day of his daughter, with such honour he wonne, that thereupon present­ly he was saluted Emperour, euen in the life time of Vespasian his Father: and from that day carried him­selfe as his Associate in the Empire; for with him hee Triumphed, and with him he iointly administred the Censorship, his Colleague he was in the Tribunes autho­ritie; and his Companion also in seuen Consulships: In all which, though the Edicts went forth in his fathers name, yet were they penned by himselfe. Of this his victorie ouer the Iewes, hee left the remembrance to posteritie by stamping vpon the reuerse of his coines IVD. CAP. with pictures expressing his Tri­umph and the Iewes ouerthrow, which in the front of this Chapter we haue also placed.

(4) Somewhat he was blemished with the loue of His faults. Berenice, the beautifull Queene of Iewrie, and much more with the murther of Aulus Cinna, only through iealousie conceiued of her: and whether that was the sinne whereof at his death he repented, is vncertain, when lifting vp his eies to Heauen, hee complained His repentance at his death. why his Life should be taken from him, that except­ing one offence deserued not to die. As himselfe in glorie wielded the Emperiall Scepter, so did his Sub­stitutes gouerne the Prouinces; at which time in Britaine, Agricola was President, and therein had spent almost two yeares vnder the raigne of Vespasian, in such maner as wee haue declared.

(5) In his third yeare, he discouered new Coun­tries, and parts of this Iland, yet vntouched, or at least­wise not thoroughly subdued, as altogether vnsatiate Tacit. in vit. A­gric. Agricola enlar­geth the Empire. of that which was gotten, & sought to draw the con­fines of the Empire with a larger compasse: therefore marching Northward to the Frith of * Taus, wasted TVVEEDE, as is thought. all as he went, and without any resistance fortified the places with Castles and Bulwarkes, which hee stored with sufficient prouision; where euerie Garrison win­tring, garded it selfe, and with the Summers seruice, e­uer repaired the Winters euents, whereby euermore the Enemie went to the worse, and his designes pros­pered as himselfe wished.

(6) The fourth Summer was spent in perusing and ordering that which he had ouer-runne. And if the glory of the Romane name could haue permitted, or so beene satisfied, it needed not to haue sought o­ther limits of Britaine: for The frith of Dunbret [...]on. Glota and Edenb [...]rough frith. Bodotria, two armes of two opposite Seas, shooting farre into the Land, and onely diuided asunder by a narrow partiti­on of ground, the same was both garded and fortified with Castles and Garrisons: so that the Romanes were absolute Lords of all the South-side, and had cast the Enemie as it were into another Iland.

(7) In this state stood this Prouince of Britaine at the death of Titus, whose short raign hath left no long matters of discourse, and his Acts greater vnder other Emperours, then when he was Emperour himselfe; yet that little time wherein he gouerned, was with Iustice, Liberalitie and Loue of all. A great Enemie he was to Promoters, Pettifoggers, and Extortours of penall lawes, Titus gouerned with loue of all. which Cancker-wormes of Common-wealths, and Cater­pillers to Courts of Iustice, he caused to bee whipped and banished out of Rome. Louing and familiar hee was to all his Subiects, and so desirous to giue them satisfaction, that his vsuall saying was, No man ought to goe sad from the speech of a Prince. Mercifull he was to the poore, and so readie to do them good, that one day being spent by him without any notable action, in sorrow he said: I haue quite lost a day. He died the His propensiti [...] to do good. Euseb. li. 3. ca. 15. His age & raigne. thirteenth of September, the yeare from Christs Nati­uitie eightie three, when he had raigned two yeares and two moneths, and in the two and fortieth yeare of his age, beeing poisoned by Domitian his Brother [...]uagrius l. 3. c. 41. and Successour.



Domitian Emp. Agricol [...] Licut.

DOmitian attaining the Em­pire Ann. Do. 83. by the death of Titus, (wrought by himselfe) as farre differed from him in vertuous conditions, as he was linked neere him in consanguinitie of blood: His youth not spent in Sueton. in vit. Do­mit. sect. 1. Armes, with his Father and Brother, but inertiously consumed in lasciuiousnesse and penurie.

(2) At Rome hee was in the Vitellian troubles, where, with Sabinus his Vncle, he had beene murde­red, His escaping killing. had not the Sexton of the Capitoll hid him in his house, and in the habit of a Minister vnknowen, thence escaped: which place afterwards, when hee Tacit. hist. 3. c. 13. He dedicateth a Temple to Iupiter. came to be Emperour, he gorgeously built for a Tem­ple to Iupiter his supposed Preseruer, and consecrated himselfe in the lap of that heathenish Idoll. Hee very speedily apprehended the hope of an Empire, for no sooner was his Father made Emperour, but that hee as­sumed the name of Caesar, and in Rome caried himselfe with such prodigalitie, and so liberally made promi­ses of the Imperiall Offices, that his father hearing thereof, said, he maruelled why his sonne sent not one to succeed him in his place. But to dissemble and cloake his idle conceits, he gaue himselfe to the study of Po­esie, (although with little affection, as the end proo­ued) for which notwithstanding both Pliny and Mar­tial Plinie in his Pro­eme of naturall historie. Martial in his Epigram. Ro. Emp. fol. 134. Sueton. in vit. Do­mit. sect. 4. doe highly commend him, as it is the manner of men to admire the very shadow of a good quality in Princes and great ones: and so doth Iuuenal and Sue­tonius praise his braue minde, for his shewes in the Amphitheater, wherein not only men, but women al­so were brought, and forced to fight for their liues with wilde beasts: a cruell spectacle neuerthelesse, and vnbeseeming to humanity.

(3) His first entrance into state and dignitie was neither greatly applauded nor gainsaid, hee seeming to carrie an equall mixture, and his vertues to hold le­uell with his vice. But Ambition now supported with Soueraignty, did quickly set the scale onely for the worse side. The affaires of the Empire hee altogether neglected; and impatient of labour, or affection to Armes, daily retired into a priuate chamber or Gal­lery, wherein hee vsually applied himselfe onely to His vaine mis­spending the time. catch Flies, and with the point of a bodkin to pricke them thorow: whereupon one being asked what company was with the Emperour, replied, Not so much as a flie. In which princely exercise let vs a while leaue him, and returne to his better emploied Lieutenant Agricola.

(4) Who now in the fifth yeere of his gouern­ment Tacit. in vit. Agric. tooke the seas, and with many prosperous con­flicts subdued some adiacent places and people, be­fore that time vnknowen, and furnished with forces those parts of Britaine, which lay coasted against Ire­land: to which Countrey also hee had a minde, and Agricola his opi­nion of Ireland. would often say, that if the Romans were therin plan­ted, the Libertie of the Britaines would soone be bani­shed quite out of sight, and out of hope.

(5) Now in the sixth yeere of his Prefecture, be­cause a general rising of al the farther Nations beyond Bodotria was feared, and passages were all beset with power of the Enemies, he manned a Fleet to search the creekes and harboroughs of the ample Region beyond it, and with his Armie marched further He searcheth the creekes and har­boroughs. North. The Britaines heereat, especially at sight of their ships, much amazed and troubled, knowing now that the secrets of their Seas were all discouered, and no refuge left if they were ouercome, armed themselues with great preparation; and the Caledoni­ans (a most puissant and strong Nation in those parts) Caledonians most puissant. the formost; who, as challengers, braued the Romans so boldly, and in such manner, that some counselled the Generall to retire his forces on this side Bodotria, and rather of his owne accord to depart, then to bee repelled with shame.

(6) Agricola, whose courage could not be clou­ded with any dastardly feare, held on his intents; and hearing by prisoners taken, the manner of his Ene­mies proceedings, ordereth his host accordingly, di­uiding his armie into three battles, and so lay entren­ched; the weakest whereof, containing the Ninth Le­gion, the Britaines by Night assailed, and hauing slaine the Watch, brake into their Campe with a furious noise: to whose rescue, Agricola sent his Light horse­men, and a Band of foot, whose Ensignes and Armour glittering in the appearance of day, so rebated the edge and further purposes of the Britaines, that they gaue backe to the gates of the Trench, where, in the straits the conflict was sharpe and cruell, till in the end they were forced to quit the field. Vpon this battle so manfully fought, and so famously won, the Romans presuming that to their prowesse all things were now easie and open, cried to lead into Caledonia, and to finde out the limits of Britaine, with a course of Agricola search­eth out the li­mits of Britaine. continued Conquests: and those which erewhile were so wary and wise, waxt forward and bold after the euent, and grew to speake bigly▪ such being the hard condition of Warres, that if ought fall out well, all challenge a part, misfortunes are onely imputed to one. Contrariwise, the Britaines presupposing that not valour, but skill in the Generall by vsing the occa­sion, had carried it away, abated no whit their won­ted courage, but armed their youth, transported their Children and Wiues into places of safety, and sought by Assemblies & Religious rites to establish an Associ­ation of the Cities together. And so for that yeere both parties did depart, incensed to further preparations.

(7) In the beginning of the next, Agricola sen­ding his Nauie before, which by vnexpected spoiling [Page 214] in seuerall places, should induce a greater and more vncertain terrour, followed himselfe with his Armie by Land: hauing drawne to his partie some of the va­liantest Britaines, whom by long experience in Peace, he had found most faithfull for his Warres: and so arriued at the Mount Grantzbaine. Grampius, where the Britaines had lodged themselues before, and as men nothing deiected by the vnfortunate chance of the former battaile, had now prepared themselues attending on­ly for Reuenge or Seruitude. And being taught, that common danger must be repelled with mutuall Con­cord, by Leagues and Embassages they assembled the The Britaines ga­ther a great power. power of all their Cities together, aboue thirtie thousand armed men, as by view was taken, besides an endlesse number of youth which daily flocked vn­to them, and many lustie Old men renowmed in the former warres, and bearing the Badges due to their honour; at what time, Galgacus, for vertue and birth, of all the Leaders the Principall man, seeing the mul­titude Galgacus their Generall. hotly demaund the Battell, is said to haue vsed this, or the like speech.

‘(8) When I behold this present Assemblie, and consider the cause of this instant necessitie, I haue His Oration to the Britaines. Tacit. in vit. Agric. reason to presume, that this day, and this our agree­ment in consent, will giue a happie beginning to our freedome, and an end of troubles vnto our I­land. The cause of a flourishing e­state. The necessitie of resolution. For, wee which inhabite these furthest Pro­montories, know no Land beyond vs whereunto wee may flie, nor no Seas left vs now for safetie, the Romane Nauie thus (as you see) surueying our Coasts: So that combat and armes, which men of valour desire for honour, the very dastard of force must now vse for his securitie. Wee that are the A dishonour for the cheife of a Nation to be dastards. flower of the British Nobilitie, and are seated here in the vttermost part of the Ile, saw neuer yet the borders of those Countries which serued in slaue­rie, our eies being vnpolluted and free from all con­tagion of Tyrannie. Our former Battailes fought with the Romanes had their euents, yet so, that re­fuge Former battailes not vnfortunate. and hope rested still in our hands; wee haue hitherto liued in libertie, whereas none beside vs are free; vs hitherto this Corner and secret recesse hath defended, now the Vttermost point of our Land is laid open: and things the lesse they haue beene within knowledge, the greater the glorie is to atchieue them. But what Nation is there now beyond vs? what else see we but Water and Rocks, and the Romanes within, Land-lords of all, nay ra­ther Robbers of all, both in Land and Sea? whose Subiection will not auaile. intollerable pride by humble subiection in vaine shall wee seeke to auoid. If the Country bee rich, they seeke to winne wealth; if poore, to gaine glo­rie: but neither East nor west, can satisfie their gree­die affection, much lesse this cold North can set an end to their desires. To kill, to spoile, and take a­way The Romans go­uernement and peace. by force, that falsely they terme Empire and Gouernement: and when all is made a waste wilder­nesse, that they call Peace. Most deare vnto man are his Children and blood; but those are pressed for their warres, and serue as their slaues, we know not where; our Goods are their tributes, our Corne their prouision; our Wiues, Sisters and Daughters, in Warre violently forced, in Peace vnder title of friends and guests, shamefully abused, and our own Bodies worne & consumed in pauing of Bogs and other seruile drudgeries, with thousands of stripes, and many indignities more. Slaues which are borne to bondage are sold but once, and after are fed at their Owners expences; but Britanie dai­ly buyeth, daily feedeth, and is at charges with her owne Bondage. We are the last to be conquered, The last to bee conquered ought most to resist. and therefore is our destruction most sought, as be­ing the most vile in account: No Fields we haue to manure, no Mines to be digged, no Ports to trade in, and to what purpose then should they reserue vs aliue? Besides, the Manhood and fierce cou­rage of the subiect, pleaseth not much the iealous Manhood and fitnesse of place more suspected of a iealous So­ueraigne. Soueraigne: and this Corner being so secret, and out of the way, the more securitie it yeeldeth vs, in them it workes the greater suspition. Then, seeing all hope of sauour is past, let vs take courage to de­fend and maintaine our owne safetie as well as our honour. The Icenians led by a Woman, fired the Colonie, forced the Castles; and if that luckie be­ginning had not beene ended in a carelesse security, the Southerne Britaines might with ease haue shaken Womens valour ought to shame mens coward. [...]. off the yoake. We as yet neuer touched, neuer sub­dued and borne to bee free, not slaues to the Ro­mans; wee (I say) now are to make proofe of our This time the fit­test to prooue our valour. valour, and to shew in this encounter, what men Caledonia hath reserued for her selfe. And do you thinke, that the Romanes are as valiant in Warre as they are wanton in Peace? I assure you, nothing The Romanes wanton in peace. lesse: for not by their Vertues, but by our Iarrings, they are growne into fame: and of the enemies faults they make vse to the glory of their owne Ar­mie, composed (we know) most of diuers Nations; and therefore as in prosperitie they hold not al­alwaies Their Armie composed of diuers nations. together, so doubtlesse, if fortune turne a­side, their seruices will appeare: vnlesse you sup­pose the Gauls and Germanes, and (to our shame be it spoken) many of our owne Nation, (which now lend their liues to establish a forraine Vsurper) bee lead with hearts affection; whereas contrariwise it is apparant, that Terrour and Distrust, (weake work­ers to conserue loue) are the onely cause; which once remoued, then those that haue made an end to feare, will soone begin to hate. All things that may incite vnto victorie are for vs: the Romanes haue no Wiues to harten them on, if they faint; no Parents to vpbraid them, if they flie; most of them They are desti­tute of many en­couragements. haue no Countrie at all, or if they haue, it is by in­trusion taken from others: A few fearefull persons stand here before vs, trembling and gazing at the strangenesse of the heauen it selfe, at the Sea, and at the Woods, whom the Gods haue deliuered, mew­ed vp and fettered into our hands. Let not their braue shewes of glistering Gold or Siluer, any way dismay you, which of themselues neither offend nor defend. And be you well assured, amongst our enemies wee shall finde many on our side; The Britaines will agnize their owne Cause; The Gauls will remember their wonted libertie and former e­state; And the rest of the Germanes will leaue and forsake them, as of late the Vsipians did. What then shall we feare? The Castles are emptie; the Colonies peopled with aged and impotent persons; the free Cities discontent, and in factions, whilest those Many Cities in factions. which are vnder, obey with ill will, and they which doe gouerne, rule against right. Here you see be­fore vs is the Generall and the Armie, on each side Tributes, Seruitudes and other miseries insepara­ble; which whether we shall continue for euer, or cast off subiection as free-borne Britaines, it lyeth this day in this Field and your approued manhoods Wherefore I beseech you in ioyning Battell, beare in your Minds your worthy Ancestors, your Selues, and following Posterities, which if you faile, shall for euer liue in subiection and slauerie.’

(9) This speech was so vehemently deliuered, and so cheerefully of them all receiued, that with songs and confused acclamations (after their accustomed fashion) they clustered together on heaps, and some of the boldest aduanced forward, whilest Agricola like­wise was incouraging his men, who straightwaies ranne to their weapons, and rushed on furiously to­ward the Enemie.

(10) The Britaines were marshelled in the high­er ground, fitly both to the shew, and to terrifie: the first Battalion standing on the plaine, the rest on the ascent of the hill, knit and rising as it were one ouer another; the middle of the field was filled with clat­tering and running of Chariots and horsemen. Agrico­cola seeing their number to exceede his, drew his bat­taile The number of Britaines exceed the Romanes. in length, and leauing his horse, aduanced him­selfe before the Ensignes on foote.

(11) In the first assault before the ioyning, both sides encountred with discharge of their darts, wherin The first encoun­ter. [Page 215] the Britaines, employing both art and valour, with their great swords and little Targets, auoided the vo­lue of the Romans, showring down withall great store of theirs vpon them, wherewith they were both gal­led and sore wounded. Agricola seeing his men thus stoutly resisted, tooke another course: for, spying the aduantage, he commanded three Hollanders. Batauian Coherts, and two of the Liege in the Low Countries. Tungrians, to presse forward, and bring the matter to handy strokes and dint of sword, a thing which (in respect of their long seruice) they were very expert in; but contrariwise to the Britaines very preiudiciall, by reason of their little Bucklers, and huge swords, being blunt pointed, and no waies fit for the close in fight. This command aduantaged the Romans much; for these with the pikes of their Bucklers, when they came to deale blowes; so man­gled the faces of the Britaines, that they were not able to stand before them; and the rest, gathering courage vpon emulation of these, ascended the hill, bearing downe all that was in their way, so that many halfe dead, and some wholly vntouched, were ouer-passed, and left for haste of winning the field. In the meane while the Chariots mingled themselues with the bat­tle The Britaines Chariots disor­der the horse­men. of footmen, and the troopes of horsemen began for to flie: who albeit they had lately terrified others, were now distressed themselues, by the vneuennesse of the ground, and thicke rankes of the enemy, and were forced to fight standing still, and by the maine weight of horses to beare downe one another. The wandring Wagons also, and masterlesse horses, as chance or feare did guide them, ouer-bare many times their friends, and thwarted their way that met them.

(12) The other Britaines that kept the hill, and had leisure to behold the manner of fight, beganne to come downe by little and little, and sought to com­passe the backe of the enemie; which intent Agricola soone preuented, by sending foure wings of Horsmen, retained purposely about him for sudden dispatches and chances of warre. These so fiercely assailed them, The fight fierce on both sides. that a most sharpe and bloody battle ensued, wherein the Britaines on each side were beaten downe and slaine, notwithstanding many of them shewed both valour and reuenge euen to the end: the rest disban­ded, turned their backes, and fled towards the desert; whose pursuit was followed vntill Night, and fulnesse The Britaines discomfited. of blood made an end of the chase.

(13) Of the Romans side were slaine (if wee must credit their owne friends) onely three hundred and fortie persons, and of them, one of extraordinary note The Romans losse. and account, Aulus Articus per­chance. Articus, Captaine of a Cohort, who vpon a youthfull heat, and fiercenesse of his horse, was carried amidst his enemies. Of the Britains fell ten thousand, and their designes so defeated and The Britaines that died. broken, that as desperate men, they forsake their hou­ses, and in despight set fire on them themselues: the hurt persons they carrie and draw with them, and call them that are vnhurt, hoping to be releeued by them. One while they chuse out holes to lurke in, for their liues safetie; eftsoones in great haste forsake them, as doubting therein their owne securitie. Dispersed a­sunder, they lament, and attend death: assembled to­gether, expostulate of their meanes and life: one while conceiuing a glimmering of some small hope, another while deiected with vtter despaire: Some­times at the sight of their dearest beloued, mooued to pitie; but much oftner stirred to rage, for reuenge; and many of them, euen by way of compassion; slew their dearest Wiues and Children, to rid them from their future miseries.

(14) Agricola hauing made euery where a desola­tion and silence, withdrew his Armie towards the Anguse in Scot­land. Horrestians, where taking hostages for their fidelitie, sent the Admirall of his Nauy to saile about the North Cóasts of Britaine, who with strength and store tooke Agricola sendeth to discouer the North coasts. the Seas, their terrour gone already before, himselfe with easie and gentle iournies disposed his foot and horsemen in their Wintring places, and planted Gar­risons vpon the Borders betweene Glota and Bodo­tria. And his Nauie with prosperous winde and suc­cesse arriued at the Port [...]. Trutulensis.

(15) Thus, after many conflicts, about the space of one hundred thirty six yeeres from Iulius Caesars Histor. m [...]gn. Brit. Lib. 2. cap. 17. first entrance, the vtmost limits of Britannie, and the Iles of the Orcades lying on the North side of it, were by the valour and industrie of Iulius Agricola first dis­couered, Britanny w [...]olly discouered by Agricola. and made knowen vnto the Romans: and the South part of the Ile, in the fourth yeere of the raigne of Domitian, (being the yeere of our Sauiour eightie Ann. Dom. 86. six) reduced into a full Prouince, the gouernment whereof was euer annexed and appropriate to the Dio lib. 55. Roman Emperours themselues, and not at the disposi­tion of the Senate, as other Prouinces were.

(16) This state of affaires in Britannie, Agricola Agricola writeth to Domitian. signified by letter, without any amplifying termes to Domitian the Emperour, who (after his manner) with a cheerefull countenance and greeued heart, receiued the Newes; being inwardly pricked with feare and dis­daine, that his late counterfet Triumph of Germanie (wherein certaine slaues bought for money, were at­tired, and their haire dressed as Captiues of that Coun­trey) was had in derision, and iustly skorned abroad; whereas now a true and imperiall victorie of so many thousand enemies subdued and slaine, was currant and famous in euery mans mouth: as being indeed a thing dangerous, that a priuate mans name should be exalted aboue his Prince. In vaine then had hee sup­pressed the studie of Oratorie, and other worthy poli­ticke Arts, thereby to keepe downe other mens re­putation, if he should in Military glory be disseised by another. And to be a good Commander of an Army, was to be aboue priuate estate, that being a Vertue peculiar for a Prince, and therefore not lightly to be passed ouer. With these and the like incentiues his minde was tormented; yet thought he it best to dis­semble his malice; vntill the heat of his glory, and loue of his souldiers were somewhat abated. And foorthwith he commanded for Agricola, Triumphall Agricola recei­ueth Triumphall ornaments. ornaments, statue, honours, and what else vsually conferred in lieu of Triumph; hee yet remaining in charge, from whence, with the like policie also, hee was shortly displaced. For Syria, by the death of Ati­lius Rufus, lay destitute of a Lieutenant; and that place reserued for Men of great qualitie, Domitian gaue foorth was purposed for Agricola, and sent him both his Patent and Successor into Britaine; who thereupon deliuered vp the Prouince in a peaceable estate vnto Salustius Lucullus, and returned to Rome.

(17) Where the life of Domitian was now grown vnmeasurable vaine. The surname Germanicus he as­sumed to himselfe, for some small seruice therein Suetoni [...] in vita Domitiani. Domitian his vice [...]. done. The Moneths September and October he chan­ged into the names of Germanicus and Domitianus, be­cause that in the one hee entred his Empire, and in the other was borne. He caused his Statue to be made in gold, and commanded, himselfe to be called GOD. His cruelty euery way matchable to his pride. The Senatours and Nobles vpon small surmises hee murde­red: many new tortures hee inuented: Confiscations and Banishments, were fauours, not punishments. A­mongst all which, the Christians bare a part, whose Second Persecution this Tyrant raised and began. The great Euangelist Iohn hee banished into the Ile of Pat­mos, Hee banished S. I [...]su. Euseb. Eccl. hist. lib. 3. cap. 15. Apocal. 1. 9. Daniel 10. where hee receiued his Reuelations from Iesus Christ, appearing vnto him in no lesse Maiestie then Daniel before time had seene him in his Visions, and both (after a sort) in one and the same manner: their Visions alike, and almost to the like end: For as Daniel saw a Lion, Beare, Leopard, and Monster with Ten horns, persecute the Iewes Gods people, and to fall before the Stone cut without hands, which brake into powder the Image of their Tyrannicall Gouernment, to giue place to the peaceable Birth and Kingdome of Christ; so Iohn saw one Beast compacted of these foure, mou­thed Apocal. 13. 2. like a Lion, footed like a Beare, spotted as the Leopard, and horned for number and power with the Monster, retaining their Tyrannie in raising Persecuti­ons in the Church of Christ, and clouding with Idolatry [Page 216] the brightnesse of his Word: which shall bee cast into the Lake of fire and brimstone, when Christ shall binde vp Satan, and by his appearance abolish the 2. Thess. 2. 8. Man of Sinne.

(18) Among many others slaine by Domitian, Sa­lustius Lucullus whom he had made Lieutenant Gene­rall Salustius Lucullus put to death. Sueton. in vit. Do­mit. sect. 10. His offence. of Britanie was one, and the onely cause is repor­ted to bee, that hee had deuised and made certaine Speares or Launces for seruice, which hee caused to be called Lucullians after his owne name; which was a matter held very suspitious by Domitian, who thought euerie memorable act done by another, did plucke a feather from his plume. And in these cour­ses continued so long, that lastly hee grew odious to all, euen to his nearest friends and followers which himselfe had raised, who, together with his Wife, con­spired his death.

(19) The chiefest in the Action was Stephen, a Procurator and Steward to Domicilla his Empresse, who faining himselfe lame of the left arme, in deliue­ring him a scroll containing the names of the con­spirators, The actors of his death, and the [...] treache [...]e stroke him into the bellie with his sword, & the rest comming in, with seuen wounds made an end of his life; whose death was so acceptable to the Se­nate, that they disgracefully abused his carcase, cast The Senate glad. downe his scutcheons and Images, and forbad all ma­ner remembrance of him; albeit some of the Souldi­ers The Souldiers en­raged. asmuch stormed, seeking to reuenge his death, and canonized him for a God.

(20) Of stature he was tall, his complexion faire, His personage. his countenance modest, his head verie bald, his eies red, full, great and dimme, of a comely forme, onely his bellie bearing out, his legges small, and his foote somewhat short. He died the eighteenth day of Sep­tember, His death, age & raigne. Euseb. Eccles. li. 3. cap. [...]8. aged forty fiue, when hee had raigned fifteene yeeres, the yeare of our Lords incarnation ninetie eight, with whom both Tacitus and Suetonius end their Historie.


The Resisters of the Romans proceedings in this our Iland of Britaine, in the daies of this Emperour Domitian, for these Southerne parts, was Aruiragus, as from Iuuenal wee haue said; and in the Northerne Caledonia, was Galgacus their Captaine; whose Coines, as Remaines and Monuments of their neuer­dying fame, wee haue heere againe inserted.




Nerua Emp.

HItherto haue wee pursued Ann. Do. 98. the successions in the Bri­tish monarchie, together with the Inuasions, at­tempts, and successe of af­faires, for the Conquest of this Iland, vnder the first twelue Emperours of Rome: And that from such wri­ters, who though they were the most fauourable Registers of things done by the Romanes, yet had they best meanes to know, and publish their Histories with warrantize of truth. But after the death of Domitian died many Records, and Domitian beeing dead, soone after many Records were lost. the Prouinces proceedings (especially those that most concerne Britaine) left vncertaine; and therefore are neither with the like largenesse prosecuted, nor with the like authoritie auouched. And were it not that these Romane Emperours succeeding, did onely conti­nue the succession of our British Monarchs, many of them might be quite omitted, as neither themselues, nor deputies, allies, or enemies once spoken of con­cerning our affaires, and the Gouernement of this Pro­uince, during those times so maimed and defectiue (in respect of any warrantable relations) that hardly a method can bee obserued to the fitting of a conti­nuall Historie. Yet as we finde it, let vs haue libertie Hist. magn. [...]. lib. 3. cap. 1. to deliuer it, and rather to expose Truth in the meane attire that Time hath left her, then by disguising her Plutarch in the life of Pericles. in richer roabes to abuse the World, and make her seeme nought else but a counterfeit, as Plutarch in the life of Pericles hath complained.

[Page 217] (2) Domitian therefore thus made away, Cocceius Cocceius Nerua aged & prudent. Nerua, a prudent, honourable, and aged person was elected Emperour by the Senate, assisted by Petronius Secundus, Captaine of the Praetorian Armie, and Par­thenius chiefe Chamberlaine, and one of the Murthe­rers of Domitian. His birth was noble, and of Italy in the Citie Narnia, and of the Prouince Vmbria: ru­ling so well as he may be esteemed too good a Prince, long to continue in so bad an age.

(3) What Lieutenants vnder him were in Britain Gau [...]r. Monmou­thensis. o [...] vnder his Successor Traian, I find not in Record: but our English Writers from the Arch-Deacon of Monmouth, bring a succession of British Kings, and a­mongst them Marius, who conquered Rodorick, King Flores Historiar. W. l. of Malm. a­scribeth this me­morial to be ere­cted for Marius a Consul of Rome. Polycbr. lib. 4. c. 12 of the Picts accompanied with the Scots, whose Tro­phie erected neere vnto Carleill, remained a long time after, bearing the inscription of his victorie: and after him his sonne Coilus brought vp in Rome all the time of his youth, retained their fauours, and paid them tribute without constraint. Albeit by Iuuenal, it see­meth that Aruiragus the father of Marius, a great re­sister Aruiragus the fa­ther of Marius. Chap. 6. sect. 12. of the Romanes, liued in the raigne of Domitian, as hath beene touched, vnlesse you will say, that Meurigus and Aruiragus was the same Marius, as a worthy Antiquarie affirmeth. But through these vncertaineties and disagreements occasioned by the silence of better Authors, our Histories rest doubt­full, and so must wee leaue them, returning to finish Humfrey Lhuyd in the Breu [...]ary of Brit. vp briefly the Raigne and Life of this good Emperour Nerua.

(4) Who hauing reformed many enormities, and Also in an old Manuscript is called We [...]met. cap. 43. Cocceius Nerua recalled from banishment the Christians. Dion Cass. lib. 68. Iohn the Euange­list returned from Pathmos. Euseb. lib. 3. c. 1. 18. Eutropius. remitted many greeuous Tributes and exactions, as that of Carriages mentioned on the reuerse of the prefixed Coine, minted by authoritie of the Senate, in eternall memorie of his goodnes; recalled from ba­nishment the Christians seuerally dispersed, and suffred them to enioy the freedome of their profession. At which time Iohn the Euangelist returned from Path­mos, (wherein he had beene confined) vnto Ephesus, a Citie in [...]sia the lesse. And Nerua raigning only one yeare, foure mone [...]s and nine daies died (of a passi­onate anger conceiued against a Senator) in the yeare Dion Cassius. of Christ his incarnation ninetie nine, the twentie se­uenth day of Ianuary, & seuentie sixth of his own age.



Traian Emp.

VNto Nerua succeeded Vul­pius Traian in the Roman Empire; borne neere vnto Seuill in the Territories of Spaine: of a noble familie, Ann. Do. 99. but was much more en­nobled in himselfe for his princely endowments, which moued Nerua in his life time to adopt him into Se [...]tus Aurelius. so high a calling, and the whole Senate after his death ioifullie to confirme his Election, and so often to ho­nour him with the title of the Most Excellent Prince, in publike dedications, as on the Coine aboue. Traian raised the Romans to the highest glory.

(2) Hee raised the Romane Empire vnto the very highest pitch of glory, and spread the power of their Command into the largest circuit that euer before or since hath beene possessed. For the Kingdome of Da­cia hee subdued; Armenia, Parthia, and Mesopotamia Dio. Cass. lib. 68. made subiect; Assyria, Persia, and Babylon conquered; passed Tigris, and stretched the confines of the Roman Empire vnto the remotest dominions of the Indies, which neuer before that time had heard of the Roman Indians neuer heard of the Ro­mans till Traians time. Name. And indeed, if wee looke vpon his politicke managing of the gouernment, he may seeme (in com­parison of others) a right worthy, memorable and Traians affability and moderation towards his sub­iects. Eutropius. louely Prince, of much affabilitie, and familiaritie euen with his inferiours, and of such cariage towards his Subiects, as he himselfe would wish his Prince (he said) to vse towards him, if he were a Subiect. A great ob­seruer also of Iustice, insomuch that when he inuested any Pretor, in giuing him the Sword, he commanded him to vse the same euen against his owne person, if he violated Law or Equitie. But yet against the good Christians he vsed neither of both: nay hee stirred vp their Third Persecution, wherein Ignatius and many The third perse­cution of the Christians. Euseb. Eccl. hist. lib. 3. cap. 30. other worthy Saints of God, receiued the Crowne of Martyrdome, in such cruell manner, as that his other vertues are much clouded by that taxation: for mol­lification whereof, he was compassionately intreated by Plinius Secundus his Tutor; whose Epistles to that purpose are yet extant.

(3) The Iewes in his time rose vp in armes against the Gentiles, and in Cyrene, Aegypt, and Cyprus, slew Iewes made [...]at against the Gentiles. a great number: against whom Traian sent his Cap­taines with forces sufficient, and in diuers parts of the Empire put the Iewes to death, in such infinite num­bers, as that Massacre is accounted the greatest Exe­cution Traian his slaughter vpon the Iewes the greatest th [...] euer was. that euer had beene in the world, God suffring this their punishment to light vpon them for their in­fidelitie and obstinacie against his Christ.

(4) Finally, after his Conquests in the East, retur­ning towards Rome, at Seleucia in Asia the lesse himselfe Dion Cassius. Polycbr. lib. 4. cap. 13. was conquered by the stroke of death, by a fluxe the seuenth day of August, after he had raigned nineteene yeeres, six moneths, and fifteene daies, the yeere of our Redemption one hundred and eighteene, and of his age sixtie foure: whose ashes brought to Rome, were inclosed within the Crowne of a goodly Pillar, wrought of one intire stone, containing one hundred forty foot in height.

(5) Of stature he was bigge, of complexion swar­thie, thinne of haire both head and beard, a hooked Traians portrai­ture. nose, brode shoulders, long hands, and a pleasant eie; whose liuely Image was borne in Triumph after his death, and that in most glorious and pompous man­ner, in celebration of his great renowne and fame at­tained in his life.

[Page 218] (6) How silent soeuer writers haue beene for this Emperours affaires in this our Iland, yet it is to be thought that vnto this, as wel as vnto other Prouinces, both Propretors, Lieutenants, Presidents, Pretors, and Proconsuls were sent, and euery Citie to haue their mu­nicipall Magistrates. The Pretor that yearely proclai­med solemne Sessions, wherin himself sate aloft vpon Ro [...]erdus in Pro­tribunal. a high tribunall seate, and guarded with his lictors a­bout him in great estate, did execute his authoritie throughout his owne iurisdiction, and determined all causes brought before him, where rods and axes were prepared for the common people, that were en­forced to receiue a new Ruler euerie yeare. And sure­ly as this yoke of bondage was grieuously borne of euery Prouince, vpon whose necke, it was imposed & laid: So the Britaines vnderwent the weight of that subiection with such vnwillingnes, that in the time of this Traian, they reuolted and rebelled, though pre­sently suppressed, as it is euident out of Spartianus.

(7) The care that this good Emperour had for the weale of his Subiects is proiected by his prouidence in making waies passageable from place to place, whereof remaine many testimonies by those his Cau­seies drawne with wonderfull diligence, euen thorow the whole Iland, which now, though dismembred and cut in peeces by the Countrie people, where­thorow they passed, yet doe many remnants thereof remaine, especially in pastures, or by-grounds out of the rode way, with bankes so high, that euidently they shew themselues. Of these Causeies Gallen writeth as followeth: The waies (saith he) Traian repaired, by pauing with stone, or raising with bankes cast vp such peeces Galen lib. 9. cap. 8▪ Met [...]. of them as were moist and miry: by stocking vp and rid­ding such as were rough and ouergrowne with bushes and briers: by making bridges ouer Riuers that could not bee waded thorow: where the way seemed longer then needed, by cutting out another shorter: if any where by reason of some steepe hill, the passage were hard and vneasie, by tur­ning it aside thorow easier places: now in case it was haun­ted with wilde beasts; or lie waste and desert, by drawing it thence thorow places inhabited, and withall laying leuell all vneuen and rugged grounds.

Along these Causeies the Emperour caused to bee set little pillars or Columnes, with numerall Characters cut in thē, to signifie how many miles was from place to place. Of these Sidonius Apollinaris writeth thus:

Antiquus tibi nec teratur agger;
Cuius per spatium satis vetustis
Nomen Caesareum viret columnis.

Breake not the ancient Causeies strong,
Whereon the Columnes stand along,
Nor names of Caesars doe not wrong.



Hadrian Emp. Cneus Trebel. Lieut.

AFter the decease of Tra­iane, his Nephew Aelius An. Do. 119. Hadrianus, by the consent of the Armie, who swore to him obedience, was proclaimed Emperour, the Polych. lib. 4. c. 14. Senate likewise confirming their choice, as beeing a man indued with gifts both of Art and Nature, answerable to the fortunes of his Estate.

His birth was of Spaine, in the Citie Italica, neere vnto Cicill, where Traian was born, his Father Noble, and his Mother in Cales descended of an honourable stocke.

(2) A great Mathematician he was, skilfull in A­rithmeticke, Geometrie, Astronomie, and Iudicious Astro­logie; learned in the Greeke, and Latine Tongues; in which languages he wrote both Poesie and Prose: well seene in Physicke, and knew the Vertues of Hearbes, Rootes, and Stones: A singular Musitian both for Theorie and Practise; and could both limme & carue with approbation of the skilfull: but aboue all, is Spartian [...]. Hadrianu [...] of an admirable me­morie. the admirable report of his Memorie, who neuer for­got any thing that he either read or heard.

(3) His first businesse for the Empire, was rather a care to hold securely what was gotten, then by Hadri [...] policy. enlarging the bounds to endanger the Best: and there­fore lessening the Compasse, and bettering the strength, he planted his forces along the Riuer Eu­phrates, and assigned that for the Easterne limits, lea­uing out India, Armenia, Media, Assyria, Persia, and Mesopotamia, as Countries too remote for the Romans to hold to their profit. By which his doings other Prouinces tooke occasion to reuolt, thirsting after Li­bertie, Britaines attempt alteration. and among others the Britaines (as euer most impatient of Seruitude) attempted alterations, whose Lieutenant Cneus Tribellius (Successour to Iulius Agri­cola) could not so gouerne his Souldiers which were Ho [...]ingshed lib. 4. cap. 20. Cneus Trebellius Lieutenant of the Britaines. growne out of discipline, and by long rest farre out of Order, but that they fell at variance among them­selues, and disquieted the most peaceable of the Bri­taines by their licentious maners.

(4) The Northerne Inhabitants, that were more at libertie, and imboldened by their Bogs and Rocks vnaccessable, set themselues to withstand their wrōgs, to whom also many others ioined their affections and forces, whereupon some bickering insued with losse and blood; to represse which Iulius Seuerus was Iulius Se [...] sent to suppresse the Commoti­ons of the Bri­taines. sent by Hadrian: but ere hee could settle the Com­motion, was againe recalled and imploied in Syria, to suppresse the Iewish rebellion.

(5) These stirres here still continuing, the Empe­rour tooke it to be of such importance, that he resol­ued Hadrian hims [...] came into Bri­taine to suppresse rebellion. in Person to addresse for Britannie, which he per­formed in his third Consulship, the yeare of Christ [Page 219] One hundred twentie foure, attended on by three Legions: of which, his Army for this exploit was then composed, as appeareth by his money in the en­trance of his life, fixed in memorie of this vnderta­king: With these hee encountred the Northerne Riders; recouered such holds as they had taken, and forced them into the Woodes and Mountaines, whither the Romane Horsemen without danger could not pursue them. But perceiuing the Aire too sharpe for the Romanes constitution, and the Soile rough and of lesse profit then the rest, hee made a Fortification or strong Wall of Earth, which (as Lam­pridius Adrians wall. A [...]li. Lamprid us. saith) did continue on the West from Ituna, (that is, the Riuer Eden in Cumberland neere Car­leil) vnto the Riuer Tina, or Tine at Newcastle in Northumberland in the East, and was no lesse then Eightie miles in length. This Wall (saith he) was made of stakes driuen deepe into the ground, and bound together in the maner of an hedge, and with Turfe and Earth intermured as a Rampire or Bulwarke to defend the Incursions of the wilder Britaines and ill Neighbours that daily molested the peace of the Ro­manes. Hadrian his worke finished, and the Prouince re­duced to the obedience of the fatal Gouernesse Rome, at whose feet he had laid againe the name of Britaine, as appeareth in the first Reuerse of his Coine, placed in the fronture of this Chapter) triumphantly returned to Rome, and for his honourable aduenture and Ex­pedition had his name inscribed vpon his Coine with this addition: THE RESTORER OF BRI­TANNIE. Adrians Coines.

(6) Neither after this seemed the Southerne Bri­taines greatly to contend, but patiently bore the yoke of subiection, which Time and Custome had made lesse painfull, the rather, for that they saw themselues to stand in neede of the Romanes helpe against the in­roades of their owne Countrimen, whose crueltie was now as much feared, as in former times the Inuasion of Strangers: whereupon they conformed themselues more willingly to the Romane Lawes, both in Marti­all and Ciuill affaires: which were then principallie directed by Licinius Priscus, who had beene not long Licinius Priscus Lieutenant of Britaine. Hist. magn. Brit. lib. 3. cap. 1. before imploied by Hadrian in the seruice of Iewrie, and was at this present Lieutenant of Britannie.

(7) This Iewish warre happened in the eigh­teenth yeere of the Raigne of Hadrian, who suddenly Dion Cass. assailed and slew where they came, both Romaines & Christians: for reuenge whereof, besides an infinite number of them slaine and tortured, their Citie Ieru­salem was also raced euen to the ground, and another Ierusalem raced to the ground. built, but not altogether in the same place, and the name therof changed to AELIA: the Iewes vtterly banished thence, and (as Aristion Pellaus writeth) not Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 6. Iewes not per­mitted to looke to Ierusalem. lawfull for them to looke towards that Citie nor Soile, no not through the Chinke or Creuice of a dore: And vpon the Gate that leadeth towards Beth-lehem, hee caused a Swine to be engrauen, a Beast by the Law ac­counted A swine set on the Gate of Ierusalem. most vncleane, and by them abhominable.

(8) But as this Emperour was exasperated against the Iewes, so was hee gratious and fauourable to the Adrian fauorable to the christians. Christians, and the rather at the request of Quatratus, a Disciple (as is supposed) of the Apostles; who wrote vnto him concerning them; and of Aristides a learned Philosopher of Athens, who made an Apologie for their defence; so that the Persecution then in practise was forbidden by Hadrian in a publicke Edict; who (as Lampridius writeth) was minded to haue built a Lampridius [...]. Se [...]eri. Temple to the seruice of Christ, had not some disswa­ded him therefrom. In extremitie of sicknes he de­signed Caesar, Lucius Aelius, whose Coyne wee haue hereunder expressed. A man deare to this Emperour, if we consider at how great a rate hee bought for him the acceptation of the Commons and Militarie men: And how short a time the blaze of that Honour con­tinued: for hee died so soone, that Hadrian himselfe had wont to say,

Ostendent terris hunc tantum fata, nec vltra
Esse sinent.—

(9) When hee had raigned in great honour and loue the space of one and twenty yeeres, fiue mo­neths, and fifteene daies, hee died, the eighth or Spartianus. Dion Cassius. Polycbr. tenth of Iulie, of a dropsie: which maladie so tor­mented him, that willingly he refused all sustenance, and languished away through faintnesse. Hee was of personage tall, and very strong, of a good complexi­on and amiable countenance, wearing the haire of his head and beard long, and died aged sixty two, the yeere of our Lord God, One hundred thirtie nine.


Vnder this Emperour M. F. CL. PRISCVS LICINIVS, was the Propraetor of Britannie, and imploi­ed in the Iourney of Iurie with Hadrian; as appeareth by this antique Inscription in a broken Marble.





Antonin. Pius Emp. Lollius Vrbi­cus Lieut.

NExt vnto whom succee­ded Antoninus, (for his An. Do. 139. many vertues) surnamed the Pious: and by the Se­nate, Father of his Countrey. This man did not onely equall his Adopter and Pre­decessours, in wisdome and other princely qualities, but was also compared, for his peace and policie, vnto Numa Pompilius the se­cond King of Rome, who for his renowned gouern­ment, is so famously in their Histories recorded. His birth was in Lombardy, the son of Aurelius Fuluius, and Nephew to Titus Aurelius Fuluius, that had beene Con­sul, and held other Offices of dignity and State. The whole time of whose Raigne was so spent in peace, that small remembrances remaine of any martiall af­faires: yet such as we finde in Britannie we will deliuer.

(2) At his first entrance into the Empire, about the yeere of Christ, One hundred thirtie nine (as appeareth by the money minted in memorie of the Antoninus raig­ned in peace. reduction of Britaine) the Northerne Britaines in that part of this Ile began to stirre, and made inroads into the Prouince, notwithstanding the Rampire or Wall The Northerne Britaines rebell in the beginning of Antoninus raigne. that Adrian had made. Against whom Lollius Vrbicus Lieutenant heere vnder Antoninus, brought his power, and with some skirmishes put them backe: taking from the Brigantes part of their Land, as a Mulct, for the waste they had done to the Genounians, a Prouince adioining vnto the Brigantes, whose people had put themselues vnder the Emperours protection. Which done, he repaired the Wall with stronger Fortifications; Adrians Wall fortified. or (which is more probable) raised vp another not farre from the same, to double the defense: for (saith Iulius Capitolinus) Lollius the Legate to Antoninus ouer­comming Iulius Capitolinus. the Britaines, built another turfe Wall to diuide the Prouince, and to impeach the incursions of the barba­rous. Notwithstanding the honour of this seruice (as is testified by the ancient Panegyricke) was (by one M [...]mertinus in a Panegyricke Oration, in praise of Maximian. Fronto) attributed wholly to Antoninus the Empe­rour himselfe: who, although absent and in his Palace at Rome, yet sitting as it were at the Helme of a Ship, did command and direct the enterprise, and therefore had right to the glory thereof. This Wall also (as M. Cla­renceaux coniectureth, hauing seene it so tracted in an Cambden Brit. ancient Chorographicall Chart) was drawen from the Riuer Tine vnto Carleill: but Time and Warre haue worne it now away.

(3) In the meane while a new insurrection was kindled among the Yorkeshire, Lancashore, Westmerland, Northumberland. Hist. magn. Brit. lib. 3. cap. 11. Seires Saturnius Admirall of the British Fleet. Brigantes, that annoied some of the Romane Confederats. But by the discretion of the Generall, it was quenched before it came to flame: for vpon the first rumour of the Reuolt, Lollius marched thither with part of his Armie, commanding Seius Saturnius, Admirall of the British Fleet, to waffe vpon the North of the Iland both to defend the Coast from danger, and also vpon occasions to further the Land­seruice, if need were: by which meanes, the Brigantes were easily reduced to obedience, euen by the pre­sence onely of the Lieutenant, who for his good seruice done in Britaine, during the short time of his imploiment there, obtained the surname Britannicus. This may by the first figure in the face of this Chap­ter (being in the third Consulship of this Emperour) be coniectured to haue hapned in the yeere of Christ one hundred forty one; and by inscription of the last Coine in that ranke it is manifest that there was some other expedition against Britaine the yeere following.

(4) I cannot omit, though not directly pertinent to our purpose, the care that this good Emperour ge­nerally Antoninus Pi [...] a great defender of the Christia [...]. had for the distressed and persecuted Christi­ans (who no doubt by his bounty enioied much tran­quillitie heere in Britaine also) in whose defense hee wrote to his Deputies in Asia, and published an Edict against their Accusers, the effect whereof (from Eu­sebius) [...]. Eccles. Hist. lib. 4. cap. 13. is this:

‘(5) The Emperor Caesar Marcus Aurelius An­toninus The Edict of An­toninus for prote­ction of the Christians. Augustus, Armenicus, Pontifex Maximus, fifteene times Tribune, thrice Consul, vnto the Com­mons of Asia sendeth greeting. I doubt not but the Gods themselues haue a care that wicked persons shall bee brought to light: for it much more doth appertaine vnto them, then it doth vnto you, to punish such as refuse to yeeld them worship. But this course which you take doth confirme them whom you persecute, in this their opinion of you, that you are impious men, and meere Atheists; whereby it commeth to passe, that they desire in the quarrell of their God rather to die, then to yeeld to the wils of such as you are, and to embrace your forme of Religion. Let it not seeme vnseasonable to call to your remembrance the Earth-quakes, which lately happened, and which yet are to your great terrour and griefe; because I vnderstand that in such like accidents you cast the enuy of such com­mon misfortunes vpon their shoulders, whereby their confidence and trust in their God is much the more increased: whereas you being still ignorant of the true causes of such things, doe both neglect the worship of the other Gods, and also banish and per­secute the seruice of the Immortall God, whom the Christians doe worship, and you persecute to the death all the embracers of that Profession. In the behalfe of these men many of the Prouinciall Presi­dents haue written before vnto our Father of famous memory: to whom he answered, that they should not bee molested, vnlesse they were proued to haue practised Treason against the Emperiall State: and touching the same matter some haue giuen notice [Page 221] vnto me; to whom I haue answered with like mo­deration as my Father did before me. And by this our Edict doe we ordaine, that if any hereafter bee found thus busie in molesting these kinde of men without any their offence, we command that hee Iulius Capitol. that is accused vpon this point, be absolued, albeit he be proued to be such a man as he is charged to Antoninus person and vertues. bee, that is, a Christian: and he that is his Accuser shall suffer the same punishment, which he sought to procure vpon the other.’

This Edict was promulged at Ephesus in the Gene­rall Councell of all Asia: so fauourable was this good Emperour to the true Professours, and (indeed) to all sorts of men, hauing that Apothegme of Scipio Afri­canus rife in his mouth: That he had rather saue one Sub­iects life, then kill a thousand Enemies.

(6) He was of Stature tall, of a seemely presence, in countenance Maiesticall, in maners milde, of a sin­gular wit, verie learned and eloquent, a great louer of Husbandrie, peaceable, mercifull and bounteous; in the last of which vertues, he so much exceeded; that thereby he set going whollie his owne priuate estate & demaines, whereat when his Empresse much repined, he told her, that when hee vndertooke the Title and State of an Emperour, he then did forgoe the interest and proprieties of a priuate Person: meaning that a Prince is not much to respect his priuate wealth, so as the publike wealth and welfare of the State may bee aduanced. In fine, this large Euloge and praise is fa­stened on him, that neither in his youth he did anie thing rashly, nor in his age any thing negligently: In which honourable course, hauing raigned twentie and two yeares, (some say twentie three) seuen mo­neths, and twentie sixe daies, he died of a feuer at Lo­rium the seuenth of March, the yeare of his life seuen­tie fiue, and of Christ one hundred sixtie two.



Marcus Au­rclius Emp. Calphurnius Agric. Lieut.

FRom the vertuous exam­ples An. Do. 162. of the good Emperour Pius; proceeded a branch of no lesse towardlinesse and fruitfulnesse, Marcus Aurelius, Antoninus, Verus, Philosophus (for by so many honourable names is he remembred:) and al­though hee sprung not from Pius, as from his natiue roote, yet was he his adopted Sonne, and graffed into his Stocke and alli­ance by the Marriage of his daughter Faustina: Hee was the Sonne of Elius Verus who died Praetor, and whose Pedigree is brought from Numa Pompilius, the Iulius Capitol. Lucius Verus chosen. Caesar. second King of Rome; and his Mother was Domitia Camilla, daughter of Claudius Tullus.

(2) This man chose to him for


his Associate in the Empire, Lucius Ve­rus, the sonne of Lucius Ceionius Com­modus, whom Pius had adopted (but died before him) and therefore this Verus was respectiuely commended vnto Aurelius; betwixt whose na­tures and conditions was as much oddes, as betwixt Day and Night; The one very moderate, louing, and industrious, the other proud, carelesse and cruell: the fruits whereof, the poore Christians felt, whose chiefest pillers, Polycarpus, Bishop of Smyrna, and Iustinus Martyr, an excellent Phi­losopher, with infinite more, were put to most cruell deaths; and by him the fourth persecution of Gods Saints was be­gun: whose licentious and bloodie life, lasting in Authoritie the space of nine yeares, was cut off by an Apoplexie in the pre­sence of Aurelius beeing then in expidition towards Germanie, whose Coine wee haue here expressed as wee finde it minted with his face and reuerse.

(3) Aurelius the Emperour following the warres against those, who there reuolted, was inclosed about with his Enemies, called the Quadi, and suffered great mortalitie both by Pestilence, and much more by want of Water, whereby himselfe and Host were al­most consumed: At which time many Christian Souldiers being in his Campe, and commanded (as Ionas was) to call vpon their God, they fell prostrate on the ground in praiers, and obtained of him so plenteous a shower of raine, as therewith after fiue daies extreamest drouth and thirst, the whole Army was refreshed, and the Quadi contrariwise by Thunder Aureli [...] obtai­neth t [...]ne by the Christians praier. Eutropius. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 5. Acts and Monu­ments. & Lightning were quite dispersed and ouerthrowne.

(4) This wonder (saith Eusebius) is reported euen by those Historians, who fauoured not Christianitie: and the prudent Epistle of the Emperour himselfe, (which hee wrote to the Senate for confirmation of this miracle, yet extant) doth warrant the same: wher­upon he both mitigated the rage against Christs Pro­fessours, and (by testimonie of Apollinaris) named that [...]. P. Oro [...]. Tertulli [...]n. Legion of the Christians, for an euerlasting remem­brance, The lightning Legion.

(5) In his Raigne Calphurnius Agricola was sent Lieutenant into Britannie, where the inhabitants sought some alterations of the State, sore repining at the oppressions of the Romanes. But the Surname A­gricola reuiuing the remembrances of their former ouerthrowes, so daunted their Courages, that at the presence of the Generall, who came amongst them to preuent all occasions, they gaue ouer their intended enterprise: for which, and for many other his poli­cies there vsed, he worthily deserued great commen­dations, but (for the most part) the glorie of all such [Page 222] seruices was attributed to the Emperours themselues, and the paines in attempting, and perrils in obtaining did commonly breed nothing but disgrace and enuy after victorie, to those by whom it was atchieued. Yet besides the stories, the memorie of his being heere Lieutenant, is deliuered to posteritie, by this Inscrip­tion, once erected in the Picts Wall, an Altar to the Goddesse Suria, and now preserued by Sr. Robert Cot­ton of Connington, amongst other Monuments of like qualitie.


So also Lutius Verus, (whom this excellent Em­perour had in the yeere 162. as appeareth by his Coine of Concord, set in the entrance of his life, ele­cted his College in the Empire) to supply the defect of merit in himselfe, tooke from the Conquest of Aui­dius Cassius, and other his Captaines in Armenia, Par­thia and Media, the Trophies of their victories, with which he filled vp his Title, and adorned his Money, expressed in the beginning of this Chapter.

(6) About these times, albeit other things went not so happily with Britaine as might haue beene wished, yet one felicitie then befell her, which did both counteruaile her owne calamities, and ouer­poize the good fortunes of all other Nations: and that was the blessed rest of the Gospell of peace in this warring and vnpeaceable Kingdome, a great part thereof being gouerned at that time by King Lucius, N [...]ius. Lucius and Leuer-Maur doe both signifie Great Brightnes. Tacitus in vita Agricola. surnamed Leuer-Maur. For that was the policie and ancient custome of the Romans (as Tacitus saith) to vse euen Kings themselues for their instruments, to bring the people into bondage. And Antoninus Pius ending warre, permitted Kingdomes to be gouerned by their owne Kings, and Prouinces by their owne Comites (as saith Capitolinus.) This King disliking the Capitolinus. Paganisme and Idolatry of his people, (though, as wee haue shewed, among many of them the truth of Christs Doctrine was both taught and embraced, euen from the first planting thereof) and being incited both by the exemplary life and piety of the Christians, [...]. Hare­ [...] Marty [...]log. Sanctorum. and also by the manifest miracles wrought amongst them, and encouraged moreouer by the fauourable Edicts of the Emperours in their behalfe, and by the good affections and forwardnesse of their Deputies heere, Trebellius and Pertinax; he gaue leaue to their Religion by publike warrant, and was the first Chri­stian King in the world, and Britaine the first Prouince Lucius the first Christian King. that embraced the Gospell by publike authority, as Sa­bellicus saith.

(7) This Lucius (as before wee haue touched) to [...]. 7. lib. 5. be better furnished with Christian Lawes for himselfe and Subiects, missa legatione ab Imperatore Romanorum, & à Papa Romano Eleutherio, (as Nennius saith) for in Nennius. this purerage the Church was so humble, to vaile (as farre as might be) her actions in the Imperiall licence, sent two learned Clerkes, whose names were Eluanus Liber La [...]n­sis Eccles. Florentius Vig [...]rn. Beda lib. [...] cap. 4. Flores [...] [...]riarum. and Meduuinus, skilfull in the Scriptures, to Eleutherius Bishop of Rome: whose Reply to his most godly De­mand (because the fauourers of the Papall Authoritie either doe doubt it, or altogether deny it) I haue thought good heere verbatim to insert, as I my selfe This Record is now in the hands of the right wor­thy Antiquarie, Sir Robert Cotton Knight. haue found it, in a most ancient Manuscript, amongst the authenticke Records and Constitutions of the Citie of LONDON.

The originall Epistle of Eleutherius Bishop of ROME vnto Lucius the first Christian King of BRITAINE.


(8) SCripsit Dominus Eleutherius Papa Lucio Regi Britanniae ad correctionem Regis & Proce­rum Regni Britanniae. Petistis à nobis Leges Romanas, & Caesaris vobis transmitti, quibus in Regno Britanniae vti voluistis. Leges Romanas & Caesaris semper reprobare possumus, Legem Dei nequaquam. Suscepistis enim nuper (miseratione diuina) in Regno Britanniae, Legem & Fi­dem Christi. Habetis penes vos in Regno vtram (que) Pagi­ [...]am: ex illis (Dei gratia) per Consilium Regni vestri sume Legem, & per illam, Lege Dei patientia. de patientia vestrum rege Britan­niae Regnum. Vicarius verò Dei estis in Regno, iuxta Pro­phetam Regem; Domini est terra, & plenitudo eius; orbis terrarum, & vniuersi qui habitant in eo. Et rursum, iuxta Prophetam Regem: Dilexisti iustitiam, & Odisti iniquitat [...], prop [...] vnxit [...] Deus Deus tuus [...] l [...]titia pr [...] con­sorti [...] [...]. o. ī. ꝓp̄. [...]. te Deus Deus tuus o. l. p̄. cō. cae. Et rursum, iuxta Prophetam Regem: Deus iudicium tuum, &c. Non enim dixit iudi­cium, ne (que) iustitiam Caesaris. Filij enim Regis, gentes Chri­stianae & populi Regni sunt, qui sub vestra protectione & pace in Regno degunt & consistunt, iuxta Euangelium: Quemadmodum gallina congregat pullos sub alis. Gentes verò Regni Britanniae & populi vestri sunt; quos diuisos, debetis in vnum, ad concordiam, & pacem, & ad fidem, & legem Christi, ad sanctam Ecclesiam congregare, reuo­care, fouere, manutenere, protegere, regere, & ab iniurio­sis & malitiosis, & ab inimicis semper defendere. Vae Regno cuius Rex puer est, & cuius Principes manè come­dunt: non voco Regem propter paruam & nimiam aetatem, [...] propter par­uam nimiam aeta­tem. sed propter stultitiam, & iniquitatem, & insanitatem: iuxta Prophetam Regem: Viri sanguinum & dolosi non di­midiabunt dies suos, &c. Per comestionem, intelligimus gulam: per gulam, luxuriam: per luxuriam, omnia turpia & peruersa, & mala: iuxta Salomonem Regem: In ma­leuolam animam non introibit sapientia, nec habitabit in corpore subdito peccatis. Rex dicitur à regendo, non à reg­no: Rex eris dum bene regis: quod nisi feceris, nomen Re­gis non in te constabit, & nomen Regis perdes, quod absit. Det vobis Omnipotens Deus, Regnum Britanniae sic regere, vt possitis cum eo regnare in aeternum, cuius Vicarius est is in Regno praedicto. Cui cum Patre, &c.

The same in English:

POpe Eleutherius thus wrote to Lucius King of Bri­tannie, for the reformation of the King and the Nobi­litie of the Kingdome of Britaine: You desired vs to send vnto you the Romane and Imperiall Lawes, which you would vse in your Kingdome of Britannie. The Roman Lawes and the Emperours wee may at all times mislike, but the Law of God by no meanes. By the Diuine Clemen­cie you haue of late receiued in your Kingdome of Britannie the Law and Faith of Christ: You haue with you in your Kingdome beth the Old and New Testament: out of them (in Gods name) by the Counsell of your State, take you a Law, and therewith by Gods permission, gouerne your kingdome of Britannie: For you are Gods Vicar in your Kingdome, as the kingly Prophet saith, The earth is the Lords and the plenty thereof, the whole world and they that dwell therein. And againe in the same Pro­pheticall Psal. 89. 11. King; Thou hast loued righteousnesse and hated iniquity, wherefore, God, euen thy God, hath Psal. 45. 7. anointed thee with the oyle of gladnesse aboue thy fellowes. And againe: Lord giue thy iudgements vnto the king, and thy iustice vnto the Kings sonne. He saith not, The iudgement or iustice of the Emperor. And Psal. 72. 1. the Kings sonnes are the Christian Nations, and Peo­ple of the kingdome, such as liue and abide together in your Kingdome, vnder your Protection and peace; according to that in the Gospell: As the Hen gathereth her Chick­ens vnder her wings. The Nations of the Kingdome of Britanny are your People, who being now seuered, you Matth. 23. 37. ought to gather them vnto Vnity, Concord and Peace, and reclaime them to the Faith and Law of Christ, and to the holy Church, to foster them, cherish them, protect, and rule them, and alwaies to defend them from all iniurious, malicious, and hostile attempts. For, Woe be to the king­dome, whose King is a child; and whose Princes rise early to banquetting: Neither doe I call a King a child, for the tendernesse of his Age, but for the folly and wicked­nesse and madnesse of his disposition: As that roiall Pro­phet saith: Wicked and bloud-thirsty attaine not to halfe their Age. And by banqueting I meane gluttony; by Psal. 55. 23. gluttony, luxury; by luxury all filthinesse, peruersity, and lewdnesse: according to that of King Salomon: Wise­dome shall not enter into the wicked soule, nor shall it dwell in a Body enthrald to Sinne. A King hath his name from Ruling, and not from his Kingdome: and so long shall you be indeed a King, while you rule well; which if you doe not, the name of a King will not continue with you, but you shall lose that roiall title; which God forbid. Al­mighty God grant you so to rule your Kingdome of Bri­tanny, that with him, whose Vicar you are in your said Kingdome, you may raigne eternally. To whom with the Father, &c.

[Page 223] (9.) The date of this Epistle (as by some other Copies it appeareth) being the yeare of the second Cambden. Consulship of Commodus and Vespronius, may giue great light and satisfaction to such as are curious to know the truth, and to reconcile the differences of our Hi­storians, touching the time: That Consulship being a­bout the yeare of Christ one hundred and eighty: which was at the beginning (if not a little before) of Commodus his raigne; and therefore whereas some re­fer it to the one hundred sixty ninth yeer after Christs Passion, it is apparant to be the only error of transcri­bers, who so writ in stead of one hundred seuenty nine after his birth; which was, anno currente, the ve­ry time of Commodus being Consul the second time: and on this yeere agree; both forrain and domestick Sabellic. Ievvell. Fox. writers of this matter. And albeit the very texture of this Epistle, carieth with it the true Character of Anti­quity, yet because our worthy writers, mentioning Parsons 3. Con­uersions. Part. 1. c. 4. this Epistle, are charged of flat forgery (by such who challenge to be Masters in all ancient knowledge) we will adde somewhat, to wash off those false aspersi­ons, both from the Record, and from the mentioners thereof.

Their first exception is; that the Latin Copy would doubtlesse haue been produced by them, if it had not beene Ibidem. counterfeit. Whereto what need we answer, sith now we haue produced it, and can produce as many, as there are Copies of King William the Conquerors Lawes, wherein it is expresly repeated? The next is, that the English translations of it differ each from other. A reason more childish then the former, sith euery man hath a seuerall conceit of that he translateth, and sometimes the very Originalls, (by transcribers igno­rance or omission) cause variety of translation, as may appeare in the variae lectiones of this Copy prefixed. The last, but most saucy and ignorant exception is, that the places of Scriptures mentioned in the letter, are so Parson [...] ibid. sottishly and senselesly applied, as is vnworthy to be fa­thered on the learned Eleutherius. Let vs therefore in a word, bring the diuinity of this Grand-censurer to the touchstone: For Eleutherius proueth, first, that Kings are Gods Vicars in their kingdome, because the whole Earth is properly Gods, and therefore Kings haue it not as their owne, but as his Lieutenants: Next, that as Dauid typically, and Christ impliedly, was by God an­nointed King, for the execution of Righteousnesse and Iustice, so euery godly King ought to make that the on­ly end of his high honor, that being by God aduanced, he might likewise aduance Righteousnesse, Iustice, and the seruice of God, whose vassall he is: and that there­fore Gods iudgements and Lawes, are to be preferred by them, before all humane Lawes: with which they should rule and cherish their godly subiects as their children: and protect them and gather them vnder one faith as Christ (their master) doth, who therefore compareth him­selfe, to a Hen gathering her Chickens vnder her wings.

The defects of which Princely duties, Eleutherius most liuely expresseth afterward, in so proper appli­cations, as if the learnedst fathers on these places be duly examined, they will be found no whit to exceed the apprehensions of this Godly Bishop. But if Robert Cowback, would haue cast his eie on the moderne Popes, and their Cardinals applications of Scrip­tures, what would he then say? God made a greater light and a lesse: therefore the Pope is as much greater then the Emperor, as the Sunne is bigger then the Moone. Christ said to Peter, Kill and eat: therefore the Pope may excommunicate and depose Kings (yea and kill them too for a need.) Peter said, Behold two swords; therefore the Pope hath both Temporall and Spirituall Iurisdiction ouer the world. So God said to Ieremy, he should plant and transplant: therefore the Pope may dispose and transpose all Kingdomes at his pleasure. Christ to Peter, Cephas is a stone but all serues their turne. thou art Cephas, and Cephas is a head; therefore the Pope is head of the Church. Domini sunt Cardines Terra. The earth is the Lords: therefore the Cardinals are the Lords of the Earth. On such pillers and applications of Scriptures, is the whole Papall greatnesse founded, and yet these late Scribes can scoffingly cauill at the godly applications of ancient Eleutherius. But to our purpose.

(10.) This Epistle with two other Preachers, Capgraue. Marianus. Faganus and Daminius, sent vnto King Lucius, did not a little encourage him in his godly purpose, in so­much that receiuing Baptisme, the Temples of the Lucius his refor­mation of mat­ters vpon the Bi­shops letter. Records of Saint Asaphs Church. Chester as saith an old Manu­script. chap. 34. S. Peters Church in Cornhill buil­ded by Lucius. Heathenish Flamins and Arch-Flamines euen thirtie one in number, were conuerted into so many Christi­an Bishops Sees, whereof London, Yorke and Carlein, now Saint Dauids; were made the Metropolitants of the Pro­uince.

(11.) A table remaining in the Parish Church of Saint Peter in Cornhill London, recordeth that the foundation thereof was by this King Lucius, and that Church to haue been the Cathedrall to that Arch­bishops See. There be that ascribe the foundation of Poll. Virg [...]l. Wil. Harrison. W. Lamb. Pera [...]. Saint Peters Church at Westminster vnto him; vnlesse the places are mistaken. Others affirme that this King Lucius likewise built a Church within Douer-castle, to the seruice of Christ, endowing it with the Tell or customes of that Hauen. Differences there are about the time of his Raigne, but none at all for his conuer­sion and establishing of the Christian Faith. As for Fabi [...]. those who would haue this Lutius after his Baptisme to saile into Gallia and other forrein parts, where sub­duing many Pagans, he became the Apostle to the Ba­narians, and that his sister Emerita fifteene yeeres after Emerita a Mar­tyr in the City Augusta. was martyred in the City Augusta: I find thereof no warrant in any sufficient writer; but in this all others agree, that he raigned twelue yeeres, and lieth buried in Gloucester.

(12) This good Emperour possessed the Seate of Maiestie, nineteene yeares and eleuen daies; where­in he alwaies approued himselfe, in wit excellent, in life vertuous, verie learned and eloquent, full of Cle­mency, Instite, and Temperance, nothing inferiour to [Page 224] most of the worthiest Emperours before him, nor matchable in qualities by many of the MOnarchs that Tertull. by Onuphr. Dion. Cassius. followed him: He died the seuenteenth day of Aprill the yeare of our Sauiour one hundred eighty one, and of his owne age fiftie nine: leauing to the world a misse for the present, and to posterities a perpetuall memorie of his vertues; and happy had he been, saith Capitolinus, had he not left behind him a Sonne. Valerianus lib. 2.



THE prudent life, and loue conceiued of so good a Fa­ther, Ann. Dom. 181. gaue hopefull signes and ioifull entrance vnto Eutropius. the Raigne of yong Com­modus, his soone degenera­ting Sonne; who had no­thing from him but Na­ture, and that also much suspected: The knowne Adulteries of Faustina, his Mother strongly confir­ming the opinion of Bastardie.

(2) At nineteen yeeres of age, he was inuested Emperor, his raigne not long, but life as loose and im­pious Commodus his qualities. as the worst: in sottish pride equalizing Caligula, for intemperancie another Vitellius, and in cruelties a second Domitian. Three hundred Concubines continu­ally he kept, and vpon one of them, named Martia, so doted, that he wore her painted Picture vpon the outside of his Garment; and instiling his money Her­culi Commodiano or Romano, which was stamped about the yeere 193. Sometimes (Hercules-like) would shew himselfe roabed in a Lions skinne, bearing a Club in Cassiodor. his hand in stead of a Scepter. Other whiles wantonly clad in the habit of an Amazon woman; alwaies cost­ly, but seldome ciuill.

(3) The Month August, he named Commodus, September, Herculeus, and December, Amazonius, ac­cording Commodus alte­red the Months. to his owne or his Concubines names. Com­mendable in nothing but for his skill in darting, and for some small breathing of the persecuted Christians; which came not of himselfe, but (as Xiphilinus wri­teth) by the mediation of Martia his beloued Concu­bine, Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 19. who was found very fauourable to their do­ctrine: But the outragious wickednesse of his life made him so hatefull to all, as that his death was of­ten Acts and Monu­ments. plotted; and once by some of the Noblest, with whom Lucilla his owne Sister conspired; for which fact he put her, with the rest of the conspirators, to death. The Empire and all things els he wielded at the discretion of others, attending only his voluptu­ous pleasures, howsoeuer the State or Prouinces fared vnder him.

(4) In Britanny the Northren Borderers brake thorow the Wall, and finding the Frontiers but weak­ly guarded entred the Prouince, where suddenly they surprized the Roman Generall; and killing many of the Souldiers, ranged the Country, wasting (without re­sistance) all where they went. Commodus at Rome, hea­ring these stirres in Britaine rouzed vp his spirits, and sent one Vlpius Marcellus to stay their fury; who with great difficulty forced them back beyond the Wall: Vlpius Marcel­lus sent Lieute­nant into Bri­taine. and seeing the carelesse seruice of the Souldiers, reui­ued againe the ancient discipline of Warre, that by long ease had been left off by the Romans. The repressing of this incursion, as it seemeth by some reuolt of the prouince, was about the yeere of Christ one hundred eighty six, as appeareth by the monies of this Empe­ror set in the entrance of his life, at which time in memory of some worthy expedition and victory a­gainst the Britains he stamped them.

(5) This Lieutenant Marcellus is reported to be Dion. Cas. lib. 72. Vlpius Marcellus a man of great vertues. of a maruellous great temperance and strange diet; for all the time of his abode here hee would eat no Bread, but such as was baked in Rome, neither slept he more then would maintaine nature, whereby both his priuate businesses and proiects for publike serui­ces were commonly dispatched by night. Seuere he was in the execution of his place, not led by fauour of the person, nor staid from iustice by corrupted Bribes; esteeming Money only for necessity, and riches no fur­ther then made for publike good: But those his ver­tues though now with vs they get him honour, yet then did purchase him Enuie with the Emperor. Who liued (saith Lampridius) for his Subiects mischiefe and his owne shame: For Commodus hearing Marcellus daily Lampred. commended, construed his Praise to be his owne Re­proch; and doubting lest he should grow too high, thought good to crop him off betimes, and so sent him Letters of discharge.

(6) The Armie then feeling the raines loose that ere-whiles had beene borne with a stiffer hand, fell straight to a disordered mutinie, and therein procee­ded with such boldnesse as they openly refused any longer to acknowledge Commodus for their Soue­raigne: At which time Perennius was a chiefe Agent and so ruled all in Rome for the Emperor, as that he en­tertained a hope to be himselfe (in time) an absolute Perennius the greatest substi­tute vnder Commodus. and sole-ruling Emperour, and hauing now fit occasi­on offred to spread his power further; he tooke vpon him to redresse these disorders (whilst Commodus wal­lowed in his lasciuious idlenesse) and displacing some worthie Captaines at his owne pleasure, sent other persons of meane respect or parts, to command those Legions in Britaine, that formerly had been led by Noble Senators and men of Consular dignity, where­by greater mischiefe began to accrew and ciuill dis­sensions daily to burst forth, the Armie scorning their [Page 225] vpstarst Commanders, and the Captaines insulting o­uer the Souldiers, (of all sides) the Aides so disquieted, that had the Britaines followed the aduantage, the whole Prouince at that time had been in hazard to be lost: vpon which distractions no lesse then fifteene hundred Souldiers at once went out of the Land to Rome to complaine their wrongs vnto Commodus: where charging Perennius to bee the stirrer of these troubles, with an intent thereby to raise himsefe or his sonne to the Emperiall Maiesty (a string that can­not be touched without sound in a Soueraignes eare) they were so farre heard and beleeued that Perennius was to them deliuered to be put to death, which ac­cordingly Perennius deli­uered to the Bri­tish Souldiers to be put to death. they accomplished with all extremity.

(7) Then was sent for Lieutenant into Britaine Heluius Pertinax, a man of low birth, but high For­tunes, being risen from the state of a common Souldi­er, Lamprid. Heluius Pertinax sent Lieutenant into Britaine. to the dignity of a Consull, and had been Com­mander before that time ouer many Prouinces. Him had Perennius discharged from Britaine, and with dis­gracesent and confined into Liguria where hee was borne, whose credit Commodus again with such fauors repaired, that he gaue him the Sirname Britannicus, which glorious title also himselfe had taken about the yeere 184. At his first entrance and ariuage, he assai­ed Out of a coine of this Emperors instiling him Brit. in the 8. yeere of his Tribuneiship and 4. of his Consulship. by rough hand to suppresse the rebellions of the Army, and aduentured his person so farre in some tu­mults that he was stricken downe and left for dead: but afterwards proceeding with better aduice he composed those troubles with most seuere punish­ments of the principall offenders: whereby notwith­standing he presently grew odious to all, and there­upon so far feared his own safety, that he made suit Heluius Perti­nax made suit to be discharged of his office. to the Emperor to be discharged of his Lieutenantship.

(8) Vnto him succeeded Clodius Albinus in the Gouernment of Britaine, a man of great birth, forward Histor magna. Brit. lib. 3. cap. 7. Clodius Albinus sent Lieutenant into Britaine. enough, and fortunate, for which the Emperor Commo­dus either vpon fauor or feare, did honour him with the title of Caesar, though Albinus seemed vnwilling to accept of the same, and afterwards discouered his dis­position more openly in approuing the Ancient and free state of the Romans. For vpon a false report of the death of Commodus, he made an Oration to the Legi­ons in Britanny in fauour of the Senate, whole kind of Clodius Albinus more affecting Senators then Emperors. Gouernment he much commended and preferred before the rule of the Emperors: Of which his affecti­on when Commodus vnderstood, he sent Iulius Seuerus in all hast, to take charge of the Armie: and Albinus Iulius Seuerus Deputy. retired himselfe from all publike affaires, vntill the death of Commodus, which not long after followed, and was wrought vpon this occasion: He hauing assig­ned many to die, and to that end had inrolled their names in a scroll, it chanced Martia his Concubine to light on the same, wherein she saw her selfe allotted Commodus pur­pose discouered by his Concu­bine. for one: And reuealing this his purpose to others, that stood in the same list, and in the like danger; they to­gether thought best to secure their owne liues by his death: and with poison, stabs and strangling made him away, when he had liued one and thirty yeeres, Eutrop. Lamprid. Maximus. foure moneths, and viciously raigned thirteen yeeres eight moneths and fifteen daies, the yeere of Christs natiuity one hundred ninety and three: the night be­fore the Kalends of Ianuarie.

(9) Of stature he was indifferently tall, of a fine constitution of Body, very faire of complexion, with Commodus his portraiture. cleere eies and golden locks, neither in person nor in Princely parts resembling his Father: How ioifull the death of this Tyrant was both to People and Senate, their execrations pronounced against him, and their assemblies in the Temples to giue thanks for their de­liuerance, do manifest, as is at large reported by Lam­pridius, who wrote his life, and stiled by al, Host is huma­ni Lampridius. Maximus. Generis, The enemy of Mankind: The very name of the diuell.



VPON the person of this Heluius Pertinax (of whom we are now to speake) For­tune An. Do. 194. (as it seemeth) meant to make the full experi­ence of her power, and from a very slender foun­dation to raise the buil­ding of her owne Pride: His birth was but poore, and parents as meane, whose Father from a seruile condition got to be free, and traded in Mercery wares for his liuing: himselfe educated according to his Dion. Cassi. lib. 73. birth rose by degrees to mount the Chaire of all wordly glory, and to be the Monarch of the whole world.

(2) At first a Schoole-master, and taught the Grammar; next a Ciuil-Lawyer, and pleaded causes in Courts; and lastly, a Martial-man, and serued in Campe: where Fortune attended him with such fauou­rable successe, that within fiue daies, out of the ranck of a common Souldier he was preferred to bee Cap­taine of a Cohort, in the Syrian warres against the Par­thians, which ended, he was imploied into Britannie, Missia, and Germany, and also had charge in chiefe of a Fleete vpon the Flemmish Seas: he serued likewise in Dacia, with such honourable proofe of his valour, as that wise Emperour Marcus Aurelius held him in high esteeme, and afterward made him Senator of Rome. Then was hee assigned Gouernour of all Sy­ria and Asia, the greatest place of Credit and reputa­tion that might be; and from thence sent againe in­into [Page 226] Britaine, chosen out as the principall man, of note for to stay the Commotions there raised against Com­modus, where in the Field he was left for dead: but thence also returning after hee had gouerned foure seuerall Consular Prouinces, was created Preconsull of Africa, and immediately after Praefect of Rome. Nei­ther yet made he his stand there, (though the grea­test of any subiectiue degree) till hee had mounted the Throne of Maiesty, and had obtained the com­mand ouer All: which fell to his lot by the death of Commodus; and by the meanes of Martia, Aelius Lae­tus, and other Conspirers of his end.

(3) For the Murther being done in the dead of the night, Laetus in great haste repaired to Pertinax his lodging; at whose sight the Old man in bed, ex­pected nothing but Death, as supposing him sent from Commodus to no other end. But Laetus salutes him by the vnexpected name of Emperour, carrying him with acclamations vnto the Army, and in the morning to the Senate, where, of them all with great ioy, he was confirmed Augustus. Heluius Pertinax made Emperor.

(4) His first businesse was to bridle the Licencious liues of the Praetorian Cohorts & iniuries done by them vnto the Romane Citizens, which gained him such ha­tred, Heluius Pertinax enuied by the Praetorian Cohorts. that it was cause of his death: For these men growne disordered and lawlesse in the raigne of Com­modus, held themselues wronged; to be nowlocked vn­der the constraint of Lawes ciuil Gouernement: and these only enuied the peace & prosperity of Pertinax, Sabellicus. whereas all the Prouinces abroad at the very hearing of his Election, and fame of his Imperiall vertues, laid a side their weapons; and disired to embrace peace with a Prince so nobly qualified.

(5) The first that conspired against his life, was one Falco; whom notwithstanding he freely forgaue, yet punished certaine Souldiers thereto accessary: where­upon, the rest assembling themselues in tumultuous and furious manner, with their drawn swords inuaded Heluius Pertinax asslaulted by his Souldiers. his Palace. Hee seeing their purposes sought no e­scapes, but descending the Palace, met them in the base Court: At whose presence and Maiesty they were much amazed, and a while made a stand: vnto whom with great grauity, and without shew of any feare, he thus spake vnto them. Heluius Pertinax his speech to his Souldiers.

‘(6) Souldiers and Companions, if you come to kill me, (as I thinke you doe) you shall therein per­forme an act neither valorous, nor otherwise very commendable for you, no, nor any way grieuous vnto my selfe, for euery mans life hath his limit, and to mine, by Natures course, the last period cannot be farre: Or thinke you that I feare death, who now am so ripened for it, and haue already gotten the very height of all renowne vnto my Name? Surely you are deceiued: but at this I grieue, that my life and short time of Gouernment, which I had deuo­ted to the good of all, should seem so disgustfull vn­to any; as to deserue a violent and hastned death, es­pecially by you, who are by office, the Guarders of my Person: you (I say) whose charge and Oath is, to secure your Soueraigne from perill, and now seek to sheath your Swords in his breast, shall either leaue a Testimony of my bad life deseruing it, or brand your places with such staines of Treason, as Time shall neuer weare away. And what I pray is mine offence? for maintaining your Lawes? why, it was the charge your selues imposed vpon me. Are Lawes too strait? surely, not to the vertuous, who are euen a Law vnto themselues: are they need­lesse? why then were they made? and being made, why should they not be executed? If the death of Commodus grieue you, was I the cause? If he were made away by Treason, your selues are conscious of my innocency. And this I assure you, in the word of a Prince, that his death shall depriue you of no­thing, which you require, if you require nothing but that which is honest and iust. My life, whilst I was a Subiect, was spent with you in Warre, now (be­ing your Soueraigne) is consumed with cares for your Peace: which if you free me of, by taking it a­way, my troubles shall thereby end, but your con­science shal begin to grone vnder the guilt of blood and perchance bee touched with too late Repen­tance.

(7) His words were spoken with such a mouing grauity, and vnmoued resolution, that the formost in the attempt gaue back, and were ashamed of their au­dacious enterprise, but the rest furiously driuing for­ward, Pertinax killed by his Souldiers. one Trusius with a Lance ran him into the Breast, whereupon Pertinax couering his Head with his robe, quietly yeelded his body to the traiterous strokes of them all, and so died that poore, old, and innocent Em­peror. The yeeres of his life, saith Iulius Capitolinus, were sixty, seuen moneths, and twenty fiue daies: But Dio, Spartianus and Herodian accounteth them to ex­tend Pertinax his raigne. to sixty eight: Eusebius to aboue seuenty: The like disagreement there is for the short time of his Go­uernment: Euseb. li. 5. c. 24. Eutrop. l. 8. for Eusebius saith that he raigned not fully six Moneths: Eutropius saith but three: Iulius Capitoli­nus and Aurelius Victor, eighty fiue daies: Dio, Herodi­an, and Spartianus, two Moneths and twenty eight daies: how long so euer, thus he liued, and thus he di­ed, the fift Calends of Aprill.

(8) He was of an honorable and Maiesticall pre­sence, strong of body, large and full breasted, long bearded, curle-headed, smooth of Speech, and indiffe­rently eloquent.



THE state of man continu­ally attended with vncer­taine An. Do. 194. chance, apparantly doth shew, the weake con­dition that nature enioi­eth, and with what vnsure­nesse the seat of maiesty is possest, as is seene by the precedent Emperor, who sitting at peace in his Pa­lace at Rome, renowned, beloued, and guarded with the strengths of Europe, Asia, Africa, AEgypt, and Greece, was notwithstanding surprised and slaine at noone day, by a Band of Souldiers, not much exceeding the number of three hundred, and all escaping vnpuni­shed, the deed was so suddaine and mens minds so di­stracted, that it could not be fully beleeued, though witnessed by sight.

(2) The Senators mistrusting each others, aban­doned the Citie, and the Citizens in secret secured [Page 227] themselues, all in an vprore, but none for reuenge of the treason: The murtherers, in as great feare as any, fortified their Campe, and with weapons in hand stood vpon their guard: But seeing all in a maze, and nothing against them attempted, a further boldnesse (the like before neuer heard of) ensued: for by a Com­mon Crier they made Proclamation for the sale of the Ae [...] Spartianus Proclamation for the sale of the Empire. Didius Iulianus bu [...]h the Em­pire of the Ro­man Souldiers. Empire, to any man that would giue them most: which offer was readily accepted by Didius Iulianus (a man of much more wealth then honesty of life, and a Lawyer, saith Eusebius) who with larger promises then euer were performed, obtained the Emperiall Diadem.

(3) His birth was in Millen, the sonne of Petroni­us Didius Seuerus, his mother Clara Emilia, and him­selfe brought vp in seruice vnder Domitia Lucilla, the mother of Marcus Aurelius, by whose fauours, he was first made Questor, next Edile, & then Praetor in Rome. In Germany as a Captaine hee serued vnder Aureliu, then was he appointed Gouernour of Dalmatia, [...] ­thinia, Didius Iulianus his imploiments in State before he was Emperor. and of the Lower Germany, and was Consul with Pertinax, and afterwards Proconsul in Africa. These were his risings and meanes to that Maiesty, which not long he kept: for hated in Rome and not approo­ued abroad, Syria chose for Emperor their owne Ge­nerall, Pescenius Niger, Germanie, Septimius Seuerus. By whose consent Clodius Albinus leader of the Britaine Syria chuseth their Generall. Germany chuseth theirs. Armie was first elected Caesar, and then his fellow in the Empire, whereby the Aegle, the fairest of Birds became monstrous, and in one Body bore three Heads.

(4) For Albinus at that time hauing gotten a­gaine the gouernment of Britaine, where erecting his Albinus Gouer­nour of Britaine. a Competitor for the Empire. owne Statues and stamping his picture in his Coynes, gaue great suspition that he intended to be a Compe­titor, and with his Army a foot meant to haue gained the Emperiall seat it selfe, by aduantage of Septimius forces, absent in suppressing of Pescenius; which to di­uert inforced Seuerus vntill better oportunity, to de­clare Albinus his companion, for he much more fea­red him then either of the former: Because Didius in Rome, and Pescenius in Antioch consumed their times in banquetting, and vnmartiall disports, whiles Albi­nus managed his office most souldierlike, and was highly esteemed and honored of them.

(5) Seuerus hasting towards Rome, was met in I­taly by Ambassadors from Didius, with faire offers of Seuerus wageth warre for the Empire. Re [...]useth com­position. He is proclaimed Emperour. peace, and possession of halfe the Empire: but refu­sing composition and making still forward, the Senate that so lately declared him a traytor, now proclaimed him an Emperor: And the Souldiers vnsatisfied of the couenanted promises, and in hope to purchase fa­uour with Seuerus, slew their Chapman Didius in his Palace, the Calends of Iulie, being but fiue daies after he had done himselfe as much for Pertinax, when he Iulianus slaine. His raignes continuance. Eutropius. Spartianus. Dio. had raigned, as Eutropius saith, seuen months: Spar­tianus saith but two, and Dio sixty six daies: the yeere of his age fifty seuen, and of our Sauiours appearing in our flesh, one hundred ninety and foure.



Sept. Severus. Clodius Albinus.

SEuerus hauing by this blou­dy accident of the giddie An. Do. 194. multitude gained with more facility then he ex­pected, the fatal seat of go­uernment, it was his next in place to suppresse Pes­cenius by force, and Albi­nus by falshood: whose Actions & liues since they hapned with this Emperor,


and ended with his sword, I will record together, be­ginning with Cains Pesceni­us first, since first he fell vn­der the fortune of this man.

This olde man in the yeere of Christ one hundred ninety foure, was elected Emperor by Acclamation of the Syrian Armie, of which (though begun but by a handfull in respect of all the other Emperiall for­ces) he had good hope, since to the honor of that God­desse he dedicated the first marke of his Soueraigntie, the minting of his mony.

A person he was of seemly stature, louely feature and faire skinne, except his Neck, which differing so farre from the rest gaue him the sirname of Niger: his complexion was ruddy, his Body fat, his voice so piercing, that it would be heard a mile off: and his haire for more ornament long hee wore in reflected curles vpon his shoulders. A commendable souldier and well bearing himselfe in the military offices hee vnderwent. In his Lieutenancy abroad he was seuere, and at home he so well acted his part when hee was Consul, as in his Clemency and Iustice hee seemed emulous of Pertinax. Thus all his life he enioied the goodnesse of his merit and fortune, and had not his ambition begun, where his yeeres were ending, had so parted: For no sooner had hee put on the Robe Emperiall, but Seuerus defeated his Armie at Cizi­cum, pursued him to Antioch, and tooke him at Eu­phrates, sending to Bizanti [...] his head a Trophie of the Conquest, and to his wife, children, and follow­ers (vnto whom at first this Victor granted banish­ment) in the end denied life.

(1) Now as soone as Seuerus made his appróch neer Rome, he gaue command that the Pretorian Cohorts should attend him disarmed, which done, he vehe­mently checkt them for their proditorious trechery against Pertinax, and pronouncing sentence, depriued them both of name, honor, and armes of Souldiers, and banished them from Rome, and the circuit there­of for one hundred miles distance: which act of his [Page 228] wonne him such reputation, that in Rome the whole Story of Pertinax his ruine, and Seuerus his aspiring to his Throne, was at large portraited in an excellent peece of worke, of solide molten brasse, as Herodian relateth, though he ascribeth the occasion of it, to a dreame of Seuerus.

(2) Those two obiects Didius and Niger, who gaue some hinderance to Seuerus his beginning, being thus defeated of their high hopes; the third, which was Albinus, seemed now a more dangerous cloud, which would altogether ouer-cast his brightnesse & glory, if it were not dispersed or blown back in time: and therefore to make faire weather with him, hee created him Caesar and his Successor in the Empire, but afterwards his good fortunes thus swelling in the Albinus made Successor in the Empire. East, and himselfe still courted by Ambassadors from all parts, with their tender of subiection, he began to grow proud, and to disdaine any Copartner in State: His death practised. and thereupon first secretly sought the destruction of his Caesar; which failing, he then proclaimed him Traitor and Enemy to Rome. Proclaimed Traitor. He wageth w [...]te against Seuerus.

(3) Clodius Albinus brought into these vnexpect­ed dangers, prepared his strengths, and with the choice of all Britaine entred France, and neere vnto Lions tooke the field against the Emperour; but with no better successe, then Pescennius had done in Asia the lesse, in the same place (as Herodian, Eutropius and Spartianus affirme) where Darius was first ouer-throwne by Alexander. The Armies ioining, a bloo­dy Battaile was fought, which through the great prowesse of the Britains went at first so sore against Seuerus, that being beaten off his Horse, despairing of Victorie, and almost of Life, cast off his Imperiall Robe, and flying, ignobly hid himselfe. Laetus one of Seuerus his Captaines, kept aloofe all this while, of purpose as was thought, to bring the Emperour to ruine, and now vpon report that hee was slaine, came on most furiously with his forces, in hope of win­ning both the day, and the Empire to himselfe: Albinus vanqui­shed by Seuerus. whereupon the Emperor drawne againe into the field, the day was his by the meanes, but not the mea­ning, of Laetus: whom on attainder of his Treason he afterward put to the sword. That day a great part of the flower of Britaine was slaine, together with their valiant Leader Albinus, a Captaine of exempla­ry Seuerity and Martiall discipline, a great admirer of Hannibal and Marius; for the Scipio's he thought them rather fortunate then valiant, and in the time of his seruice in this Iland, there was no toile which hee commanded his souldiers, but himselfe would beare therein a part, euen in carrying of burdens on his Backe: and yet so farre from vaunting of his va­lour, as that when an Historian would haue recorded his noble Acts, he willed him to write of theirs who were already dead, whom he need not to flatter; hol­ding it a foppery to write of those, of whose fauour or wrath the Inditers stood in hope or feare: Being such a one, no maruaile if Seuerus so feared him, as he did, which he shewed euen after hee was slaine, by putting incredible numbers of great Personages both in the City and Prouinces to death, with this one Pretence, for all, that they wished well to Albinus.

After this ouerthrow Seuerus forthwith sent Hera­clianus hither, to keepe the rest of the Britaines in qui­et, and to be Lieutenant in Albinus his roome, as Spar­tianus writeth: Of whose affaires therein little remem­brance Spartianus. is left, onely it seemeth by a Coine of Seuerus minted in his second Consulship, which fell in the yeere of our Sauiour one hundred ninety eight, and about the period of this his last Competitor, that the Britaines gaue not at first their seruice and seruitude to this man, vntill he had made the purchase of it by his sword; the brand of which he hath left to posteri­tie in figuring the Goddesse Victory seated vpon spoiles, and writing in a shield, Victoria Britan.

Vnto this Lieutenant, Virius Lup [...] succeeded Pre­sident of Britaine, as Vlpian the Lawyer termes him, Virius Lup [...] made President of Britaine. and was about the yeere of Christ one hundred nine­ty seuen, as appeareth by this Inscription erected at Olinaca amongst the Brigantes, in memory of the ree­difying of that place by this Emperor and his eldest Hekely in Yorke­shire. Sonne, then first designed Caesar, by which the time is discouered, and in this stone inserted.


Iegatio. Pro Prat [...]re.

(4) This man strengthned the Prouince especi­ally in the North, with many strong Castles, repai­ring many places ruined either by fire or fury of the bordering swords: Of which Bow [...]: vnder S [...]more in Rich­ [...]shire. Lauat Rae, where the first Cohort of the Thrasiaus lay, was one, as appea­reth by this Altar there erected to the Goddesse For­tune, and since remoued to Conington the house of Sir Robert Cotton in Huntingdonshire.


He warred against the Maatae and North Britaines with such bad successe, that he was forced to redeeme his peace with mony, and was so much weakned by losse of his men, that he sent to Rome for present sup­ply, with relation of his great danger, and the Ene­mies [...] why brought into Britaine. strength: which newes touched Seuerus to the quick; and notwithstanding his yeeres (sixty at the least) and gout wherewith hee was continually grie­ued, yet would he vndergoe that iourney in person himselfe, aswell to satisfie his owne vaine glorious humours, as to traine his Sonne Bassianus from his li­centious life, wherein he wallowed idly in Rome, who together with his brother Geta, accompanied their Father into Britaine. Aemilius Papini­anus a famous Lawyer.

(5) The Britaines then hearing of the Emperors approch, sent him their Embassage for intreaty of [Page 229] peace, whereby the Iland might haue been setled and secured without blood, but the old man (saith Sabelli­cus) had so vnsatiable a desire to beare the glorious Sirname of Britannicus, that he preferred warre, and accepted not their proffered subiection.

(6) Seuerus thus entred, Geta was appointed to remaine in the South of the Prouince, and to gouerne those parts that stood in quiet, assisted by Aemilius Papinianus the famous Lawyer, whose Tribunall seat was held in Yorke; himselfe and Bassianus marching fur­ther Fifty thousand of Seuerus army dead through toylesome labor and sicknesse. into the North against the Maatae and Caledoni­ans their neighbours, both which bare themselues boldly vpon the aduantage of their Countries, their waters brackish, and vnholsome drinke for their Ene­mies, the aire sharpe and contagious to their constitu­tions, and the soile it selfe so pestred with Loughs, Bogs, Meares, and Mountaines, that the Romans were forced to make way by continuall Labour, in cutting downe Woods, in building of Bridges, and in dray­ning of Meares, so that by distemperature of diet, con­tinuall Sabellicus. labour, contagiousnesse of Aire, and afflictions by sicknesse, fifty thousand of them perished, and that without Battaile, saith Dio: many Souldiers also, Herodian. whose spirits were spent, and through feeblenesse could not keepe ranke in their March, were for meere Caledoniane desire peace. pitty slaine by their fellowes, lest they should fall in­to the hands of their Enemies.

(7) These miseries, notwithstanding old Seuerus indured and fought many Battailes, but (as Sabellicus confesseth) euer with more difficulties to the Romans then to the Britaines, and yet in some small skirmishes he went away Victor, and continued his courses with such resolution, that lastly the Caledonians thought good to intreate their peace; which vpon these condi­tions was granted: first, that they should forthwith lay aside all hostile Armes, without any further resistance: next, that they should deliuer into the Romans Posses­sion, those Countries that were next abutting on their Prouince: and lastly, that thence-forth they should liue in quiet, attempting nothing against the publike Peace.

(8) The State thus setled, Seuerus bethought himselfe of some further meanes to secure the Pro­uince, by building many In-land strengths anew, and repairing those with Stone and Cement which for­merly were but of Turffe and earth, as appeareth by this Inscription found in the Ruines of one of his workes neere vnto the Riuer VRE, in the County of Richmond erected.



A wall from Sea to Sea. Herodian. Spartian. Pol. Virg. de Reb. Angl. lib. a. Hect. [...].

And neglecting the vttermost and vast Northerne parts of this Iland, drew a Wall or Fortification, which might serue as a Rampire and diuision betwixt the sa­uage and more ciuill people, stretching it selfe thorow the whole Iland, euen from Sea to Sea; that is, from the Bay of Itun (otherwise Solweyfrith) in Scotland, to the doore of Tine or Tinmouth, containing in length One hundred thirty and two Miles, as Sextus Aurelius Vi­ctor, Eutropius, and others account them, and by some Seuerus surna­med Britanni­cus Maximus. more. This Wall he built of Turfes and Timber strong­lie fensed with Bulwarkes and Turrets, neere vnto (if not vpon) the foundation of Adrians Wall, the tract whereof thorow the Countries of Westmorland and Northumberland, is more pleasing to bee seene, then easie in word to be expressed. For which his Acts thus heere atchieued about the yeere of grace two hun­dred and eleuen, he assumed to himselfe his much de­sired Sirname Britannicus Maximus, causing in his owne and his sonnes Coines that inscription to bee stamped.

(9) And recording to posteritie the glory of his first atchieuement heere, vpon the reuerse of those his moneies, whereon he sometimes formed a Trophy erected vpon spoiles with two Captiues, vndersetting the word VICT. BRIT. sometimes a winged vi­ctorie: grauing a Shield, hung on that tree which is the meede of Conquerours, VICTORIAE BRI­TANNICAE: and sometimes in such a forme and [...] disloy­altie. phrase as is expressed in the entrance of this his life. And now retired to Yorke, he left his eldest sonne to fi­nish this worke of warre by him begun, as being ra­ther allaied then altogether ended.

(10) Bassianus thus set in the one part of the Iland, as Geta was in the other, sought rather to gaine the af­fections Caledonians rebell. of his Army, by a loose libertie to doe what they list, then to manage the trust reposed on him, by the restraint of Martiall Discipline, and exaction of Mi­litarie duties: hoping by such his plausibilitie and in­dulgence, to purchase to himselfe their best concur­rence for the obtaining of the Empire, which hee so thirsted after, as that hee often tampered with them to raise him, by the fall of his father. A generall Mas­sacre of them by Seuerus.

(11) The Caledonians vnderstanding the disso­lutenesse of his Campe, and the want of a better Cap­taine, suddenly assailed the Romans, putting many to the sword, and taking great booties, (which they dis­persed amongst their neighbours) without any regard of the obligation of their former Couenants: whereat the testie old man was so much disquieted, and so farre enraged to reuenge, that hee gaue an expresse charge to make a generall Massacre, without excepti­on of any; vsing in his speech to his Souldiers, these verses borrowed out of Homer:

Nemo manus fugiat vestras, cadem (que) cruentam:
Non foetus, grauidâ Mater quem gestat in aluo,
Horrendam effugiat cadem.—

Let none escape your bloudy rage; with terrour let all die:
Spare not the mother, nor the child that in her womb doth ly.

(12) This (which seemeth to haue beene the worke of Seuerus second yeere in Britannie, Anno two hundred and twelue for so it is expressed vpon the monies of himselfe and sonnes) may (and with a fit and easie inference from the same authoritie) seeme to haue beene heere the fortune and effect of two en­counters and Conquests that same yeere: for whether we obserue the two seuerall coines of victorie then minted, on one of which is the Statue of that armed and winged Goddesse, at whose feet are two Captiues prostrate bound; or the other bearing on it a double figure of that Lady, grauing the sculpture of the for­mer, VICT. BRIT. vpon a Shield, it can conclude no lesse in probabilitie.

(13) Seuerus remaining in Yorke, where the Sixth Legion called Victrix kept, (which place afterwards grew to be one of the chiefest for account among the Brigantes, as commonly the Sta [...] of the R [...]dus The seed-plots of our Cities and T [...]. Colonies were the seed-plots of all our Cities, and prin­cipall Townes) grew feeble and sicke, being weakened with age, and wearied with trauell, his maladie more [Page 230] increasing by the disturbances of the Enemie, and the [...] daily disloialtie of Bassianus his sonne, insomuch that despairing of life, hee called his Counsell and Captaines before him, and vnderlaid with pillowes, he thus ad­dressed his speech.

(14) Eighteene yeeres almost haue I wielded ‘the affaires of the Empire, and borne on my shoul­ders S [...]erus his speech to his Counsell and Captaines. the burden of her encombred estate, both at home and abroad; at my first entrance, troubled euery where, now at length quiet, euen here in Bri­taine, the most vnquiet and molestious Prouince of all: The profit of which trauels I must now leaue for others to enioy, and with ease in peace to keepe that which I with care and warre haue gotten. If therefore amity and mutuall concord, be embraced (the only sinewes of a Common-wealth) the glory of the Empire shall yet shine more bright, sith by con­cord we see that small things grow to greatnesse, whereas contrariwise, discord is the ruine of all. I die and must leaue the successe of all to my Succes­sors and Sonnes by Nature, though the Elder vnna­turall: I meane Bassianus new made Antoninus and your Emperor, who often ere this hath sought to gaine that title by his sword and my death; but knoweth not the dangers that attend a Diadem, nei­ther remembreth that high places are continually garded with Enuie and Feares. But so blind is Am­bition, as it seeth not that a Soueraignes greatnesse is such vnto others, but least in himselfe, and that the things possessed are not the very things they seemed: It is not these Titles therefore can make man happy, the line of his life being drawne forth with so many vncertainties, and the height of his power laid vpon so weake foundations. My selfe Spartianus. at this instant may serue for example, of whom this may bee said, I was all things, yet nothing, seeing I I must pay my debt to Nature, and leaue my ex­ploits in East and West to bee registred (either at your disposall) for matters of moment, and good of the Empire, or blotted to the reproch of my gouernement, with the shadowing pencile of Ob­liuion. That therefore my care for the welfare of this State may suruiue my selfe, and bring forth the happie fruits thereof when I am withered, this shall be my last and onely request, that you will e­uer assist my sonnes both with your counsell and aide, whereby they may rule according to Lawe, and you obay according to Right, that so in you both, the good of the Empire be aboue all things re­spected. With which words hee ended both his speech and his life.’

(15) This Emperour by Historians is rancked with the best, both for his warres, wherein hee was verie fortunate, and for his wisedome in gouerning the Em­pire: and yet is he taxed very sharply both by Sabelli­cus for sundry vices, and by Eusebius for stirring vp the fift Persecution of the Christians in the tenth yeere of his Raigne. In which Ireneus the learned writer, a­mong many others, suffred Martyrdome: howbeit, towards his end, he became more milde to them, as saith Saint Ierome: as also that he was a diligent reader of the excellent workes of Tertullian, whom vsually he termed his Master.

(16) This Emperour was by birth an African, to which Country his affection & graces were so much, that the illustrious Citie of those parts, recorded vpon their coyne his many fauours by this Inscription, IN­DVLGENTIA AVG. IN CARTH. and in­shrined Bed [...]. him amongst the Gods of that Nation. He was the sonne of Geta, his mother Pia Fuluia: him­selfe rough, cruell, couetous, and ambitious, and his nature, relishing too much of the Punick craft and simulation: otherwise a most expert Soldiour, and a worthy Prince, more battles hee fought, and more victories obtained, then any other that euer had ru­led before him the Romane Empire. In a word, of ver­tues and vices so equally composed, that lastly this grew into a customed speech: It had beene good that this Emperour had neuer beene borne, or beeing Emperour, that hee had neuer died.

(17) Of stature he was tall, and of a comely per­sonage, Seuerus his de­scription. his countenance seuere and representing Ma­iesty, his beard white and long, and the haire of his head he wore vsually curled. He was very learned in the Mathematicks, a good Philosopher, an eloquent Orator, and of a deep sounding voice. Hee raigned eighteene yeeres (saith Eusebius) by Dion Cassius, He­rodian, Euseb. Eccl. Hist. lib. 6. ca. 7. and Eutropius, seuenteen yeeres, eight months, and odde daies. He died in Yorke, the fourth day of A­pril, Seuerus dieth at Yorke. The first Ides of Ianuary, saith Sauils Table. in the yeere of Christ two hundred and twelue, not so much of sicknes, as of discontent and greefe, or (if our British writers may bee credited) of a deadly wound giuen by Fulgence, Captaine of the Picts, who as the Monke of Chester saith, was brother to Martia, the first wife of Seuerus and mother of Bassianus. His Polychr. l. 4. [...]. 19. second wife was Iulia Domna the mother of Geta, (though some thinke that she was mother to both) a woman of a surpassing beauty, and an earnest instiga­tor of the two Bretherens reconciliation, had she not been blemished with other vices, as after we shal here.




Bassianus Caracalla. Septimus Geta.

BAssianus Caracalla, and his Brother Septimius Geta, to­gether An. Do. 212. were declared Em­perours by old Seuerus in his life time, and both of them by their father sur­named Antoninus, a name very gracious in the e­steeme of the Romans, the elder so stiled about the yeere of Saluation two hundred and fiue, and the yonger foure yeeres after, (as it appeareth by the min­tage of their moneys;) were approued and applauded by people and Senate, and of all men saluted and ac­knowledged for Emperours. Bassianus the Elder, stiling himself Britannicus Maximus, as it should seem, was ad­mitted his Fathers fellow Emperour at Yorke at his re­siding there, to quiet the Northern Britains; wherein Godd. 3. Tit. de rei vi [...]dicatione lege. 1. also hee gaue him the name Antoninus; for so implieth that famous Law, bearing iointlie the names of Seue­rus and Antoninus, enacted by them at Yorke, touching the interest and right that masters haue to the goods and possessions of their seruants. His mother, the first wife of Seuerus, was Martia a British Lady (say our British Historians, though Sabellicus doth iudge her G [...]ss Monmouth. Sabellicus. to be an African) and himselfe better beloued of the Britaines for her sake, then for his owne.

Geta was the sonne of the Empresse Iulia, a second wife, a woman of passing beautie and surpassing lust, who beeing perswaded (by some Oracle or dreame) that her husbands successour should be an Antoninus, Some s [...]y it was [...] his [...]ame. Sabelli­cus. lost her Sonne should lose his hope of the Empire, she importuned Seuerus to bestow the name of Anto­ninus also on Geta; who with it gaue him likewise the title of Caesar, about the yeere two hundred and two. And to vnite the affections of his two sons, aswel as to eternise their memories, he minted their features vp­on one Medall, inscribing the one side ANTONI­NVS PIVS AVG. PON. TR. P. IIII. the o­ther, Herodian. Sabellicus. P. SEPT. GETA. CAES. PONT. hauing the yeere before matched thē together vpon the reuerse of his owne money, and incirculing their heads with this word, AETERNITAS IMPERI. as if the separation of their affections were the dissolution of his and the worlds Empire.

(2) Vpon Seuerus his death, Antoninus Caracal­la, hastning for Rome, profered good conditions of peace to the Britaines, who long tired with warres accepted thereof, and hostages were giuen for conser­uing the same. Whereupon the Empresse Iulia ac­companied with both the Caesars, departed hence, ca­rying with them the funerall ashes of the deceased Emperour in a goldē Vrna to Rome, where they solemn­ly consecrated him a God: the ceremony wherof (be­cause it concerneth so great an Emperour and Monarch of this kingdome) is not vnworthy the inserting.

In the Porch of his Palace was a bedsteed all of Iuo­ry, dressed with richest bedding and furniture of gold, wherein was laid his image protraited to the life, but yet in manner of a sicke man. On the left side sate all the Senators and Princes in blacke mourning weeds; on the right, all the great Ladies, cladde in white (which then was the mourning colour of that Sexe.) The Physitians diligently comming to visit him, and feeling his pulse, as if he were aliue, doe signifie that his disease did still increase vpon him. This they all did seuen daies together: at last, as if then hee were Forum was the ch [...] place of publicke mee ung [...] and plead­ings. dead, all the prime of the Nobility carrie him in his Iuorie Bed to the * Forum, where all the Patrician youth, & Noble Virgins, incompassed him with most [Page 232] dolefull Hymnes and ruefull ditties. Thence againe he was remoued to Mars his field, where was erected a foure-square frame of Timber, of a huge height and compasse, the stories still mounting to the toppe with sundry ascents, and richly beautified with strange va­rieties of gold and purple ornaments, and images of great Art and price: On the second of which ascents, was placed the Emperours said Bed and Statue, with infinite store of sweetest odours, brought thither from all parts of the Citie: which done, the yong No­bles brauely mounted on Horsebacke, rid round a­bout in a kinde of dance or measure, and another sort likewise (who represented great Princes) in their Coa­ches, whereupon his successor in the Empire, first set­ting fire to the frame, forthwith all the people did the like on all sides: and when the whole began to be on flame, an Eagle secretly enclosed within, was let fly out of the toppe; which soaring a great height, and out of sight, the people followed it with shouts and praiers, supposing that therewith the Emperours soule was carried vp to heauen. And thus Seuerus, which was before a man of Gods making, was now become a God of mans making: and the more to preserue the memory of his fathers glory, Caracalla erected a mag­nificent Edifice, which he instiled Seuerus his Porch, wherein with most exquisite Art, and admired work­manship, were portraited all his Fathers warres and triumphs, atchieued here in Britaine or elsewhere. Sabellicus.

(3) But presently after, these two vngodly sonnes of this new supposed God, so much emulated each o­thers glory, that the deadly sparkes of enuy, blowne a long time with the bellowes of their ambitious de­sires, brake out into the flames of murther and blood, being brethren by one Father, but not by the same mother (as it is said) & in this only like, that they were both starke naught, though both in contrarie kinds of Vices. And albeit the Empresse Iulia had sought by all meanes to make peace betwixt them, both for­merly, here in Britaine, and now, after their returne to Rome: yet the desire of a sole Soueraignty, had beene a long time so rooted in Bassianus his heart (for which he had twice attempted his Fathers life, and so much hasted his death, that hee slew his Physitians, because they had dispatched him no sooner) could not indure an equall (much lesse a confronter) in authority, and therefore in the Court and in the armes of the Em­presse, he slew her sonne Geta, in a time least suspected, Geta slaine in his mothers armes. when he had sate with him in state and disdaine, the terme of one yeare and twenty two daies. Herodian.

(4) And to cloake this fratricide with shew of con­straint, first to the Souldiers, and then in the Senate, he accuseth his Brother to haue sought his death, and that in defence of his owne life, he was forced to slay the other, and flying to the Pretorian Cohorts for the safetie of his life, as though further conspiracies had been intended against him in the City, & at his return commanded Papinianus the famous Ciuilian, to excuse Dio Spartianus. the murther in his Pleas at the Barre: which when he refused, hee caused him to bee slaine, as also all those, Papinianus slaine for refusing to desend a mur­ther. that had beene acquainted with Geta; whereby so ma­ny of the Nobilitie perished, that he was thereby ac­counted another Nero in Rome: and by his fauorites the name of Geta was raced out of all monuments & imperiall inscriptions, as we haue seene some of thē defaced vpon some Altar stones found here in Brit.

(5) Of nature he was subtile, and could well dis­semble with them whom hee feared, and make shew of loue where hee deadly hated; alwaies fitting him­selfe to the humours of flatteries: Among the Ger­mans, counterfetting their gate and garments; In Greece, be like Alexander, bearing his necke somewhat awry; In Troy, would resemble Achilles; alwaies so Ca­melion-like, as the Romans (his followers) were there­with ashamed. In a word, Caracalla (saith Dio) neuer thought of doing good, because (as himselfe confessed) he ne­uer Dio. knew any goodnes.

(6) And to fill vp the measure of all iniquitie, as one regardlesse of humanity or shame, he married Iu­lia his mother in law, late wife to his owne Father (a sinne (saith S. Paul) not to be named among the Gen­tiles) 1. Cor. 5. 1. and by Sext. Aur. Eutrop. and Spar. reported vp­on this occasion. It fortuned that Iulia in presence of Caracalla, either by chance, or of purpose rather, let fall the vaile which she wore, discouering thereby her Sextus Aurelius. Eutropius. Spartianus. Sabellicus. naked breasts and beauty, which was great; whereat the Emperour casting his lasciuious eie and bewraying his affection, presently said, Were it not vnlawfull, I should not be vnwilling: to whom she replied (without Iulia her wicked speech. respect of modesty) that all things were lawfull to him that made lawes for others, but was subiect himselfe to none: forgetting at once both the murther commit­ted vpon Geta her sonne, and the scandals that accom­panied so foule a sinne, the pleasure wherof they did not long enioy, both their deaths (by Gods ven­geance) soone after ensuing.

(7) For Caracalla remaining in Mesopotamia, and carrying (as it seemeth) a guilty conscience, and suspi­tion of his life, sent to Maternus, whom hee had left Antoninus seek­eth to sorcerers. Gouernour of Rome, to assemble all the Astrologers & Mathematicians (vnto which learned imposters he al­waies gaue especiall credit) and of them to enquire how long he should liue, and by what death he should die. Maternus hauing so done, wrote for answere, that Macrinus his Prefect of the Praetorium (then with him in his expeditiōs) went about to murther him. Which is thought rather in enuy of Macrinus to haue beene fained, then by any Astrologicall directions so giuen forth. This letter and others comming to Caracalla his hand, at such time as hee was busie about his dis­port, he deliuered them to Macrinus to reade, and giue him the report at his returne. In perusall wher­of finding himselfe to be accused of Treason, and fea­ring lest by the sequell hee might bee brought into greater danger, he incensed one Martial a Centuri­on (whose brother the Emperour had lately slaine) to Sabellicus. murther him; which was soone performed, and oc­casion in the fields offred: for Caracalla stepping aside from his traine to ease nature, Martial, as though he had beene called, ran hastily in without hindrance or Antoninus Caracalla kild. suspect, and with his dagger stabbed him to death; but being too late perceiued, was yet so hastily pursued, that he was hewed to peeces before his tongue could reueale the principall Traitour. Iulia his incestuous wife hearing of his death, with poison slew her selfe at Antioch, leauing her shame to suruiue her life.

(8) Antoninus Caracalla, saith Eusebius, raigned Em­perour Antoninus Cara­calla his raigne. Euseb. Eccl. Hist. lib. 6. ca. 20. seuen yeares and sixe moneths, but Herodian, Spartianus, and Dio allot him sixe yeeres and two mo­neths: he died the eight of Aprill, and yeere of Christ two hundred eighteene. The testimonies of these many writers notwithstanding, together with the place and circumstances of his death, and the person by whom it was committed, the British Historians do contradict, reporting him to bee slaine in Britaine in Battaile against the Picts, by one Carauceus a man of a lowe and obscure birth. But by this it may seeme Old Ma [...]scr. cap. 136. some wounds receiued by him in those British warres, gaue occasion to that errour. He left a sonne not by his incestuous mother, nor by Glantilla his wife, whō he exiled into Sicily; but by a mistris, whose name was Iulia Simiamira his cosen German, and indeed no bet­ter Eusebius cals her Sa [...]iam, alij Sa­rius, and her mo­nies Iulia [...], that she was his whore, not his wife. Sabellicus. then a common strumpets which corrupt rootes brought forth as bitter fruits, euen Heliogabalus, of whom hereafter we shall haue occasion to write.



Opilius Ma­crinus. Diadumenus.

IN prosecuting our inten­ded An. Do. 218. course, for setting downe the Acts and Liues of sundry Emperours, heereafter succeeding, I know I shall hardly satisfie my Readers, being no way able to giue content to my selfe, in that, on the one side, finding very few re­membrances concerning the state of this our Iland, till the raigne of Dioclesian, the Historie of that Inte­rim may seeme impertinent to our purpose; and yet on the other side, considering how vnfit it is, that the Succession of all our British Monarks should be inter­rupted (that Royall Title being likewise annexed to those other Emperours) I suppose it will bee expected, that somwhat also be said of them, though managing their affaires in places farre remote. It seemeth that the continuall striuing for the Imperiall Diademe, and their neerer hazards at home, made them contented to giue Britaine some peaceable breathing, and so de­priue vs of the Romane Records of those times: which want if I should supply out of our home-bred British Writers, I might be thought, not so much to repaire the ruines of our Monuments, as to heape more rub­bish vpon them. And therefore (necessitie so enfor­cing) I must craue patience, if I proceed to the rest of our Countries Monarkes, though I cannot to the re­sidue of our Countries Exploits and Affaires in those daies.

(2) Opilius Macrinus from obscure and base pa­rentage, An. Do. 218. by fauours of the Emperour, without any no­table desert in himselfe, first aspired to the Office of a Prefect, and at last by the election of the Souldiers, to the Dignitie Imperiall. So farre from suspicion of Ca­racallaes death, by the outward appearance of a see­ming sorrow, that hee was held of all most free from the Treason, and the second person worthy of their voice. For first, the Title was conferred vpon aged Audentius, a man of good sort, much experience, and an excellent Captaine; whose wisdome could not bee Audentius refu­seth the Empire. drawne to aduenture his life vnder the weight of so vneasie and dangerous a Crowne, but excusing him­selfe by the priuilege of his age, as farre vnfit to wield the troubles (much lesse to increase the glorie) of the Empire, refused their offers, but with returne of as many thankes as they had giuen him hands or voices. Whereupon they againe consulted and determined for Macrinus, which as willingly receiued, as Audenti­us refused: vnto whom they swore fealtie, but not long after failed in performance.

(3) He made for his Caesar, Diadumenus his sonne, Diadumenus appointed for Caesar. Called Antoninus changing his name (a vsuall custome at their election) into Antoninus, because that name was gracious a­mong the Romans. The Senate at home confirmed all that the Armie had done abroad; vnto whom it seemed their right, as it were by prescription, to haue the election of the Emperours.

(4) His first expedition was against Artabanus King of the Parthians, that hasted against the Romans, for wrongs receiued by Caracalla deceased: but after three great and dangerous Battles, came to an attone­ment, and a peace betwixt them concluded. After this, as free from further troubles, he returned to An­tioch in Syria, and there spent his time in Banquets, and other sensuall pleasures, being drenched so farre therein, that the Armie began to dislike his Gouern­ment, and to fauour young Bassianus the sonne of Ca­racalla, Antoninus sonne of Caracalla. then present at E [...]esa a Citie in Phoenicia, with Moesa his Grandmother by his Mothers side, who there had built a Temple consecrated to the Sunne, and therein ordained him a Priest; for which cause he Antoninus called Heliogabalus, that is, A Priest of the Sunne. was called Heliogabalus, that is to say in the Phoenician Language, The Priest of the Sunne.

(5) To this Temple in their vaine deuotions re­sorted many of the Romane Souldiers; and seeing the beautie of the youth, allured Moesa to bring him to their Campe: where knowne to be the sonne of Cara­calla, the Souldiers proclaimed him Emperour, and Herodian. maintained his right against Macrinus; who after this reuolt, met young Heliogabalus in the Confines be­twixt Phoenicia and Syria, where was fought a blou­die Battle, and Macrinus forsaken of all, and driuen [...] Capital. to flie; who with his sonne hasting thorow Asia and Bithinia, came lastly to Chalcedon, where he fell sicke, and was there, together with Diadumenus, put to Mar [...] and Diad [...] put to death. [...], [...] raigne. death the seuenth day of Iune, the yeere of Christs In­carnation two hundred and nineteene, when hee had raigned one yeere, one moneth, & twenty eight daies.



Antoninus Heliogabalus Emp.

YOung Bissianus, surnamed Heliogabalus, the sonne of An. Do. 219. Caracalla before mentio­ned, thus elected, and pro­spering at his entrance, gaue hopes to his raisers, of many princely parts, and signes of those things that in sequele by better proofe appeared to be on­lie signes indeed: for nature had plentifully adorned him with the complements of her gifts, had his mind beene answerably furnished with vertue. But as the one was ouer-prodigall and lauish in his outward forme, so was the other as sparing and defectiue in bestowing of her inward gifts. insomuch that both in minde and garment, he seemed to bee that which in truth he was not. This Emperour, as appeareth by the reuerse of his money, tooke it no meane addition of honour to his Imperiall Dignitie, to be stiled, The Priest of the Sunne; which in the Assyrian Tongue is called El, from whom he tooke the surname Elagabal.

(2) Assoone as hee had settled the Empire firme vpon himselfe by the death of Macrinus, he began to discouer his owne dispositions, and in wantonnesse, apparell, lightnesse, and diet, to exceed any that had Heliogabalus ex­ceedeth in wic­kednesse all o­thers before him gone before him in Rome; and so farre differed from the manners of men, that modestie will not suffer vs to record his greatest vices.

(3) His apparell was rich, and most extreme cost­lie, and yet would he neuer weare one garment twice: his Shooes embellished with Pearles and Diamonds; his Seats strowed with Muske and Amber; his Bed couered with Gold and Purple, and beset with most costly Iew­els; his Way strewed with the Powder of Gold and Sil­uer; his Vessels (euen of basest vse) all Gold; his Lamps burning with no other Oile then the Balmes of India and Arabia; his Fish-Ponds filled with no other water then of distilled Roses; his Ships (in his Naumachies or Ship-fights) floted in a Riuer of Wine; his Bathes most stately built, and againe after they were once vsed, presently pluckt downe; his Plate of finest Gold, but neuer serued twice to his Table; his Rings and Iewels most rich, yet neuer worne twice; his Concubines ma­ny and chargeable, but not one laine with twice; his Diet so profuse, that at euery supper in his Court, was vsually spent a Thousand Pound Sterling: inuiting the chiefe Citizens to a Feast, hee strewed all the Roomes with Saffron, as it were with Rushes, saying, That such Cattle were worthy of such costly Litter. Neere the Sea, with him no Fish was eaten: in the Land, no Flesh: whole Meales made of the Tongues of singing Birds and Peacocks, or of the Braines of most costly crea­tures, alwaies saying, That meat was not sauorie, whose sauce was not costly. And indeed so costly it was, that the reuenewes of Germany, France, Britaine, Spaine, Italie, Sicilia, Graecia, Asia, Syria, Aegypt, Arabia, and all the Ilands, were not suffcient to defray the charges.

(4) In his Progresse, six hundred Chariots followed him, laden with Strumpets, Boyes, and Bawdes, for whom he built a Stewes in his Court, wherein himselfe in the attire of an Harlot, made to them solemne and A [...]lius Lamprid. set Orations, terming them therein his Fellow-Souldiers, Herodian. and Companions in Armes, with Instructions for them how to practise with most varietie their filthy Luxu­ries. In regard of which kinde of actions, one doth make this doubt, whether were greater his bound­lesse Prodigalitie, his stupendious Lecherie, or his fop­pish Foolerie: the last of which his Imperiall Vertues, he gaue proofe of, when he gathered in the City ten thou­sand waight of Spiders, professing that thereby he vn­derstood how great a City Rome was: at another time, ten thousand Mice, and a thousand Wizels, which hee brought forth in a publike shew to the people, for some wise State-purpose, like the former.

(5) In Rome he built a Temple consecrated to the Sunne, (like to that in Phoenicia, whereof himselfe was Priest) commanding the Christians therein to wor­ship: as also a Chatter-house for women to meet and determine of their Attires; and brought into the Se­nate-house his mother Semiamira, allowing her a Voice among the Senatòrs. In modestie I forbeare to write the particulars of his vn-manly libidinous filthinesse, adding only that which a iudicious Author speakes of him: Kings (saith he) as they haue greater power to sinne then other men, so haue they lesser safety in sinning then any man; for being set aboue others in the eie of the World, they are as Markes that are aimed at, and lie o­pen to the shute of Reuenge. And so was the state of this Superlatiue Monster, whose owne Conscience still stung him, euen in the midst of his sweetest sinnes, and therefore euer expecting some violent end, hee prepared Silken Halters richly wrought to hang him­selfe, if need were; and Golden Kniues to stab himselfe, or cut his throat; and built a goodly Tower of excee­ding height, adorned with Gemmes and Gold of inua­luable cost, that thence he might cast himselfe head­long, hauing these words oft in his mouth, That how­euer he died, his death should be pretious in the eies of all men. But he failed of his hope, though not of his de­sert; for against him the Praetorian Souldiers suddenlic arose, no wrong offred them, more then vnto others, but out of a Iustice in God, who repaieth sinne with sinne, and suffreth not such outragious wicked ones to escape vnreuenged.

(6) These breaking into his Palace, found him not in estate answerable to his calling, but hidde (for feare) in a homely place suteable with his dirty condi­tions: A Priuy. Sabellicus. from whence with Acclamations thorow the streets of Rome, more like a Dogge then a Man, they dragged him with his mother, saying, The Bitch and her whelpe must goe together: and after their furie spent, threw their bodies into the Common Sinke of the City, and thence into Tyber, sinking them downe with [Page 235] great stones, lest the carkases cast vp with the waues, should either find buriall, or infect the aire. The Se­nate approuing all that was done, decreed that his name should be obliterated out of all monuments in Rome, and neuer any Antoninus (a name before very gratious) should rule againe their Empire: so odious was the remembrance of this Image of Ignominy.

(7) He was aged but foureteene yeeres when hee became Emperour; by Herodians computation, he raig­ned sixe yeeres, and died at twenty: By Aurelius Vi­ctors he died at seuenteene, & raigned not fully three yeeres: Eusebius saith, that he raigned fully foure: Onu­phrius Euseb. Eccles. hist. lib. 6. cap. 20. would haue him to liue eighteen yeeres, & to dy the 8 day of March, Anno two hundred twenty three.



Alexander Seuerus Emp.

BEfore the death of Helio­gabalus, his Cosin German An. Do. 223. Alexianus, by the working of his mother Mammea, was made his Caesar, whose vertues daily increasing, with his age, gaue hopes to the better sort of some happier times by his meanes: but so farre in­censed Heliogabalus (who hated nothing more then vertue), and so dimmed his fame, that he often assai­ed to take away his life by trechery: But suruiuing him, whom no man wished to liue, he was with pub­licke blessings, and vnspeakable ioy elected Emperour; * his name they changed from Alexianus to Alexan­der, Lampridius saith, he was borne on the day that A­lexander the great died, and had therefore his name. and his surname giuen of old Seuerus.

(2) He was the sonne of one Varius, a Syrian borne, and of Mammea, sister to Simia [...]ira, though there are who say that both the sisters attending on their Aunt Iulia the Empresse, were gotten with child by yong Caracalla, and so he father of Alexianus: how­soeuer, Sabellicus. Lampridius. he was brought vp in learning from his child­hood, hauing a naturall propension to all humane vertues, and diuine pieties: He was very skilfull in the Mathematicks, Geometrie, Musicke, Caruing, and Herodian. Painting, & composed some Bookes also of Poetrie; so great a louer of the liberall Arts, that he allowed the Sabellicus. professors thereof annuall stipends for their further encouragement: and that which most is, hee much fauoured the Christians, from whom he tooke to him­selfe examples of life, and vrged their Precepts vnto others, and this one especially Lampridi [...] the truest relator of this Emperours acts: (for Herodi­an speakes on spleene) saith, he caused this Chri­stian poesie to be written all about his Pallace, and sometimes com­manded by voice of a pub­like Crier. Lamprid [...]. Sabellicus. NOT TO DO TO OTHERS WHAT WEE WOVLD NOT HAVE DONE TO VS. Their Christ he honoured (though as a Heathen man) and would haue had him consecrated among the Romane Gods: vnto whom he also was minded to haue built a Temple, had not his Idol-Priests hindred the same, but a place of their holy assemblies he allowed them by his Imperiall warrant: for when certaine Vinteners or Victuallers laid claime to the place whereunto the Christians resorted to pray, he thus decided it, That it was much fitter that God therein should be worshipped, then belly-gods should be pampered to surfet there. (A good do­cument of a Heathen for some Christians, who turne places consecrate to Gods diuine seruice into Sheep-Coates, or to the like prophane vses) This good in­clination Alexander Seue­rus incited to Christianity by his mother Mammea Euseb. Eccles. Hist. lib. 6. cap. 20. Ierome. of Alexander the sonne, was vndoubtedly stirred vp by the instigations of Mammea his mother, who, as Eusebius witnesseth, had sent for Origen (the Christian Doctour) from Alexandria to Antioch: by whom she was so wel instructed, that Ierome giues her the honourable Title of a most holy Woman.

(3) Himselfe, though yong, ruled the Empire with great Wisedome and Iustice: admitting onely such for his Counsellors, as were men vncorrupt, sage and learned, skillfull in the Ciuill Law, and experi­enced Sabellic [...]. in Antiquities of elder times, and preferring none to any office or charge by suite, but only by the commendation of each mans worth and fitnes for the place: In regard whereof, he caused Turinus (one of his Courtiers who tooke money of diuers, with promise to procure the Emperours fauour in their suites) to be put to death by smoake, the Crier pro­claiming, That hee had sold smoake, and therefore with smoake he should die. And likewise to cut off, in Law­yers their continuall selling of Iustice (the bane of all Common wealths) for a fee, hee granted a publike & set reward to such as should plead gratis. By which courses, his ciuill affaires were nobly managed, and his warres likewise proued as prosperous: for hee tri­umphed with great glory ouer the Parthians: The Germanes also, who in furious manner had passed the Riuers Danuby, and the Rhine, in many skirmishes he put backe, and forced them to their former obedi­ence.

Bountifull and liberal he was both to the people & soldiers, as by the reuerse of his Coine aboue prefix­ed is seene, wherin is expressed the fourth Donatinum and Congiarium, bestowed by the bounty of this Em­perour vpon the Souldiers and common people, of which Lampridius maketh mention in his life.

(4) But as Enuy euer attends persons of Estate, and a desire of change, breeds a dislike of the present, so the Roman Legions growne farre out of order by the prodigious Gouernement of the last Emperour, proued now vnnaturall to their dread Soueraigne: whose warres drawing him into Germanie, and thence hither into Britaine, hee found some of his Souldiers Sabellic [...] and o­thers. here so tumultuous, that he thought fit to vse exem­plary seuerity towards them, whereupon they, being [Page 236] secretly backt, (as is supposed) by Maximinus (a po­tent man in the Armie, raised onely by the Emperours fauour) they traiterously assailed him, and together with his mother Mammea, murthered him in a vil­lage Seuerus and his mother murthe­red. then called Sicila, though others say he was slaine in Germany, in the Citie Mogunce, and some in France, no other cause mouing them, but onely his vertue, the eight day of March, when hee had raigned (by Lampridius) thirteene yeeres and nine daies, aged by Herodian, and Iulius Capitolinus, twenty nine yeeres, Seuerus the time of his raigne. three moneths and seuen daies, the yeere of our Sa­uiour, two hundred thirtie sixe.


CAIVS. IVLIVS. VER VS. MAXI. CAES. Maximinus Emp. Maximus Caesar.

MAximinus, a man barba­rous by birth and disposi­tion, (himselfe a Thracian, his father named Nicea, borne in Gotland, very ob­scure, his mother Ababa of An. Do. 236. little better rancke) spent his youth in keeping of Cattell, the pouerty of his parents admitting no bet­ter maintenance: yet afterwards his fortunes brought him vnto great aduancement, and that by working vpon the outward obiect of his person, be­ing for shape and strength (if the reporter deserue credit) rather to be thought a vast Giant, then descri­bed for a goodly man: For Iulius Capitolinus, affirmes Iuli. Capitol. Maximinus of a huge stature. his height to be eight foote and an halfe by Geome­tricall measure, and his Body answerable in euery pro­portion, insomuch, as he did weare as a Ring on his thumb, the * Bracelet which his wife vsed to weare on Capitolinus calles it Dextr [...]cherium, being a broad plate of gold, set with rich Iewels, an ornament in vse amongst the Romane Ladies. her arme, a stature thought vncredible; and yet Iose­phus, an Author of great credit, doth confidently re­cord, that one Eleazar a Iewe accompanied Darius the Kings sonne of Persia vnto Rome, (sent by Vitelli­us to Tiberius for an hostage) whose height, as he saith, was fully seuen cubits, a measure surmounting this.

(2) This Maximinus increasing strength with Ioseph. Antiq. l. 18 cap. 6. growth, left his trade of Cattle-keeping, and resorted to the Romane Campe then in Syria, where for his ad­mirable Maximinus his meanes of rising to preferment. height, he was admitted by Septimus Seuerus into the rancke of a common Souldier, and shortly after, preferred to bee one of his Guarde. Bassianus made him a Coronell, and Heliogabalus gaue him the leading of certaine foote: but the last Emperour A­lexander, aduanced him to be a Captaine of the fourth Legion, whose death notwithstanding hee disloiallie practised (of such force is the desire of Soueraignty, which makes men forget all bonds of gratitude and Herodian and Aurelius Victor [...]y that this was done, Alexander yet liuing. loiall trust) and was thereupon by the Souldiers ele­cted Emperour, with fealty sworne vnto him.

(3) The ignoble Vpstart thus borne from the Maximinus of a naughty dispo­sition. dunghill, vpon the wings of Fortune, vnto the seat of Maiestie, thought the increase of his pride was an in­crease of State; and knowing hee had nothing for which he might deserue to be loued, he studied in the whole managing of his estate, how by all meanes hee might be feared. Hee therefore displaced Senatours, Captaines, Souldiers, and whom not? with murders, banishments, and confiscations of their goods: all such especially he did cut off, whom hee supposed to haue knowledge of his base beginnings. The Christi­ans Euseb. Eccles. hist. lib. 6. cap. 27. Maximinus per­secuteth the Christians. His death at­tempted. likewise vnder him were martyred, (whereof Ori­gen wrote a Booke, not now extant) and he is by Wri­ters accounted the sixth Persecutor of Gods Saints: so that, whereas his flatterers at first called him Milo, Antaeus, and Hercules, for his strength; now they all tearmed him, Busiris, Phalaris, and Cyclops, for his sa­uage crueltie.

(4) But his life being odious to God and Man, Herodian. was often attempted to be taken away; first, by Maxi­mus, a man of a Consular dignitie; then by Quarci­nus (whom Capitolinus calleth Ticus) set on by the old Souldiers of Septimus Seuerus, that had beene dis­graced by Maximinus; and lastly by the Army in Africa, who elected Gordianus (their Proconsul, a very Gordianus elect­ed Emperour, and his son [...]e elected his Caesar. worthy and learned man of fourescore yeeres old) Emperour, and his sonne (of the same name and Princely qualities) his Caesar: the Senate likewise con­firming all that they had done. He tooke to himselfe the surname Africanus either in respect of his Pro-Consulship which he exercised in that Prouince, or else as descēded from Scipio his family who bore that surname: His sonne Gordianus likewise was stiled Au­gustus, as appeareth by his Coines, whereon hee writ­eth himselfe AVG. and vpon the Reuerse, Liberali­tas AVG. I. two Emperours sitting.

Maximinus then in Hungarie, and hearing there­of, rather like a mad man raged at his misfortunes, then either by courage or wise forecast endeuoured to redeeme them.

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(5) In the meane while, aged Gordianus with the An. Do. 238. Ensignes and glory of an Emperor, entred Carthage, with blessings and acclamations of ioy: whereat his old enemie Capeltanus, Gouernour of Numidia and Mauritania (Prouinces in Africke) much enuied; and gathering forces in Maximinus his name, made head against him, and shortly gaue him Battle, wherein Gordianus the younger was slaine before the walles of Gordianus the younger slaine. the Citie. The father seeing his Caesars disastre, and himselfe an Emperour onely nominall, and his new risen Sunne to haue passed the circle of his height, and now to approch to the setting and fall, wished a­gaine his priuate estate; and in despaire, griefe, and disdaine of his enemies successe, with the Girdle which he wore, strangled himselfe to death, when hee had Gardianus the fa­ther strangled. beene stiled Emperour only twenty six daies: whereat Maximinus was not a little ioifull, and the Senate no lesse perplexed, seeing themselues depriued of their hopes, and now laid open to the Tyrants will, who like a Lion came raging on, threatning reuenge in all their blouds.

(6) The State thus standing, all the Peeres and Princes thereof assembled themselues together at Rome: and in the Temple of Iupiter, after long deba­ting of their present dangers, concluded, that Maxi­mus Pupienus and Clodius Balbinus together should bee Emperours; men of great account and fauour with the people. These taking Oath and Imperiall Robes, leuied forces to maintaine their cause: and Balbinus taking charge of the Citie, Pupienus marched to meet Maximinus, who in great pride had passed the Alpes, entred Italie, and now laid siege against Aquieliea; in which this was very memorable, that The Citizens wiues cut off the haire of their heads, to make bow-strings for resistance of so hatefull a Tyrant: where after long as­sault preuailing little, his discontented Souldiers fell to mutinie: and entring his Pauilion, at noone day without resistance slew both him and his sonne, bea­ring the same name whom hee had created his Caesar, Maximinus and his sonne slaine, and whose monies, as he minted them, we haue inser­ted at the entrance of his Empire. Their heads for a Trophy they sent before them to Rome, where with such acceptations they were receiued, as that the Se­nate acknowledged themselues to be rid of a Monster.

(7) Hee was, as is said, exceedingly tall, his body great, and ioints proportionable, faire of face, full eies, and of such strength as is vncredible: and accor­ding to his limmes, so was his diet; for hee daily de­uoured Maximinus his intemperance in di [...]t. Iul. Capitol. Euseb. Eccles. Hist. lib. 6. cap. 27. forty pound waight of flesh, and thereto dranke six Gallons of wine. He died aged sixty yeeres and odde, when he had raigned three yeeres, in the yeere of our Lord two hundred thirty and eight.




Pupienus Maximus Emp. Clodius Bal­binus Emp.

PVpienus Maximus and Clo­dius Balbinus thus elected together for Emperors, the An. Do. 238. one in action, and the o­ther resident, a great sedi­tion chanced betwixt the Senate and Souldiers, which grew to a bloudie issue a­mong the Citizens, and Rome it selfe was set on fire in sundrie places; the Emperours presence and au­thoritie little preuailing: which strucke such feare in­to their hearts, that they accounted these times most vnfortunate, and themselues and present estate to be most desperate. But the death of Maximinus (and his head happily brought them at the instant) gaue present life to their dying hearts. And Pupienus com­ming to Aquieliea as much quieted the Armie, sent backe the Lieutenants to their places of charge, and with great pompe and praise returned to his Fellow-Emperour.

(2) The parentage of Balbinus is reported to bee [Page 238] both noble and ancient, made Citizens of Rome by great Pompey, and himselfe borne at Cales in Spaine. Pupienus Auncestors were much latter, yet had hee borne many Offices of Magistracie, and euer dischar­ged them with wisdome and valour: both of them highly accounted of in Rome.

(3) Peace thus established beyond all expectation, with shoutes and applauses the Emperours enter the Senate-house, where (according to the custome and their deserts) they were stiled, The Fathers of the Senat, I [...]l. Capitol. with thankes as to the onely preseruers of their liues and estates: and some extolling the Senate highly for their prouident foresight, in clecting such sapient and worthy Emperors, contrarie to the rash and vndiscreet practise of such as chose their Gouernours to fit their owne fancies, rather then the charge to which they aduance them; and whose bad liues brought com­monly their vntimely, but deserued deaths. The Pretorian Souldiers tooke themselues to bee taxed with those aspersions, and the rather, because the Ger­man Strangers were brought in to be of the Guard, as if themselues were not to bee trusted: so turning their spleene against the present Emperours, sought to set vp a new, which shortly after they found opportunitie to effect.

(4) For these Emperours, though aged and wise, The Emperours enuy one ano­ther. were not so linked together in affection, as they were neere ioined in authoritie: and therefore the winde of emulation had the easier passage betwixt the chinkes of their owne conceits; the one prizing his wisdome and gouernment to be more iudicious; the other, his birth and Nobilitie to be more honorable: and each of them hauing his owne Guard, stood vp­on his owne Guard, though one Palace contained them both: and both their endeuours euer well con­sorting for the businesses of the Empire.

(5) At this time the Prouinces of Parthia and Ger­manie grew vnquiet, and by ciuill discords, endange­red their subiections: to represse which, the Emperors agreed to goe in person, the one into the East, the o­ther into Germanie. Now whilest these great prepa­rations were in making, the Capitoline-Games were ce­lebrated in Rome, whereunto all (almost) resorted, but especially the new-come Guards of the Emperours. The Pretorians finding the aduantagious time, which they had long waited for, suddenly in armour assailed the Court; which Pupienus perceiuing, sent in all haste for Balbinus, and both their Guards for defense. But his Fellow-Emperour, vpon a vaine suspicion detra­cted time himselfe, and hindered the forwardnesse of the Guards, so that these Traitours had easie accesse into both the Emperours Chambers, where in their rage they dispoiled them of their Imperiall Robes, and haled these poore aged and innocent Emperours, like two Theeues thorow the middest of the Citie: Lastly, they slew them, and left their bodies to de­spightfull ignominie.

(6) These Emperours raigned together one yeere, and somewhat more, and died the yeere of Christ two hundred thirty nine: in which yeere hap­pened so great an Eclipse of the Sun, that the noone­day thereby became as darke as the mid-night.



M. Antoninus Gordianus Emp.

GOrdianus (for Antoninus he An. Do. 239. might not be called, a law formerly acted inhibiting the same) was the sonne of a daughter to old Gordi­anus (that had made away himselfe in Carthage, as is declared) at the age of ele­uen yeeres was created Caesar by the Senate, with Pupienus and Balbinus; and at their deaths by the Pretorian Souldiers, elected Emperour, not yet fully fourteene yeeres of age. Greatly was he strengthned by the Alliance and Counsell of one Misitheus, his Prefect and Instructer, whom for his great learning he so honoured and loued, that he tooke his daughter for his wife; and by whose onely direction, he pros­perously administred his State affaires.

(2) Touching the affaires of our Prouinces pro­ceedings, or what Lieutenants were imploied in Bri­taine since Virius Lupus there placed by Seuerus (since whose death our Storie hath spent twenty seuen yeeres) we finde not recorded. Yet now in the raigne of young Gordianus, some glimmering light for her Gouernour appeareth by an Altar-Stone found in Cumberland at a place then called Old Carleil. Castra Explorato­rum, with an inscription for the happy health of the Emperour Gordian the third, his wife Furia Sabina Tranquilla, and their whole Familie: which votiue Altar was erected by the Troupe of Horsemen sur­named Augusta Gordiana, when Aemilius Chrispinus a natiue of Africa gouerned the same vnder Nonnius Philippus Lieutenant Generall of Britaine, in the yeere of Christ, two hundred forty three, as appeareth by the Consuls therein specified: whose forme and in­scription wee haue followed by the Stone it selfe, now remaining at Connington among many others, in the custodie of Sir Robert Cotton Knight.

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In his fift yeere, the Parthians vnder the Leading of Sapor their King, had passed into the confines of the Romane Prouinces, as farre as Antioch in Syria, which Citie they had taken, with spoile of the Countries ad­ioining: against whom, the yong Emperour in warlike maner addressed himselfe, and in person prepared to vndergoe the warres.

(3) In Rome the Temple of Ianus that long had stood shut, he caused to be opened, a sure token that [...]tropius. Gor [...]us ope­neth the Temple of Ia [...]. warres were in hand: and departing the City, passed the Straits of Hellespont, and tooke his way thorow Mysia, to stay the Gothes that were come downe to in­habit Thracia. Thence marching to Antioch, reco­uered the Citie, forcing Sapor to forsake the Prouince, and to content himselfe with his owne demaines.

(4) But long this Sunne went not without a Cloud, nor his fauourable fortunes without a checke; H [...]er. Ili [...]des 4. Mi [...]beus poiso­ned by Philip. for Mi [...]theus, his Nest [...]r, paying Natures debt before it was due (being poisoned by Philip, as Eutropius af­firmeth) was wanting in counsell, & missed for trust: to supply which, Philip (an Arabian, and of ignoble parentage) was made his Prefect; wise (I must needs say) had hee beene moderate; and valiant in Armes, had he beene true. But the glory of a Diademe beheld with the false light of ambition, so dimmed the eie of his dutifull affection, and blinded the senses of his a­spiring mind, that he, who from nothing was risen to be somthing, thought that also nothing worth, whilst it was shadowed with the name of a subiect. First therefore he sought to winne credit with the Souldi­ers, to whom he was facible; to regard the poore, to whom hee was liberall; and in all things to outstripe his Soueraigne, to whom he was treacherous. Yong Gordianus vnable to endure his Prefectors designes, Philip his trea­chery. or his owne disgraces, and perceiuing the marke whereat he aimed, complained his wrongs in open as­semblies, and to the Souldiers after this tenor.

‘(5) I got not this state from my Parents by Gordi [...] his speech to the Souldiers. birth, nor yet by any deserts (I must confesse) in my selfe, being the least of many that did deserue it bet­ter: but it was you, my fellow Souldiers (vpon what fate I know not) that haue made me what I am. If then I haue defrauded your hopes, by carrying my selfe vnder your expectations, I wish to bee set in the place where I first was; or rather (if I so de­serue) my life, and state, may at one instant be en­ded by your vnerring hands: For Noble mindes cannot brooke to be curbed with the bitte of base indignities, nor suffer their vassals to bee Corriuals of their Maiestie. It is a iealous obiect (I must needs confesse) and many times casts great suspition whē is small occasion, but I, for my part, haue alwaies thought of that humour, that men causlesly ica­lous, doe most iustly deserue what they vniustlie feare; and both your selues will bee my witnesses, how farre I am from the touch of that staine, and also the dailic occurrents of my Caesar, (if so low I may terme him) doth make more then manifest. I am but yong, yet elder by sixe yeares then I was; my body tender, yet exposed to the chaunce of warre; my counsell raw, yet bettered by your wise­domes; and my conquests in my selfe nothing, but yet in your valours both glorious & famous. What then are mine errours, that I may amend them? or your discontents that I may redresse? for by the powers of heauen I protest, it is your loues which I most esteeme, and the good of the Empire, for which I onely wish to liue; the first is in your pow­ers to bestow at your pleasure, but the other in me (if it be possible) shall liue euen after death.’

(6) These complaints notwithstanding, Philip so politickly, nay, rather traiterously brought his owne [Page 240] proiects to passe, as that the yong innocent Emperour was displaced, and abandoned of all: in which di­stresse he first sued to be made his Caesar, and that de­nied, to be his Praetorian Prefect: but neither would bee had, yet at length the charge of an ordinary Cap­taine, was with some difficulty granted him. But Phi­lip bethinking himselfe of the greatnes of Gordianus his blood, his loue and esteeme both in Rome and the Prouinces, and his owne vertues equalising any, hee commanded him to be slaine in the twenty two yeere of his age, and the sixt of his raigne. The Senate hea­ring Gordia [...]us slaine. thereof, elected M. Marcius, and after him again, L. Aurel. Seuerus, Ostulianus. But Philip through the giddie multitude, preuailed against both. This Em­perour though yong, so well demeaned himselfe, that the Senate by authoritie added to his titles TV­TOR REIPVBLICAE, and PARENS PRIN­CIPVM POPVLI ROMANI, and after his death euen by his owne murtherers, his Monument of faire Stone was raised in the confines of Persia, and vpon his sepulchre this inscription set


To the Sacred Gordianus vanquisher of the Persians, Gothes, and Sarmates, extinguisher of the Romane Ci­uill discords, and subduer of the Germans, but not of the Philippians.

(7) He was of condition most noble and louely, Gordianus his vertues. of behauiour gentle, very studious and giuen much to learning; hauing in his Librarie no lesse then three­score and two thousand Bookes, as is reported. The truth is, that wicked people were not worthy long to enioy so vertuous, so clement, so peereles an Empe­rour. He died in the moneth of March, in the yeere of our Redeemer two hundred forty fiue.



Iulius Philip. Emp. Iulius Philip. Caes.

WHat man is there, who considering those forepas­sed An. Do. 245. murthers, of so many, and so mightie Monarchs, would not, by the specta­cle of others calamities, be induced to preferre the se­curitie of a moderate e­state, before the desire of Soueraignty; whose glori­ous content is onely in appearance, but the cares and hazards are both reall and perpetuall. But of so attra­ctiue vertue is the Load-stone of Maiesty, through the imagined felicity thereof, that most mens desires are drawne to that one point of the Compasse, and if a little faire winde of fortune shall blow on them; they will launch forth with their full sailes into that Mare incognitum, a Sea of vnknowne calamities. And amōgst others, such were the blinde desires, and such the vn­happy euent of this Iulius Philippus the Arabick Bar­arian. Of parentage obscure and ignoble, as Victor and others affirme, who pluckt off the imperiall robes of his Liege-Lord, to inuest himselfe.

(2) Being now accepted as Emperour by the Soul­diers An. Do. 245. Victor. Eutropius. in Parthia, he wrote to the Senate of the death of Gordianus, as though it naturally had happened, and with faire pretensions of his good purposes, but more through the feareof his Parthian Souldiers, ob­tained their consents; whereupon shuffling vp a most dishonourable peace in those parts, and decla­ring his sonne Philip for his Caesar, (whose Coines with his, we haue set in the beginning of this Chap.) hee made all speede towards Rome: where, the yeere Aurelius Vi [...]r. insuing, his shewes and games were exceedingly mag­nificent, for the Celebration of the Birth-day (as we we may terme it) of Rome, that beeing, the thousand yeere from her foundation.

(3) It pleased God at length to touch this Empe­rours heart, both with such a sense of his owne fore­past Sabellic [...]. Orosius. Eusebius. sinnes, and also with the light of heauenly truth, that he hath the honour of being the first Emperour baptised into the faith of Christ, together with his sonne Philip, and his wife Seuera: though the pub­like [Page 241] authorizing of the same Profession was reserued for the blessed times of our British Constantine. The meanes of his conuersion from Idolatrie, were Fabia­nus and Origen, who by letters exhorted him therun­to: and for the same Profession, were both himselfe and sonne murdered by Decius his Captaine, though others report, that Decius did rather hate Christianitie for their sakes, then them for their Professions sake. And howsoeuer Pomponius Laetus accuseth him to bee Pomp. Laetus. a dissembling Prince, yet Eusebius declareth the effects of his Profession farre otherwise: for Philip (saith hee) seeking to communicate with the Saints, could not bee ad­mitted, till such time as he had made open confession of his Euseb. Eccles. Hist. lib. 6. cap. 33. Faith; at which time he ioined himselfe with those, who for their sinnes were brought to examination, and was pla­ced in the roome of the Penitents, because that in many things he had beene faulty: which willingly he obeied, and declared by his workes his sincere and religious minde to­wards God. Which may the rather appeare by Sabel­licus and Bergomensis, who shew, that the hatred of De­cius Sabellic. [...]. 7. lib. 7. against Philip and his sonne was conceiued, for that they had committed the custodie of their Trea­sures vnto Fabianus the Christian Bishop of Rome, who baptized them, as some write; though others say, Poncius the Martyr did it. Polychro [...]. lib. 4. cap. 21. Gothes infest Mi­sia and Thracia.

(4) The Gothes againe descending from Scythia, infested Misia and Thracia with a mighty Armie, see­king their habitations in those Countries as former­lie they had done: against whose irruptions, the Em­perour sent one Marinus a most valiant Captaine, who no sooner came into those parts, but drew the Souldi­ers into a Rebellion, and proclaimed himselfe Empe­rour, taking (as he said) his example from Philip, that had in like sort raised his title by his Soueraignes fall. But the Souldiers that had newly erected him, as sud­denly againe threw him downe, and in their mutable affections slew him. [...] [...].

(5) Into whose Charge was sent Decius, a man of great experience, who also no sooner was in the Ar­mie, but they forced the Imperiall Ensignes vpon him, Decius enforced to be Emperour. and (as some report) against his will: hee therefore sent secretly to Philip, declaring this attempt of the Souldiers, and how hee meant to make escape from them with persisting in his dutifull allegeance. But the Emperour fearing this to be but policie in Decius, lest by delay he might giue him more strength, omit­ted no time to vphold his owne, and with a mightie Armie vndertooke these affaires himselfe, not trust­ing any more to the disposall of his Captaines. And immediately departing Rome, with a sterne resoluti­on, and ouer-hard hand, held the reine of that begun Expedition, whereby he presently lost the loue of the Armie, and Decius was accounted the more worthy of rule, whom in Verona they forthwith proclaimed Emperour, and cut off Philips head thorow the teeth, Philippus and his Caesar slaine. E [...]trop. Capitol. before they had departed Italie. At newes whereof, the Pretorians slew Philip his Caesar and sonne, a man of so obseruable composednesse, as that he had beene neuer seene to laugh in all his life. And thus the two Philips ended their raignes.

(6) Iulius Philippus (saith Eusebius) raigned seuen Euseb. Eccles. [...]ist. lib. 6. cap. 38. yeeres: but Eutropius and Victor giue him onely fiue; whose death happened in the yeere of Christ Iesus, two hundred and fiftie.



Tra. Decius Emp. Dec [...]C [...]s.Hostil.

DEcius elected Emperour by the Persian Legions, pro­claimed An. Do. 250. in Verona by the Romane Souldiers, and in Rome confirmed by the Voice of the Senate, was of them all with wonted flat­teries stiled Augustus.

(2) His Birth was no­ble, of the City Cabali in Decius his pa­rentage. the Lower Pannonia, now knowne by the name of Hungarie: himselfe well experienced, wise, and vali­ant, and wielded the Empire as a worthy Prince, had he not blemished his raigne with a staine of Tyrannie, [...] a [...] scourge of the Chri [...]. and persecuted Gods Saints with such a Heathenish rage, that he is rightly noted by learned Writers, to be the seuenth Horne of the Persecuting-Imperiall-Beast, Apocal. 13. whose sauage cruelties towards the innocent Christi­ans, is most lamentable to be heard, but more to their [...]. Or [...]. smart that suffred and felt it.

[Page 242] (3) The Grid-iron he made the Altar, whereupon Ambr. l [...]b. 2. de Virgin. blessed Laurence offered his body in sacrifice; the Stewes the Temple, wherein Theodora the vnspotted Virgin worshipped her Christ; the comfortlesse De­serts, the refuge of aged Chaeremon, Bishop of Nilus; Euseb. Eccles. hist. lib. 6. cap. 41. Vincent. Niceph. lib. 5. cap. 27. and the Caue, the Sanctuarie of the seuen Souldiers, fa­buled by Nicephorus for seuen Sleepers: and so barba­rous was he that way, that he put to Martyrdome ma­ny children, as Vincentius, citing Hugo, affirmeth. Vinc. lib. 11. e. 52. Sabellicus. Fabianus and Cornelius, both reuerend Bishops of Rome, hee slew; Alexander, Bishop of Ierusalem, imprisoned Euseb. Eccles. hist. lib. 6. cap. 38. to death; and Great Origen, after he had scourged him at an Iron-stake, his feet hee lockt in the Stocks foure paces asunder, where he so continued certaine daies, inuenting such tortures and strange temptations a­gainst the guiltlesse Christians, as are most admirable to heare. But long hee raged not, ere God in his iu­stice tooke reuenge, and brake him to peeces as a Potters Psal. 2. 9. Vessell.

(4) For the Gothes that had inuaded Mysia and Thracia, continuing their Irruptions into the border­ing Prouinces, drew him into an Expedition for those parts, where being betraied by Trebonianus Gallus Pomponius Letus. Iornandes. his owne Captaine, he saw his two sonnes, Decius and Hostilianus, (whom he had admitted in fellowship of Empire with him, and whose monies wee haue with his expressed) slaine before his face; and himselfe to Decius and his Caesar their deaths. Cassiodor. intombe his body, as a last refuge, in a deepe whirle­poole; wherein it was so swallowed vp, as it could neuer be after seene; hauing no other honour of Bu­riall, nor place of remembrance where his bones should rest. And according to his Death, so was his Descent: for neither hath he Father, Mother, nor Wife mentioned (for ought I know) by any Writer, (for of Salustia Barbia Orbiana, it is doubtfull whether to him or his sonne Hostilian she were wedded) nor his Acts so exactly registred, as were those of the preceding Emperours, his sinnes so deseruing it, and God in his reuenge so punishing it.

(5) Aurelius Victor and Eutropius say, that hee raigned two yeeres and odde moneths: but Eusebius Decius his raigne Euseb. Eccles. hist. lib. 7. cap. 1. affirmeth his raigne, not fully two yeeres: most hold him to haue died at the age of fifty, and in the yeere of Christ, two hundred fifty two.




Tre. Gallus Emp. Vibius Volusi. Emp.

THis ouerthrow of the Ro­mans, and death of Decius, An. Do. 252. in outward semblance was so greeuously taken by Trebonianus Gallus, that no man was so forward for reuenge as hee, and therefore the last in suspi­cion of Treason. The Ar­mie hee strengthned, and daily encouraged, pretending great seruice against those barbarous Scythians, but all to gaine credit and liking of the Souldiers, whereby hee soone atchieued his desire, and with their applauses was proclaimed Emperour. Gallus elected Emperour. His parentage.

(2) By Birth, he was descended of an honourable Familie in Rome: but true honour cannot harbour where dwelleth treachery and falshood, as it was with him, when appointed by Decius to bee Gouernour of Mysia, and to keepe the passages from the inuading Gothes, the desire of Rule so corrupted his minde, that he plotted with them against the Armie, and betraied the trust and life of his Soueraigne.

(3) Neither is he stained with the blot of Trea­sons Pomp. Lat [...]. Bloud [...]. Sabellicus. only, but also with a carelesse and cruell gouern­ment; for with the Gothes hee made a dishonourable peace, whereby the Romans (who were Lords of the World) became Tributarie by a yeerely pay to those vnciuill Scythians, who neuerthelesse in short time brake their Truce with him, sacking and spoiling the Prouinces of Thrasia, Mysia, Thessalia, and Mecedonia: the Persians then also by their example entring Meso­potamia and Syria, made spoile euen thorow Armenia.

(4) Gallus little regarding these troubles abroad, consumed his time idly in Rome, rather as a Bondman to his owne voluptuous desires, then a Conquering Monarch; taking for his companion and Fellow-Em­perour, his sonne Volusianus, as appeareth by inscrip­tion [Page 243] of Coine placed before, a very childe, whose yeeres did quit him of any Capitall Crime. But him­selfe not perceiuing the infortunate successe of Detius for persecuting the innocent Christians, stumbled (as Gallus persecu­teth the Chri­stians. Euseb. Eccles. hist. lib. 7. cap. 1. Vniuersall Pesti­lence thorow all the world. Paul Orosius. Eusebius saith) at the same stone, and banished them whose Praiers preserued his prosperous estate: at which time followed so vniuersall a Pestilence, that no Prouince in the world was free from the same: and his wicked Life and most vnfortunate Raigne hastened now vnto their period.

(5) For the Gothes continuing their furies be­gunne, Aemilian. Maurus his victorie. his General Aemilian. Maurus ouerthrew them with a wonderfull slanghter; whereby hee grew so famous, and Gall [...] so contemptible, that the Souldi­ers (euer affecting change) proclaimed him Emperour, the newes whereof soone roused Gallus from the Bed of his lasciuious pleasures, and with his sonne entred the quarrell against Aemilianus, whose fortune was to slay them both in fight, the yeere of Christs Incarna­tion, Ga [...] and his sonne [...]. B [...]op [...] Hist. lib. 7. cap. 9. two hundred fifty three, after hee had raigned not fully two yeeres, and liued (as Victor testifieth) forty and seuen: whereupon the Armies ioining their forces together, conferred the Imperiall title and En­signes vpon the Conquerour.



Aemilianus Maurus Emp.

AEmilianus succeeding Gal­lus by the only election of An. Do. 253. the Mysian Armie, was by birth an African in the Prouince Mauritania, of Parentage base and ob­scure; who being risen by the Warres from meane places of seruice, and no better then a Common Souldier, aspired to the charge and credit of a Cap­taine Generall. Aemilian. Maurus his descent.

(2) His Election at first was contradicted by the Italian Bands, in fauour of Valerianus their owne Lea­der, whom they sought to raise Emperour, the Senate also inclining thereto, the fame of the man among them was so renowned. The most voices therefore heard on his side. Some haue rather accounted Aemi­lianus an Vsurper, then ranked him in the catalogue of lawfull Emperours.

(3) But seeing Eutropius doth allow him the place, Entropi [...] we are not to dispute his title or claime: only his short time of gouernment admitteth no matters of large discourse, being cut off in the budde, before the graft had time to spring. For his Armie disliking what themselues had done, and hearing of the worths and election of Valerianus, laid down their weapons born in his defense, and tumultuously murdered him in the Aemilius. Maurus his end, and con­tinuance of his raigne. heat of their blouds, after hee had raigned in name, without action, the space almost of foure moneths.

(4) So vnconstant is the state of worldly felicitie, and may bee compared to a mastlesse Shippe, which without Tackle is left to the mercie of the raging Seas, that is one while caried with the faire windes of hope towards the hauen of wished desires, but straightwaies ouerwhelmed with the waues of despaire: and most especially him that is borne vpon the opinions of the giddy multitude, now carried aloft vpon the flouds of their fawning fauours, and anon left in the sands of their retiring ebbes, with a sudden shipwracke of all their fore-gone fortunes. And these aduentures too soone Aemilianus felt, who the same yeere that hee thus put foorth to Sea, lost all his aduenture, and therewith his life, Anno 253.



Valerianus Emp.

IF euer the saying of the Anno Dom. 254. wise Athenian Solon (spo­ken to Croesus the rich king of Lydia) was true, That no Herodot. in Clio. man can be happy before the day of his death: then most truly may it be verified of this Valerianus the next succeeding Emperor: whose yeers were multiplied with increase of honour, vntill they came to seuenty and seuen, but then were clouded with such ignomini­ous miseries, as the like had neuer hapned to any Ro­maine Emperour before him, and (I may well say) to no other Monarch in the world before liuing: Such is the Ordinance of our great God, sometimes from the Dunghil to raise men of low degree, and to place them with Princes in the Chaire of Maiestie; then againe to bring down the Mighty from their Seate of Glory, & to leaue them chained with the poorest Captiues, & basest Vassals. For such was the State of that Great & Proud King of Babel, who from the height of Maiesty fell in­to Dan. 4. 27. the cōditions of an vnreasonable Beast. And so was it with Valerianus, though not vtterly abandoned frō the Societie of men, as Babels King was: yet was he cari­ed Captiue vnto a Nation whose Society was scarce hu­maine, and where his vsage was more then barbarous.

(2) This man was both nobly descended, and of Valerianus his descent. so great esteeme among the Romans, that beeing but a priuate, and then also absent, they chose him for their Censor, an Office of high dignitie, conferred e­uer Treb. Pollio. vpon the Best, as Trebellius Pollio, who wrote the History of his Life, hath declared. Eusebius reporteth his beginning to haue beene gracious and milde to­wards the Christians, aboue any of his Ancestors what­soeuer; yea euen those who were themselues openly Valeria [...] a pro­tector of the Christians. accounted Christians: insomuch, that his Clemencie was their Protection, and his Court the Sanctuarie of their safeties. But Satan (whose hatred sleepeth not) stirred vp an Egyptian Sorcerer against them, who so Paul. Orosius. a Necromancer seduceth Vale­lerian. inchanted the Emperors heart, that with great crueltie he began the Eighth Persecution, & so raged, that some haue appropriated the sayings of the Apocalyps in the thirteenth chapter vnto him, as to whom power Apocal. c. 13. was giuen for two and fortie monethes ouer the Saintes of God, and a mouth to vtter great blasphemies: Of which Dionys [...] in Epist. ad Hermam [...] apud Eusebi [...]. opinion is the ancient Dionysius Alexandrinus. Many indeed were the Martyrs that he caused with horrible tortures to die, and more had done, if the iust reuen­ging Sabellicu [...] Vola­teranus. hand of God had not cut him off.

(3) For Sapores the sauage King of Persia, making great spoile in Syria, Cilicia, and Cappadocia, drew Vale­rian Valerianus taken prisoner by Sapor from Rome into Mesopotamia, to withstand his rage, where striking Battell with him was left (either by Treason or Chance) without sufficient Guard to secure his Person, and was there taken Prisoner by the Persians, hauing then raigned seuen yeeres (whereof two were spent in spilling of the bloud of Saints) and thence forward, the rest of his life was enthralled to a most miserable and mercilesse seruitude: For the Tyrannizing Persian puft vp with this fortunate gale, Trebel. Pollio. to an excessiue swelling of pride; whensoeuer he was disposed to take Horse, made Valerianus his Foot-stoole, causing this Greatest Monarch of the World to whom all Nations did homage, to bow downe his necke and backe for himselfe thereon to tread, and mount into his Saddle: In which vnsufferable slauerie, his old bo­dy indured without release, to the end of his most Pompon. L [...]tus. wretched life, which by some Authours account was full seuen yeeres more; the very time of the Babylonian Aureli [...]s Uictor. Kings abasement.

(4) But herein the misery of Valerianus is much greater then Nabuchadnezars was, in that God both re­stored him to his former glory, and indued him with heauenly grace to confesse his sinnes; whereas Valeri­anus perished in the desperate calamitie whereinto he was fallen; as Eusebius sheweth in these words: Eusebius in serm. ad Conuen [...] Sanctorum. And thou Valerian, forasmuch as thou hast exercised the same cruelty in murdering the subiects of God, therefore hast proued vnto vs the righteous Iudgement of God, in that thy selfe wast boundin Chaines, and caried away for a Cap­tiue Slaue with thy Glorious Purple and thy Imperiall At­tire, & at length also cōmanded by Sapors King of the Per­sians, to be slaine, & powdred with salt, hast set vp vnto all men a perpetuall Monument of thine own wretchednesse.

(5) How vnspeakeable the cruelties were which this wretched Emperor endured by that Tyrant, may hence appeare; in that not only those which were Al­lies to the Romaine Empire, but also the Barbarous Kings, and friends of Sapores were moued with com­miseration, and distaste, as Trebell. Pollio proueth by their own letters sent for his release, the copies where­of he there produceth. Other Princes also of the East, as of the Bactrians, Albanians, Ilberians, and Scythians, inhabiting Mount Taurus, had such sense of these ig­nominious vsages, that they disdained to receiue the letters from Sapor of his Victorious successe, and sent their Ambassadors to Rome, profferring their assi­stance for the redemption of their Emperour; yet all a­uailed not, and Sapor held still his Prisoner, abating no­thing either of his owne pride, or his Captiues miserie, Valeria [...]s had his Eyes puld out. but in the end (so hellish a fiend is reuenge) comman­ded his Eyes to be pulled out, and so for age and griefe he died, as Eusebius saith: being, as Agathus (a writer of credit) reporteth, flaied aliue by direction of this Flaied aliue. vnhumane King. Thus did God punish one Tyrant by another, and thus himselfe felt those torments vnpit­tied, which hee had without pitie inflicted on others. The race of whose Raigne is accounted to bee seuen yeares before his Captiuitie, wherein he liued almost so long as Galienus his sonne sat Emperour, and died in the yeere two hundred sixty one.



Gallien. Emp. Aureolus. Odenatus.

VAlerian now Captine in Persia (while Odenatus gras­ping An. Do. 261. the aduantage, tooke vpon him the Empire of the East; & the now guide­lesse Armie of Rome, occu­pied onely in spoile and mutinie, their leaders in faction, and the whole State astonished in affrigh­ted terrour and amazement) Balista (a gallant gen­tleman) first of the Romans mooued with the instant miserie of the Common-wealth, resolued by electing Rome in distur­bance for electi­on of an Em­perour. anew an Emperour, to preuent the apparant ruine of his owne Country: yet neuer in this his worthie resolution, once dreamed of Gallienus, (though before chosen Augustus in the full fortune of his father) but the affection of the Armie forcibly setled the Garland vpon Macrian and his two sonnes, as the most wor­thie; Marianus with his sonnes ele­cted, subdued and slaine. who with his eldest not long after subdued by Aurcolus vsurping Illyria (against Gallenus then recei­ued Soueraigne by the Roman Senate) and his youngest betraied to murd